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Can voters be persuaded by referendum campaigns? This article develops a theoretical model that synthesises the existing literature on campaign effects and issue-voting by arguing that the strength of pre-existing attitudes conditions voter receptivity to campaign arguments, thereby also determining their eventual vote choice. Using original panel data for the 2015 Danish opt-out referendum, there is evidence that attitude strength matters for whether voters are responsive to persuasion during campaigns. The article finds that voters with the most strongly-held attitudes felt well informed and certain about the consequences of the vote even before the start of the campaign, whereas voters with moderately-held attitudes are found to be more prone to believe those campaign arguments that are consistent with their EU attitudes, changing their vote intentions accordingly. Finally, voters with weakly-held attitudes were equally persuadable for the No and the Yes side of the campaign, but they are also the least pre-disposed to pay attention to campaign messages. The conclusions discuss the broader implications of the findings for our understanding of EU referendum campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines which parties included European issues in their 2014 European Parliament campaigns, and what influenced whether they did so, based on innovative data from the content analysis of 9,100 press releases in seven countries. Overall, established and especially governing parties no longer shied away from EU issues, referring to them as often as challenger parties did. The likelihood of EU issues in campaigns derives from a combination of predictors from the selective emphasis and co-orientation approaches. In general, parties with high internal dissent on EU integration avoid European issues, and weak leaders will only dare talk about the EU if internal dissent is low. However, between-party-type comparisons indicate that successful leaderships of governing parties facing strong internal divisions are even less likely to put EU issues on the agenda. With respect to the co-orientation model, parties' EU focus seems to be mainly determined by the communication of (other) opposition parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially 'issue entrepreneurs' were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party's decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party's EU position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reviews the book, The Truth About Modern Slavery , by Emily Kenway, which is an account of what actually constitutes modern slavery, a term used to explain a multitude of exploitations such as trafficking, and slave labour. It explores some of the book's implications for contemporary campaigning and advocacy on this issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite election violence being a commonly agreed upon phenomena in the Philippines, there has been a dearth in academic research on the topic in recent years, largely due to a lack of reliable information. To address this, our article adapts recognized methods from studies such as Lindsay Shorr Newman's 2013 paper, together with Stephen McGrath and Paul Gill's 2014 research on terrorism and elections. To expose the timing of election violence, we tracked incidents relative to election dates for the period from 2004 to 2017, with the results indicating that violence increased closer to an election date, and frequency substantially increased during the 14-year period. This is the first academic journal article since John Linantud in 1998 to focus on the issue of election violence in the Philippines but through adaptive methodologies goes further, enabling national analysis. Furthermore, our findings reveal statistically significant differences regarding the types of terrorist attacks and targets when comparing election and non-election periods. We highlight complicating factors such as the majority of attacks being attributed to "unknown" actors and the complex situation during elections. The results also demonstrate that election violence in the Philippines is dominated by the New People's Army and the use of assassination. The paper makes the case for further research and the creation of a dedicated database of election violence in the Philippines and elsewhere, and evaluates the measures implemented by the government that have failed to stem election violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Barack Obama’s campaign of 2008 and 2012, contemporary discourse and analysis of modern political communication have been variously and increasingly preoccupied with the analysis of the power of new technology-digital media platforms and algorithms as both the main ingredients and infrastructure for modern campaigns and electioneering. However, as important as these mediated tools and platforms have become, we argue that focus on context, ideas, issues, and campaign rhetoric is equally essential in making sense of factors that contribute in shaping and destabilizing elections and democracy. Drawing from an extensive review of campaign related literature in three countries and a constant comparative method of reading the literature, we illustrate such contextual issues, ideas and campaign rhetoric using examples from America, Britain and Nigeria. In all three examples, the literature reviewed highlight that context – i.e. socio-economic, cultural and political all compete to incentivizes and stimulate the formation of ideas and issues that dominate campaign and election cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on original data, this article analyses the politicization of European issues in European elections. Contrary to scholarly expectations, our findings show a higher level of politicization of European issues compared to national elections. However, politicization has been declining in both