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This paper presents a diachronic analysis of instrumental postpositions in Cahita languages (…Tehueco, Yaqui and Mayo; Uto-Aztecan). Based on historical data from the beginning of the 17th century (Buelna 1890) and hypotheses about the possible bridging contexts (Heine 2002) that may have favored the grammaticalization processes at the origin of the instrumental morphemes, this study proposes that the origin has to be found in the possessive noun phrase, an origin different from those proposed by Dedrick & Casad (1999) and Haugen (2008). This historical reconstruction also brings to light the connections within the domain of postpositions between instrumental and causal meanings, as well as the connections between postpositions and non-subject nominalizers, since the same marker was used to encode these different functions, exhibiting an interesting polysemy. This paper aims to explain this polyfunctionality from a diachronic perspective, trying to clarify the grammaticalization paths that may have originated such syncretism.

This article provides a descriptive account of the major uses of the speech verb dire “to say” in Vernacular French. CLAPI Corpus (Corpus de Langue Parlée en Interaction), which is a multimedia database of corpora recorded in real situations (i.e. professional, institutional, commercial, didactic, and medical) is used. Five major uses of the verb dire are found, namely quotative (speech) dire, epistemic dire¸ evocative dire, desiderative dire, and copular dire. Unlike quotative dire, epistemic dire, evocative dire, desiderative dire and copular dire are restricted in terms of their occurrences (with varying degrees between them). For instance, the verb dire under some of these uses does not take place in the perfect tense, while under other uses it is only restricted to a specific type of subjects (i.e. the demonstrative pronoun ça). We take these restrictions as evidence that this verb undergoes different stages of grammaticalization. Therefore, the study concludes that the verb dire is a target of a grammaticalization process that causes the semantic shift that the verb dire in Spoken French witnesses.

This paper is the first survey of verbal affixes encoding the day period ('at night','in the morning' etc.) or the yearly seasons ('in winter' etc.) when the action takes place. It introduces the term 'periodic tense' to refer to this comparative concept, explores the attested paradigms, their interactions with other verbal categories (including the more usual deictic tense), and investigates their diachronic origins. It shows that periodic tense markers are not restricted to incorporated nouns of time period but constitute a highly grammaticalized verbal category in some languages, which can redundantly co-occur with free adverbs or nouns indicating time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the evolution of grammaticalized evidentiality in the Moldavian dialect of Hungarian. It documents how the suffix -a/e, originally the marker of narrative past, became a rare, elevated marker of past tense highlighting significant past events; how it assumed a mirative overtone; and how the features ʻwitnessedʼ and ʻimmediate pastʼ, often present in mirative utterances, became inherent parts of its meaning. This grammaticalization path has resulted in an evidential system with typologically unique features. It is a two-term system based on the opposition of direct evidentiality and no evidentiality – violating the alleged universal that if a language has grammaticalized direct evidentiality, it has also grammaticalized indirect evidentiality. Mirative meaning is expressed by the same -a/e suffix that also encodes direct evidentiality – whereas it is claimed to be the extension of inferred evidentiality elsewhere. The unique properties of Moldavian Hungarian evidentiality are derived from the historical evolution of the -a/e suffix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-linguistically, spatial expressions display a propensity to undergo semantic extensions, thus frequently giving rise to grammatical markers. Drawing on diachronic material derived from the Corpus of Historical American English and synchronic data extracted from the Corpus of Contemporary American English, this study reports on a hitherto unexplored, incipient change of this kind, namely that affecting the multiword string a/one step away from. It is shown that with the conventionalization of the invited inference of closeness, the construction at issue was reanalyzed as a complex preposition, functioning initially as an exponent of prospective aspect, then additionally as a similitude marker, and finally also as an approximator. This chronology further finds reflection in the current functional gradience of a/one step away from, in that among its grammatical instances, which amount to slightly more than half the tokens in the sample, aspectual uses constitute the largest proportion, followed by similative occurrences and degree modifier attestations. At the distributional level, the investigated case of grammaticalization manifests itself in the highly confined determination and modification patterns of the form step, counterbalanced by the entire expression's compatibility with inanimate subjects as well as host-class expansion to abstract NPs, verbal gerunds, and adjectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of pena and its formal variants illustrates how the emotional and subjective content can take on an argumentative value and become an additional tool for persuasive discourse. With a Pragmatic Linguistics approach (Fuentes Rodríguez, 2017a[2000] and 2017b), this paper explains emotion at the sentence and the macrosyntax level, relating the study of (im)politeness with operations of face and argumentative force. Basing the analysis on examples taken from the MEsA digital corpus and from documents about politics in CREA and CORPES XXI, this study presents syntactic patterns of great persuasive value in current Spanish and illustrates that pena has not reached the degree of