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Dieser Beitrag zeigt, dass die Verbreitung frühen ethnographischen Wissens und die damit einhergehende Konsolidierung kultureller Praktiken im 19. Jahrhundert nicht auf Europa beschränkt blieben. In Süd- und Mittelamerika kam um die Jahrhundertmitte bei diesem Prozess vor allem Literaturzeitschriften eine zentrale Bedeutung zu, die am Beispiel Mexikos veranschaulicht wird. This article argues that the production of knowledge that intensified in the nineteenth century was not restricted to Europe. By investigating the imparting of knowledge about cultural practices in Mexico in the period of Independence (1830-1860), the importance of literary journals within this process is elaborated.

Despite feminist movements' many steps forward in Latin America, abortion rights remain an issue where political clashes continue. While other equal rights advances have been attained without any subsequent "rolling back," abortion rights have exhibited a pendular back-and-forth dynamic in many countries of the region. They often become a high-profile public issue in polarised political contexts. This also affects the work of NGOs and development agencies. Abortion rights are one of the most polarising and politically contentious issues in the Americas today, and one that is often aligned with left-wing (pro-liberalisation) and right-wing (pro-prohibition) positions. National and transnational advocacy on both sides has intensified, with little room left for meaningful dialogue. Latin American and Caribbean countries exhibit some of the world's harshest and most prohibitive abortion laws. The legal status of abortion varies widely within the region, and pressure to change this status arises frequently. Argentina, Chile, Dominican Republic, and Mexico have all seen significant legal changes related to abortion in the last five years. While Chile and Argentina have taken steps towards legalisation, an attempt to legalise abortion in the Dominican Republic - only when there is a risk to the woman's life - is still pending Congress approval. Mexico's federal system has seen some states toughen abortion restrictions, while only one state has moved in the opposite direction. While particular religious organisations constitute the core pressure group for restricting abortion rights, calls for liberalisation have received broad support among urban and secular sectors of society. The pendular character of abortion rights can be expected to continue as part of the frequent left and right swings on the continent. Institutions and NGOs working in the field of reproductive rights face an ever-changing legal environment, which poses major threats to their activities. Especially those organisations dependent on US funding frequently suffer from the so-called "global gag rule," which is enacted or repealed depending on the party in power in Washington, as it prohibits aid or partnerships with institutions that promote abortion rights.

Joe Biden's election has raised many expectations. However, due to long-established legacies and predominant bipartisan consensus around the United States' Western Hemisphere policy, changes will be in tone rather than in substance. Four topics will shape the agenda. Post-COVID-19 reconstruction: With the pandemic raging across the region, a return to a "business as usual" approach will not meet the Latin American people's urgent economic, political, and social needs. COVID-19 has further brought to light the region's structural problems, including but not limited to poverty, inequality, and insecurity. Migration: Biden has promised to boost the resources sent to Central American countries by USD 4 billion in the hope of reducing immigration to the US. The president wants to carry out a so-far-abstract and light migration reform as well. However, there is no discernible strategy to deal with the rest of the hemisphere's challenges (e.g. the Venezuelan crisis). Democracy: Not every president is happy with the election's result. From Mexico to Brazil, passing through Central America, some governments identified with Donald Trump's confrontational rhetoric and profited from his disregard for their internal affairs. Among them, far-right leaders fear the end of the "free pass" granted to their heavy-handed and anti-democratic words and deeds. Regional and global scenario: in the context of China's increasing economic and diplomatic presence in the region, Biden's appeal to restore US "hemispheric leadership" appears hollow. Trump's actions and the political cleavages he helped deepen have turned the US into a less reliable partner. As a consequence, Latin America will have to find its own answers, and new strategic partners to implement them. The region is essentially alone in weathering the COVID-19 and the structural problems the crisis exacerbates. In this context, Latin America and the European Union will need to undertake more relevant, autonomous joint strategic initiatives or resign themselves to being bystanders in others' commercial, technological, and geopolitical endeavours.