electoral arenas from the early 2000s until 2014 despite the increasing visibility of radical Eurosceptic parties. This paper suggests that this decline in politicization is a consequence of relatively low levels of emphasis put on the EU issue by mainstream political parties. It argues that Eurosceptic parties have had a paradoxical effect on politicization, since mainstream parties have responded to the former's mobilizing efforts by de‐emphasizing European issues rather than pursuing a confrontational strategy. This finding is corroborated by the 2019 elections, where we observe remarkably high levels of politicization in those countries where mainstream parties have been forced to open the debate around European issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the emergence of a major new cross-cutting issue dimension reshape electoral dynamics in a stable multi-party democracy? We take advantage of recent developments in the modeling of compositional outcome variables to test rival theoretical propositions about this using data from the 2015, 2017, and 2019 parliamentary elections in England. We find that many of the long-present dynamics, such as economic voting, that were evident in 2015, were either absent or greatly reduced in 2017 and 2019. As such, we conclude that the Brexit debate did indeed crowd out "normal" political debate in 2017 and 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note uses district-level panel data from 1870s Sweden to estimate the effect of the electric telegraph on electoral turnout. We argue that the telegraph contributed to higher turnout since it connected local communities to a national communication network, making people more aware of election campaigns and national political issues and more motivated to vote. Previous studies of the turnout effects of new telecommunication technologies have examined the radio, television, and the internet, with mixed results. Unlike these later technologies, the telegraph was almost exclusively used to transmit information, not entertainment, and it did not replace an existing telecommunication technology. Our empirical findings suggest that the telegraph had a positive effect on turnout, but only in areas with local newspapers that could benefit from the speedy access to national news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The upcoming national assembly election in South Africa is being shaped by several key issues. Unemployment is a major concern, with 32.9% of the population unemployed and 40% of young people unable to find work. Anti-foreigner sentiment is also prevalent, with xenophobic messaging being used by some political parties. Corruption within the ruling ANC party has led to a drop in membership and a lack of progress in prosecuting those involved. The country is also facing challenges with water and electricity supply, as well as high rates of murder and rape. [Extracted from the article]

During the last decades, the field of political communication has experienced a great transformation due to the appearance and consolidation of digital technologies. The aim of this research is to analyse the political agenda developed on Twitter and Facebook by the main Spanish political parties during the electoral campaign of June 2016, as well as to examine the users' engagement to their messages. According to the results obtained, political actors prefer sharing content related to the strategic aspects of the campaign instead of sharing their political proposals. In addition, our research has detected strong discrepancies between the interests of political actors and the interests of users. In addition, a 'more is less' effect has been observed, in which the interaction that political parties get for each message is inversely proportional to the number of messages that they published. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of political participation is among the important topics for that concern Turks abroad. The political participation of Turks, most of whom live in European countries, remains at the local level in these countries. However, voting issue in Turkey elections experiencing important developments in recent years. This study that focused on the political participation process of the Turks abroad in Turkey elections at the historical process is referred to the Turkish political participation experience. After that, examples of institutional structures and regulations that ensure the political participation of citizens abroad from France and Italy are given. This study emphasizes the importance of the suggestion to establish overseas election district which was came up agenda in previous years. And it makes an up-to-date suggestion to cover the relevant country or regions, especially the Western European countries, considering the population density. It is assumed that this proposal, which contains various difficulties, will have significant advantages in functionalizing the political participation of Turks abroad and strengthening their ties with the homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades politicians focused their campaigns on issues that primed feelings of normative or existential threat among voters. Whether national security, increasing crime rates, or civil unrest, these campaign appeals led voters to consider external political threats. We examined one particular issue, national security, and showed that Republican candidates in particular benefitted from campaigning on this issue. When the campaign context featured national security issues, Republican candidates benefitted as highly authoritarian Democrats increased their support of Republican candidates. Interestingly, similar appeals did not benefit Democratic candidates. We found that the political context raised perceptions of threat and increased the influence of authoritarianism among voters, but these perceptions were asymmetrical across partizan and psychological