grammaticalization as a discursive operator of lástima. In addition, the results confirm that the meaning of pena can be exploited in various discursive strategies: with the value of apology, of interpersonal closeness, of empathy with the misfortune of others, as an operation of self-image, as an increase of the argumentative force of the discourse or as an attenuator and intensifier of impoliteness. The conclusions relate such functions to the different types of discourse studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study clarifies the relaxation of selectional restrictions imposed on the subject of BE going to in relation to its increase in frequency from the 1820s to the 2010s by analysing the Corpus of Historical American English. To this end, BE about to is also analysed. Whilst the use of BE going to in the passive and there constructions is attested in the early stage of its grammaticalisation towards becoming a semi-auxiliary by previous studies, this study suggests that its use with the pronoun what in subject position was also a sign of an initial stage of grammaticalisation. It will be also shown that subjects composed of grammatical components with simple content appeared earlier than those with content-rich ones. This study also demonstrates that the frequency order of these subjects in current English corresponds to their chronological order of when the earliest token appeared in the corpus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term grammaticalization originally denoted a particular outcome of language change (lexis > morphology), then got expanded to practically all studies involving language change, the processes that create such changes, and a theory modeling these. These expansions have been challenged in the literature as conceptually flawed. A usage-based analysis of the evolution of the concept culminates in the use of the term grammaticalization as a "flag" of a particular approach to linguistics. However, the theoretical premises of grammaticalization studies are entirely compatible with the premises of Diachronic Construction Grammar (DCxG). All studies within the "expanded" concept of grammaticalization can be explicitly modeled within DCxG, which provides formalism of sufficient detail to map the gradual nature of language change in cases of grammaticalization and beyond. Consequently, the most vigorous attacks on grammaticalization lose power when grammaticalization is seen as part of a larger, more complete theory of language and language change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Korean possesses a highly intricate honorific system with six speech styles, each indicating a different degree of respect, intimacy, and formality. While the two styles at the honorific level and the two at the non-honorific level are in daily use, the two styles at the middle level of the six have mostly disappeared due to the shift toward a less hierarchical and less formal society. In this study, using both diachronic and synchronic corpus data, I demonstrate that a new speech style, which I call the "semi-honorific style," has emerged, partially filling the void created by the two disappearing ones, and I propose the mechanism of the new style's grammaticalization. Constructed by combining honorific and non-honorific markers in a single sentence, the "semi-honorific style" occupies the space between the honorific and non-honorific levels. I compare this with the Japanese "semi-polite" form, whose rise has been noted by recent studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Linguistica Uralica is the property of Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study attempts to clarify the usages of the habitual past forms cross-linguistically. Remarkably, this study contrasts the languages with grammatical habitual and those without it. The sample languages are genealogically and typologically different, including two TransNew Guinea languages, Amele and Ma Manda, spoken in Papua New Guinea. Amele and Ma Manda have habitual grammatical past, as in (1). (1) Grammatical habitual: a. Amele: Ija (I) ho-l-ig (come-habitual past1sg). “I used to come.” b. Ma Manda: kodup (betel nut) na-waagotnang (eat-perfective/1sg-habitual). “I used to chew betel nut.” (Pennington, 2015: 408) In (1a), Amele has the habitual element “l” inside the verbal inflections, and the verbal form indicates habitual past meaning. Ma Manda has the habitual suffix “-nang” in the verb and the suffix indicates habitual aspect, as in (1b). On the other hand, the habitual past can be realized lexically in other sample languages, such as English and Hungarian, as in (2). (2) Lexical habitual: a. English: I used to dance here. b. Hungarian: En angolul szok-t-am (used topast-1sg) tanulni. “I used to study English.” The habitual past tense describes an event that has occurred continuously in past time, and this study discusses how grammar recognizes the habitual event. In (2a-b), English and Hungarian use lexical verbs (used to/szokni) as habitual. By contrasting the sample languages, this study analyzes the semantic mechanism of the habitual past actions (cf. Carlson 2012). The habitual meaning can be lexical in Hungarian or less grammaticalized in English, and their habitual meaning is still included in verb forms of both languages. Therefore, the lexical habitual. In contrast, Amele and Ma Manda have more grammaticalized forms (infix or suffix), and their habitual forms are independent of their verb meanings. Bybee et al. (1994) deal with tense/aspect categories in terms of grammaticalization, and it is considered that the languages with grammatical habitual are more incorporated into tense/aspect categories (cf. Elliott 2000). Thus, the effect of habitual grammatical means that habitual action can be interpreted in the past tense or aspectuality. Finally, this study claims that habitual actions can be realized lexically or grammatically, and each language’s choice is functionally motivated. Notably, the Trans-New Guinea languages, such as Amele and Ma Manda, prefer habitual grammatical forms, and the languages have effects of taking