Joe Bidens Wahl hat viele Erwartungen geweckt. Politische Traditionen und der vorherrschende überparteiliche Konsens über die US-Politik für die westliche Hemisphäre lassen Veränderungen eher im Ton als in der Substanz erwarten. Vier Themen werden die Agenda bestimmen. COVID-19: Angesichts der Pandemie, die in der Region wütet, wird eine Rückkehr zu "business as usual" den drängenden wirtschaftlichen, politischen und sozialen Bedürfnissen der lateinamerikanischen Bevölkerung nicht gerecht. COVID-19 hat die strukturellen Probleme der Region offengelegt, einschließlich, aber nicht nur, Armut, Ungleichheit und Unsicherheit. Migration: In der Hoffnung, die Einwanderung in die USA zu reduzieren, hat Biden versprochen, die Mittel für die zentralamerikanischen Länder um 4 Mrd. USD zu erhöhen. Der Präsident will eine bisher noch nicht definierte, vermutlich leichte Migrationsreform durchführen. Eine Strategie für den Umgang mit den übrigen Herausforderungen der Hemisphäre (z.B. der Krise in Venezuela) ist jedoch nicht zu erkennen. Demokratie: Nicht jeder Präsident ist mit dem Ergebnis der Wahl zufrieden. Von Mexiko über Mittelamerika bis hin zu Brasilien identifizierten sich einige Regierungen mit Donald Trumps konfrontativer Rhetorik und profitierten von seinem fehlenden Interesse an ihren internen Angelegenheiten. Rechtsextreme Machthaber fürchten das Ende des "Freifahrtscheins" für ihre antidemokratischen Worte und Taten. Regionales und globales Szenario: Im Kontext der zunehmenden wirtschaftlichen und diplomatischen Präsenz Chinas in Lateinamerika, klingt Bidens Anspruch, die "hemisphärische Führungsrolle" der USA wiederherzustellen, hohl. Trumps Handeln und die politischen Gräben, zu deren Vertiefung er beigetragen hat, haben die USA zu einem weniger verlässlichen Partner gemacht. Lateinamerika muss daher eigene Antworten und neue strategische Partner finden. Bei der Bewältigung seiner strukturellen Probleme und der COVID-19-Krise ist die Region auf sich gestellt. Lateinamerika und die Europäische Union müssen entweder mehr relevante, autonome gemeinsame strategische Initiativen ergreifen oder sich damit abfinden, bei den handelspolitischen, technologischen und geopolitischen Bemühungen anderer, nur Zuschauer zu sein.

This paper analyses regulations that support non-motorised mobility in Bogotá and Mexico City. It reviews the promotion of bicycles as a sustainable alternative to cars and the rapid implementation of cycling lanes as a substitute for public transport under the Covid-19 crisis. It also discusses the renewed interest in support for dockless micromobility sharing systems. It focuses on subsidies and revision of regulations as avenues to ensure that micromobility will make a durable contribution to sustainable mobility in these cities.

El presente texto es el resumen de un extenso estudio sobre las estrategias políticas de los expertos religiosos en los Estados Unidos y América Latina. En el pasado reciente, los dirigentes de organizaciones religiosas han venido ejerciendo una influencia cada vez mayor en la política de las Américas. Esto tiene consecuencias, como es evidente en el caso de los presidentes Trump y Bolsonaro, que fueron elegidos con un importante apoyo de personas y organizaciones religiosas. El presente estudio se centra en los discursos y prácticas de los expertos religiosos en el ámbito político, sin mantener la lupa solo sobre las elites conservadoras. Más bien, examina las tensiones entre los actores de las más diversas direcciones religioso-políticas. Después de una introducción metodológica, el estudio analiza primero los EE.UU., Guatemala, Brasil y México. Luego se abordan temas controvertidos. Por último, sacamos conclusiones en aras de orientar la cooperación cultural internacional., The present text is a highly condensed version of an extensive study on the political strategies of religious experts in the USA and Latin America. In the recent decades, leaders of religious organisations gained a growing influence on politics in the Americas. Consequences can be seen through the Presidents Trump and Bolsonaro, who were elected with the significant support of religious individuals and organisations. The present study focuses on the discourses and practices of religious experts with regard to the political field. But the magnifying glass will not only be turned towards conservative elites. The tensions between actors of divergent religious-political orientations are also under scrutiny. After a methodological introduction, the USA, Guatemala, Brazil and Mexico will be studied as cases. Then, we address controversialissues. Finally, conclusions are drawn for international cultural cooperation.