divides. This asymmetry led to drastically different candidate evaluations and political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The searching for Democratization and efforts for sustaining Ottoman Empire from dissolution started from 19th Century. The most important phase of this democratization was opening of the Chamber of Deputies and Constitutional Monarchy declared in 1876. Opening of the Chamber of Deputies brought along an election and so it was implemented to monitor the government by the Chamber. The Chamber of Deputies acted in a short time was suspended by the Sultan and reopened in 1908. With the beginning of World War 1 in 1914, the Chamber of Deputies acting like the War council was abolished by the Sultan Vahdettin on December 21, 1918. After the Armistice of Mudros, when the invasions started all over Anatolia, reactions and national organizations started to be created by people. Remaining silent of the Government against invasions and accepting whatever the occupants wanted were not acceptable. With the Arrival of Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Samsun the supporters of the National struggle increased their efforts to save the country. For this purpose, while Erzurum and Sivas Congresses were being held, it was essential that the parliamentary elections were held immediately, and the chamber of Deputies was opened in order to monitor the government and to prevent the arbitrary behaviors of invaders. Requests were conveyed to İstanbul Government and the pressure for elections was increased. The Ali Rıza Pasha Government established on October 2, 1919 and having a good relationship with Turkish revolutionaries in Anatolia decided to hold an election by issuing the "Decree for the Election of Deputies" on October 9, 1919. Greeks and Armenians did not participate in the elections held in the first half of December. The Chamber, which Vahdettin did not attend to by claiming his illness, was inaugurated on January 12, 1920, with seventy-two deputies who could reach İstanbul under war conditions. In the elections of Chamber of Deputies, which various political conflicts were experienced in many parts of the country, some intrigues were made by people who wanted to be a deputy in Bitlis Province. As a result of the conscious approach of the supporters of the National struggle and the close monitoring of the elections by Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Bitlis, these intrigues failed. Especially the letterman Abdulmecid, who planned the events and slandered the supporters of the National Struggle and served as the deputy governor, and the letterman Vehbi Bey, who was appointed after him, were dismissed as a result of these intrigues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Law & Economics / Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This special issue on elections, rhetoric, and American Foreign policy brings to light how and why 'talk' matters particularly in foreign policy. While not all of the articles examine President Trump directly, the special issue situates itself in what can be seen as a new era, brought on by Trump, that is, rewriting the rules of rhetoric and elections, and challenging our assumptions about how they impact American foreign policy. By way of conclusion, I summarize what I see as the key contributions of the special issue and offer a critical claim that the authors do not go far enough in just how dramatically President Trump's rhetoric is reshaping American domestic and international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction presents the special issue's conceptual and empirical starting points and situates the special issue's intended contributions. It does so by reviewing extant scholarship on electoral rhetoric and foreign policy and by teasing out several possible linkages between elections, rhetoric and foreign policy. It also discusses how each contribution to the special issue seeks to illuminate causal mechanisms at work in these linkages. Finally, it posits that these linkages are crucial to examining the changes brought about by Trump's election and his foreign policy rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young People as Legislators is the result of a six-month Legislative Theatre project with Collective Encounters Youth Theatre, Youth Focus NW and Youth Parliament UK. The project formed part of a wider scheme of practice as research that explored youth theatre practice as political engagement for young people. Legislative Theatre practice was utilized to work alongside the Youth Parliament's Make Your Mark scheme, an annual poll for young people to decide on campaigning issues. In this article, I consider three elements: tokenism in youth engagement, differing experiences between artistic process and product, and applied theatre's inability to develop long-term effects. Employing the critical theories of Paulo Freire, the article regards the practice as a failed attempt to develop critical youth theatre practice. I argue that the Legislative Theatre project led to uncritical engagement and no political change due to partner organizations regarding the theatre practice as a service to satisfy their own targets and requirements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Comparative Politics is the property of Journal of Comparative Politics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Wyborcze is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article informs that Antonio Roca's team at the education-management company Academica started to get some disturbing reports from the firm's Milan branch, and for-profit charter-school companies that left-leaning education activists have set their sights on. Topics include 2020 Democratic Party platform promises a ban on all federal funding for for-profit charter schools; and Joe Biden calling for an outright prohibition on such schools at Academica's response to the Covid-19 crisis.