in the repeated past actions in their grammar at the cost of more complicated verb morphology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Offering a detailed investigation of three Mauritian Creole pragmatic markers based on one of the verba dicendi, dir 'say', in a corpus of spoken discourse, this article sets out to offer a preliminary insight into a category of elements that, to date, is mostly unexplored. By applying a methodology inspired by Canonical Typology, each marker is scored against a set of defined features, identifying their most and least prominent uses, and a detailed and comprehensive description of their functions is given. Reflecting on their synchronic properties, the article also considers their diachronic development and reflects on their very different evolutionary paths and stages of grammaticalization. • Investigation of three Mauritian Creole pragmatic markers, dizon, koumadir, savedir • The analysis follows a methodology inspired by Canonical Typology. • The result is a fine-grained representation of the markers. • The three markers have developed distinct, specialized functions. • Their synchronic functions reflect distinct grammaticalization paths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Hispanic & Lusophone Linguistics is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The morpheme 'give' is among the most well-studied lexical items in the realm of grammaticalization. This study sets out to provide a typological and areal analysis of the distinct forms and multiple functions of 'give' in 27 varieties of Hui Chinese, a lesser-known group of Sinitic languages. Making use of both primary and secondary data, we have identified ten different functions of GIVE, namely (i) lexical verb 'give', (ii) recipient marker 'to', (iii) benefactive marker 'for', (iv) purpose marker, (v) permissive marker, (vi) passive marker, (vii) pretransitive disposal marker, (viii) allative marker, (ix) locative marker 'at/in', and (x) temporal marker 'till'. The Hui varieties covered in this study generally showcase the syncretism of a minimum of five of the functions above simultaneously. Semantic extension, polygrammaticalization, and cooptation are shown to be the major mechanisms behind the polyfunctionality or polysemy sharing of the morpheme 'give'. Our study contributes to the understanding of the role that grammaticalization, especially contact-induced grammaticalization, plays in forming linguistic areas. In addition, it casts doubt on the basicness of 'give' in assessing the genetic relatedness of languages in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sets out to investigate the modal uses of the lexeme hɒ3 'good' in the Jidong Shaoxing variety of Wu and to reconstruct its grammaticalization pathway. Modal meanings of hɒ3 include circumstantial possibility, deontic possibility and necessity, and epistemic possibility. These meanings can be summarized as 'can', 'may', and 'should', respectively. The modal meanings of hɒ3 are derived from its meaning of 'fit to' rather than 'good'. We propose here that hɒ3 first extended to express circumstantial possibility, and then further extended to denote deontic modality and participant-internal possibility in two separate directions: (i) circumstantial possibility > deontic modality, and (ii) circumstantial possibility > participant-internal possibility. The epistemic use of hɒ3 is proposed as the final stage of the lexeme's modal extension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on the constitution of the Spanish periphrastic system show that there is a great ease with which verbal periphrases admit different lexical items in the second verb slot as they go through their grammaticalization process. However, it has not been sufficiently explored whether the evolution of combinatorial patterns in near-synonymous periphrases follows similar grammaticalization paths. Adopting a constructionist, usage-based approach, we investigate the evolution of the so-called near-synonymous periphrases dejar de + inf and parar de + inf, as in Deja de/Para de gritar, 'Stop shouting.' More specifically, we discuss the semantic areas they cover, the functional distribution between the two throughout time, their evolution in terms of collostructional patterns, and their realized and potential productivity, paying special attention to the Aktionsart of the predicates in the Vinf slot. All tokens in the corpus were extracted from CORDE and analyzed in terms of morphosyntactic and semantic-pragmatic parameters, as well as contextual elements. We conduct a distinctive collexeme analysis to investigate which lexemes are strongly attracted or repelled by the Vinf slot in each construction. This analysis shows that the evolution of parar de + inf is not parallel to that of dejar de + inf and that there is a clear distribution of labor between the two constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The romance future and conditional tenses are the result of the grammaticalization of Latin periphrasis, mainly cantāre habeō. In some medieval Romance languages, including Catalan, two types of forms existed: synthetic forms (faré 'I will do') and analytical forms (fer-lo he 'I will do it'). Analytical forms do not present univerbation and are thus less grammaticalized than synthetic forms. The present work aims to study the distribution of synthetic and analytical forms diachronically. A diachronic corpus (11th c.–16th c.) was compiled to serve this purpose. According to the syntactic restrictions of clitic placement, analytical forms could appear in the same syntactic environments than synthetic forms with postverbal pronouns (faré-lo 'I will do it'). Therefore, only those contexts are analysed to assess the degree of grammaticalization. Some recent works point out that the grammaticalization of future and conditional was more advanced in the eastern languages of the Iberian Peninsula, such as Catalan, than in the western ones. The results from our corpus confirm these differences. In addition, the data show another grammaticalization process: the evolution of clitic placement towards a fixed preverbal position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim and scope of this article is to take a closer look at the functions and semantics of the three relative particles da, so, and wo, and to show that they have developed differently over a period from 1350 to 1800, continuing up to our modern dialects and the standard language. We will focus on wo because it is the only relativizer which is attested both as locative relative and as general relative clause marker, and we will propose that wo has extended its functional domain from a locative relative to a general relative marker. We will furthermore discuss if there has been a grammaticalization path "relative locative > general relative clause marker" in German diachrony or not. Finally, we will suggest that standardization processes are responsible for the different degrees of functional extension of wo attested in the historical/modern varieties and the standard language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thebo is a small Tibetan dialect spoken at the border of Sichuan and Gansu Provinces, China. The morphosyntactic structures that express egophoricity and evidentiality in Thebo Tibetan differ from those of other Tibetan dialects in that they involve both dedicated markers and stem alternations. This work examines how egophoricity and evidentiality are realized in Thebo using first-hand fieldwork from the variety spoken in Gyi.ba (གཡི་བ) Town. It presents both synchronic and diachronic analyses and considers how the distribution of egophoricity markers reflects the grammaticalization of these categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides data from a regional dialect of Persian, Hamedanian Persian, where a verb is grammaticalized to be used as epistemic modality marker, frequently used in interrogatives. The verb didan, objectively means 'to see', but subjectivized in many instances to mean 'understand'. However, in this dialect, bini, originally the subjunctive second person singular form of the verb didan 'to see', is used as epistemic marker. It is used in content and polar questions, where uncertainty is a common feature. Our fieldwork data show that the verb didan is used rarely to mean 'to see' and it extended to mark epistemic modality, used as probability marker. This modal marker is only used in questions, which share the stance of uncertainty with epistemic markers. The various features of this grammaticalization path are discussed and an explanation based on egophoricity is provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Typological studies have repeatedly expressed doubt about the possibility of relative clause markers grammaticalizing from possessive markers. At the same time, cross-linguistic studies of attribution have provided substantial evidence for markers of adjectival attribution deriving from possessive markers. Given that simple adjectival attributive constructions are accepted to expand readily into relative clause constructions, there is an apparent discordance in the typological literature on the diachronic sources of their markers. Using data from the Timor-Alor-Pantar languages of south-eastern Wallacea, the present article argues that the link between possessive and relative clause markers, by way of an adjectival attributive marker, should also be uncontroversial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the documentation, typology and diachrony of a single inflectional paradigm expressing inalienable attributive possession in Roon, a language of the South Halmahera West New Guinea subgroup of Austronesian. The paradigm in question exhibits a substantial amount of variation both within and across speakers. Formally, the paradigm is exceptional in that, in some of its variants, it makes use of an H toneme, the only attested usage of tonality in the entire language. Functionally, the paradigm is remarkable in that, in some of its variants, the possessor is distinguished not for person but rather for distal deixis. Historically, the H toneme forming part of the paradigm is argued to derive from the grammaticalization of a High Extended Intonation contour expressing excessivity along a scalar dimension, characteristic of many languages of New Guinea and Australia. In some languages of North West New Guinea, this intonation contour anchors to certain particles, resulting in ideophones such as the Papuan Malay eeeH. One such ideophone, it is suggested, was subsequently incorporated into the expression of inalienable attributive possession in Roon. The proposed analysis thus provides a case study of how intonation may develop into tone, and, more generally, how gesture may be incorporated into grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After nearly a decade since the recognition of the importance of theticals, traditionally referred to as parenthetical constructions (see Kaltenböck et al. 2011; Heine et al. 2013), there has been a flurry of research on these linguistic elements across various languages, including but not limited to Romance languages (Schneider, 2007), Chinese (Long et al., 2019), Persian (Kazemian & Amouzadeh, 2019), and Arabic (Haddad, 2020). However, it appears that theticals still remain relatively understudied and warrant more comprehensive and fresh examination. This lack of interest in studying theticals, particularly those inherent in interaction, has prompted Bernd Heine to undertake writing a new book, “The Grammar of Interactives”, dedicated to these items and analyzing them as a distinct level called interactive grammar (IG) which works alongside sentence grammar (SG) to facilitate successful communication. The book is structured in a cohesive and organized manner, consisting of an introduction, six main chapters, and a conclusion, totaling eight chapters in all. This structure properly presents the book's content by establishing the context and scope in the introduction, delving into the subject matter in the core chapters each exploring a specific theme related to the overall subject, and providing a sense of closure and reflection in the conclusion.

This paper aims to comparatively present the means of expressing intensity in Romanian and Spanish from a predominantly synchronic perspective, without neglecting the importance of the diachronic study of language facts and the etymological clarifications, where needed. We have chosen to discuss only one aspect of the complex act of evaluation, more specifically, the means of rendering highest and lowest intensity, because of the complexity of this phenomenon which constantly expands its linguistic encoding forms.

In linguistics, a corpus is a set of annotated linguistic data (speeches, texts, conversations, etc.) and metadata. Among the different types of corpora, the bidirectional parallel corpus is a corpus made of an original text (in a language A) and its translation in a language B, and vice versa. This kind of corpus is used to study and compare different languages. Our study focuses on the words “come” and “go” in French (venir and aller) and in Thai (มา ma and ไป pai). In both languages, these words are polyfunctional (i.e., they have both lexical and grammatical meanings, for instance, verb and auxiliary). We use a literary bidirectional parallel French-Thai corpus (from French to Thai : Maïté Coiffure, Marie-Aude Murail 2004 ; and from Thai to French : The Happiness of Kati, Jane Vejjajiva 2003). This study aims to address the difficulties regarding the different uses of “come” and “go” in French and Thai encountered by FLE (French as a Foreign Language) and TFL (Thai as a Foreign Language) students. These words are indeed used as full lexical verbs, or alternatively as tense-aspect-modality auxiliaries. We show how our corpus address these issues, and more generally, what are the possible applications of such corpora in language teaching and translation.

The so-called perífrasis perfectivas in Galician present the action as concluded or realized. This particular aspectual feature constitutes the common ground for an otherwise heterogeneous set of constructions, ranging from rematar de ‘finish’+ infinitive (e.g., rematóu de beber ‘(s/he) finished drinking’) to ter ‘have’ + participle (e.g., teñen ido ‘(they) have gone (Rep.)’). This work provides a critical assessment of their syntactic and semantic properties in cases where the participle may not show agreement. This is the case for periphrases built on three auxiliaries: ter, levar, and dar, of which ter + participle stands out as the most grammaticalized one. The case of ter is further investigated in relation to European Portuguese (EP) and Brazilian Portuguese (BP), where ter + participle is considered a fully-fledged perfect tense. Additionally, the use of these periphrases in areas where Spanish is also present is evaluated from a contact perspective.

Compared to neighboring Romance languages, Galician currently maintains a more ubiquitous usage of the construction [haber (present) + (de) + infinitive] as a future marker in variation with the periphrastic construction with ir ‘go’ and the morphological future. We examine this under-studied construction to gain a better understanding of Galician grammar and also contribute new data with which to consider diachronic change regarding the grammaticalization of the future from obligation markers. We conduct a variationist analysis of 1589 tokens of future forms in recorded conversations (CORILGA) in order to determine the frequency of usage, patterns of variation, linguistic conditioning and degree of grammaticalization of the periphrastic forms with haber and ir in contrast to the morphological variant. We find evidence to suggest that the periphrastic construction with haber is highly grammaticalized as a future marker and we identify factors of the production context that modulate the grammaticalization process.

Tags, compared to other types of pragmatic markers (PMs), are typically considered as separate yet related phenomena and are usually differentiated by their syntactic positions and discourse functions, among other factors. The current work explores this differentiation utilizing 36 sociolinguistic interviews with Spanish-English bilinguals in southern Arizona, USA. Standard language variation and change (LVC) methodologies were used in the extraction, coding, and statistical analyses of this dataset (n = 591), with four PM variants identified for study through an exploratory methodology: the tags no and qué no and the discourse markers (DMs) you know and saber. The results of our analyses indicate that, while utterance position, self-reported gender, and length of residence were all significant in the multivariate analysis, discourse function was dropped from the statistical model. Therefore, we interpret this finding as an indication that functional differences between these two pragmatic resources have been levelled through grammaticalization, demonstrating that for Arizona Spanish, tags and DMs belong in the same functional category of PMs. Furthermore, an analysis of codeswitching behavior triggered by the incoming variant you know demonstrates that it is becoming incorporated into the Spanish pragmatic system, patterning similarly to its counterpart saber in terms of function and position, without attrition of the native variant.

This article concerns insubordination, the use of clause types ordinarily considered subordinate without main clauses (Evans 2007). We study the use of insubordinate relative clauses (RCs) in two corpora, the Arkisyn corpus of contemporary Finnish conversation and the Agricola corpus from the 16th century. Our main findings are that the construction is put to very similar uses in the two corpora, but that it is more common in the newer corpus. We show that insubordination of RCs existed along with subordination already in the earliest records of Finnish language use. Thus, insubordination of RCs is not a more recent development than their use as subordinate clauses. We conclude that the more frequent use in the newer data is likely not a result of a process of grammaticalization that would have occurred since the 16th century. Kokkuvõte. Marja-Liisa Helasvuo, Ritva Laury: Pealauseta relatiivlaused soome keeles – vanad ja uued. Siinses artiklis käsitleme insubordinatsiooni ehk teiste sõnadega selliseid lauseid, mis loetakse tüüpjuhul kõrvallauseteks, kuid esinevad ilma pealauseta. Uurime soome keele relatiivlauseid, millel puudub pealause. Keeleainestik pärineb kahest korpusest: tänapäeva soome kõnekeelt sisaldavast korpusest Arkisyn ja 16. sajandi keelenäiteid sisaldavast korpusest Agricola. Meie tähelepanekud näitavad, et mainitud konstruktsioon esineb mõlemas keelekorpuses, kuid uuemas ainestikus on selle kasuta- mine tavalisem. Osutame oma uurimuses, et nii insubordinatsioon kui subordinatsioon esinevad juba varajastes soome keele tekstides. Seega ei ole ilma pealauseta relatiivlause kasutamine uuem keelenähtus kui pealausega relatiivlausete kasutamine. Meie uurimus näitab, et insubordinatsiooni sagedasemat esinemist uuema keeleainestiku relatiivlausetes ei peaks tõlgendama 16. sajandist alates arenema hakanud grammatikaliseerumise nähtusena.

The present work constitutes an initial look at the use of tonna, an invariable form of tornare ‘return’, used as a relatively uncommon V1 in southern Italo-Romance pseudocoordination structures. Along with losing its ability to inflect, grammaticalization of tornare, frequent across Italo-Romance, has consisted in its shift from lexical motion verb to a functional one with repetitive aspectual value, i.e. tonna mmanciu ‘I eat again’. This paper presents novel data from the variety of Eolian (Italo-Romance dialect of the Eolian Islands), which shows constructions previously unattested with invariable V1s, such as its embedding under functional verbs in non-finite clauses. A cartographic approach building on existing accounts of pseudocoordination V1s – centered on Cinque’s (1999, 2006) hierarchy of functional projections – leads us to consider two overarching explanations for tonna: that it is (a) a functional, aspectual head (in one of the two “repetitive” projections, viz. AspRepetitive(I), AspRepetitive(II)) or (b) an adverb, a specifier in these respective projections. Ultimately, the conclusion that it has (re)grammaticalized to the point of becoming a (deficient) adverb in the lower AspRepetitive(II) proves to be the most convincing from a theoretical perspective. A potential structural consequence is the syncretic status of the AspRepetitive(II) head.

Romance languages do not have superlative-dedicated morphemes (see most/-est in English) but instead express superlative meanings by using a comparative combined with a definite article. There are, however, interesting crosslinguistic differences that indicate that the role of “definiteness” for the superlative meaning of comparatives is different across Romance languages. Thus, French superlative adverbs and superlative postnominal adjectives are necessarily formed with (what looks like) a definite article (THE notates items that are morphologically identical to the definite article across languages) preceding the comparative morpheme plus (ER notates the comparative morpheme across languages, regardless of whether it is an affix or a free standing morpheme), whereas in the Italian corresponding examples THE is banned. According to Loccioni (2018) this crosslinguistic difference is not structural: in order to get superlative meanings Italian comparatives would be formed with a covert D(eterminer) corresponding to THE in French. I will propose instead that whereas French has a superlative-dedicated phrase of the form [THE ER], Italian has a “bare”, i.e., a THE-less ER that moreover lacks a than-argument, which gets a superlative meaning via raising to the Spec of [D°THE].

This article demonstrates that Japanese minimizers, which are originally used as Negative Polarity Items in a negative context, can sometimes behave as focus markers when used postnominally. I will review a previous syntactic analysis of English minimizers, and propose a revised syntactic analysis of Japanese minimizers, based on newly discovered synchronic and diachronic facts. I argue that the usage of Japanese minimizers as focus markers was developed through grammaticalization as Upward Reanalysis along the nominal spine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More recently, grammaticalization theorists have become increasingly aware of the role of collocations in grammatical development. One of these roles is to define phonetic reductions and fusion in frequent collocations as constructionalization. Based on frequency of occurrences, the present study explores the implications of high-frequency collocations in Turkish Sign Language for grammaticalization and offers a novel account of constructional change of değİl 'not' on usage-based grounds. Specifically, the study suggests that (i) the chunking process is not language-specific within the spoken modality, as noted previously in the literature, (ii) the frequency of collocations is strongly correlated with phonetic reduction and duration, (iii) the fusional characteristics of [sign + değİl] collocations can be classified under four reduced constructional schemas, (iv) the monosyllabicity of a scheme appears to be criterion for it to be productive in signed modality and (v) the semantic changes of frequent [sign + değİl] collocations are related to the notion of subjectification in TİD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study addresses the question of whether preverbal so, also known as "GenX so," which can be used as an intensifier and as an emphasizer, is going out of fashion as a means of emphasis in present-day American English as demonstrated in scripted soap operas. The results are based on 1,357 tokens of preverbal so extracted from Mark Davies's Corpus of American Soap Operas (2011–). These tokens create both real- and apparent-time scenarios to detect potential differences in the use of preverbal so for younger and older, woman and man characters. The data suggest the following trend: between 2001 and 2012, so with emphatic do and perfects is on its way out, while all other uses of preverbal so (e.g., so with simple forms or progressives) are still associated with the speech of female characters in general or with younger woman characters in particular (so with future going to). If TV data reflects the intensifier's use in natural speech, preverbal so can be taken to have grown stale in some contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The suffix -ful, in words like hopeful and wonderful, originates in the adjective full, from whence it seems to have undergone grammaticalisation. In Present-day English, the morphological differences between these two items are marked by their orthography: in addition to losing its free-word status, -ful also simplified the digraph lower limit to . Although the current orthographic configuration of these items reveals the interplay between spelling and morphology, there arise some questions regarding the process leading up to it, especially when considering the orthographic instability of the Middle and Early Modern periods. This article thus studies the selection of the spelling variants and over time in order to shed some light on their distribution and standardisation. Adopting a corpus-based approach that draws data from the Helsinki Corpus of English Texts, the analyses of intra- and extralinguistic phenomena ultimately point to speakers as the enablers of regularisation in this very instance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper shows some interesting aspects of grammaticalization process based on collecting primary data sets from three parallel languages (Punjabi, Hindi, and Bangla). The whole study is divided into two kinds of initial observations related to a polysemous verb 'ləg'. In Punjabi, a verb (ləg) gives various interpretations (e.g. attend, give, use, wear etc.) due to grammaticalization. It also happens with Hindi and Bangla as well. Punjabi is selected as source language here. The verb 'ləg' is noticed in V1 and V2 position in all three languages where it supports de-semanticization rather than de-categorization. On the other hand, Bangla comparatively gives different results under semantic range. In future, de-categorization will also be studied in Punjabi, Hindi and Bangla. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Jahrbuch für Germanistische Sprachgeschicht is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Jahrbuch für Germanistische Sprachgeschicht is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on the history of a polyfunctional case marker 痙 jij1 in Tangut, an extinct Rgyalrongic language (Sino-Tibetan). This versatile case morpheme is a typological rarity of maximum syncretism among several abstract case functions, including differential object marking, the genitive, and the oblique (which overlaps with the dative). For one thing, accusatives originating from datives or spatial sources are rarely found with additional genitive functions; for another, reported instances of accusative/genitive syncretism seldom include other functions. The principal hypothesis of this paper is that the Tangut 痙 jij1 may be the result of multiple grammaticalization processes stemming from a proto-locative source. These processes can be subsumed under two pathways, one leading from an allative to an accusative, with an intermediate oblique stage, and the other from a locative to a genitive. Although both of these development pathways are frequently attested, the Tangut 痙 jij1 remains a typological rarity due to their superposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Van der Auwera & Vossen (2017) identify an intriguing shift from a copula to a negative marker in the Tibeto-Burman Kiranti group, and discuss it as a possible example of Jespersen's Cycle. This paper traces a fuller history of the copula #ni, and presents an account of its association with negation, which is attested in several other Tibeto-Burman languages besides Kiranti. In most Tibeto-Burman languages the equational copula is "optional", occurring in affirmative sentences only with a contrastive or emphatic sense. For this reason copulas often develop into sentence-final stance markers. Since negation is morphologically marked on verbs, a negated equational sentence requires an overt copula which can be negated. This paper presents data showing how this association of the presence of a copula with negation has resulted in the negative sense becoming associated with and, in a few cases, becoming the direct meaning of the erstwhile copula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the relationship between progressive patterns and present and past time reference. First, it looks at the shared distribution of more than 90 progressives in two parallel corpora and discusses the characteristics of these contexts. It is shown that while progressives are used for dramatic and topical events in the present, they are typically used as backgrounding, supportive material in the past. Second, it is shown that progressives generally have more occurrences in contexts with present time reference than past, this is especially true for progressives with many uses, i.e. more grammaticalized progressives. And third, a number of progressives temporally restricted are presented. Two historical explanations for these restrictions are provided, both of which result from the higher frequency of present uses over past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "The grammaticalization of prepositional phrases 'con miras a' and 'con miras de' based on their analysis in the CORDE and CREA corpora" analyzes the evolution of the prepositional phrases "con miras a" and "con miras de" in Spanish through the study of the CORDE and CREA corpora. It describes the grammaticalization of these phrases and their relationship with metaphorical conceptualization in the mentioned corpora. It concludes that these phrases are undergoing a process of grammaticalization and identifies three fundamental domains in the form "miras": visual perception, intellect, and general actions. The article also addresses the structural characteristics of prepositional phrases, the relationship between the preposition and the prepositional phrase, and the relationship between prepositional phrases and human bodily experience. Additionally, it applies the conceptual framework of cognitive linguistics to analyze these constructions and discusses the relationship between conceptual metaphor and grammaticalization in language. [Extracted from the article]

This article concerns insubordination, that is, the use of clause types which are ordinarily considered subordinate but occur without main clauses. We study the use of insubordinate relative clauses (RCs) in Finnish with data from two corpora, the Arkisyn corpus of contemporary conversation and the Agricola corpus from the 16th century. Our main findings are that the construction is put to very similar uses in the two corpora, but that it is more common in the newer corpus. We show that insubordination of RCs existed along with subordination already in the earliest records of Finnish language use. Thus, insubordination of RCs is not a more recent development than their use as subordinate clauses. We conclude that the more frequent use in the newer data is likely not a result of a process of grammaticalization that would have occurred since the 16th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sanskrit language knows the use of iterative‐continuative periphrases which are so far mostly unexplored. The aim of this paper is to investigate the grammaticalization of the motion verbs i‐ 'go' and car‐ 'move' plus participle into auxiliary verbs, collecting data from the earliest attestations (c. 2nd millennium BC) to Late Vedic (c. 900–600 BC). I argue that in the earliest attestations there are no clear cases of periphrasis, but the motion verbs are combined with an extremely high percentage of intensive participles (with iterative Aktionsart). On the other hand, in Late Vedic i‐ 'go' and car‐ 'move' function as iterative‐continuative auxiliaries in composition with participial form. As I will show, this new periphrastic construction is one of the strategies to substitute the synthetic intensive category, which was slowly disappearing after the Early Vedic time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite intense research on grammaticalization, no satisfactory definition has so far been proposed. Some would argue that it is indeed impossible to come up with a precise definition as grammaticalization is an epiphenomenon. After pointing out problems in existing definitions, this article proposes a new definition of grammaticalization as a distinct kind of change. The definition is based not only on the theory of the lexical–grammatical distinction in Boye & Harder (2012), but also on a rejection of the definition of grammaticalization offered there. The proposal is that grammaticalization is a distinct kind of conventionalization: the conventionalization of discursively secondary status. It is argued that in addition to avoiding problems intrinsic to earlier definitions, this definition captures canonical and non‐canonical cases of grammaticalization, and allows us to be precise about what to include and what not to include under grammaticalization. Finally, three important implications are discussed. (1) Grammaticalization is not a type of overall change, but rather one part of overall changes that simultaneously include other aspects. (2) Grammaticalization involves gain rather than loss. (3) A lexical–grammatical continuum does not exists, but grammaticalization is bound up with other continua, including: a social‐level conventionalization continuum, a splitting continuum and a discourse prominence continuum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkbilig/Turkoloji Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkbilig/Turkoloji Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)