This paper investigates four fortified borders: those between Hungary and Serbia, the USA and Mexico, Algeria and Morocco, and Pakistan and India. Starting from current border research, it asks how fortified borders control mobility, who is affected by fortifications, and how. Based on qualitative interviews, the paper finds that although all four borders are similarly fortified, they control mobility in different ways; while the Hungarian and the US border fences filter mobility, the two other borders instead block all forms of circulation. The paper conceptualizes these different types as filter borders and deadlock borders. It then examines their effects and analyzes not only how they are related to inequalities and power relations, but also how they can be used as resources. The filter borders reinforce the global gap in mobility rights by blocking migrants, whereas the deadlock borders also lead to increasing inequality within a country – between the capital and the border population – by cutting economic, social, and familial ties across the border line. The two border types also indicate different relations between neighboring states; filter borders are related to a clear gap in wealth and power, with one state exploiting the fortification to its advantage. By contrast, at the deadlock borders, the power balance is more ambiguous and contested., Historical Social Research Vol. 46, No. 3 (2021): Special Issue: Borders as Places of Control. Fixing, Shifting, and Reinventing State Borders. Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

This study aims to develop the understanding of how power over civil society emerges, in relation to social capital and power vacuums, based on a case study of cartel activity. The study focuses on two states, Aguascalientes and Chihuahua, in Mexico. A general historical analysis of the development of Mexican politics introduces the paper, after which an extensive examination of the development of the two states and the cartel activity within is explained. To corroborate this examination, a statistical analysis of the states is performed. The study shows that cartels establish their power in areas with low levels of social capital, and where a power vacuum resides. Furthermore, the results show how power vacuums are established in times of organizational change.

This report offers an analysis of the Mexican federal government’s social policy response to the Covid-19 pandemic. The report provides an overview of developments in six policy areas where change associated with the pandemic can be observed: healthcare, pensions, family benefits, education, the labour market and housing. This analysis across policy areas shows that the Mexican government’s response does not correspond to the dimensions of the crisis. Apart from healthcare, few new specific measures have been introduced. The government has largely decided to respond to the pandemic with the group of new programmes created during 2019, as a result of an overhaul of the country’s social policy. However, the potential of those programmes to deal with the pandemic’s effects could well be limited, since it is not even clear yet if they represent cases of welfare expansion or retrenchment compared to previous programmes. At the same time, proposals from civil society and opposition parties to introduce comprehensive basic income schemes have been ignored. If the path of minimal action is not rectified, grim social, economic and political consequences await Mexican society in the foreseeable future.

Public-private partnerships (PPP) as suppliers for public services have been increasingly used as an instrument for improving public policy, mostly when it comes to reducing costs and improving public transport. The purpose of this paper is to carry out a comparative analysis between two metropolitan areas in Mexico and to identify the main causes that explain the performance and difficulties of a hybrid supplying model. The transport sector was chosen not only for its great importance in urban areas but also due to its representativeness to highlight the specificities of PPPs. The Mexican experience has shown that infrastructure projects tend to underestimate their costs and to overestimate their demand, even with supposed formal validation processes. In this sense, even though PPPs have been generally promoted by international organizations, there is a prevailing need to explore the implications and challenges that emerge from this kind of governance tools. Process tracing was conducted as a methodological technique within a comparative approach using qualitative information.

Anhand einer empirischen Fallstudie wird der Konflikt zwischen Spanien und ETA aus einer transnationalen Perspektive betrachtet. Es geht darum zu zeigen, wie das Exil der ETA in Mexiko die politischen Beziehungen zwischen Spanien und Mexiko vom Etablieren des Exils ab 1977 bis zur ersten Auslieferung 2000 bestimmte und welche Rückwirkung das Thema ETA in der Außenpolitik auf den nationalen Konflikt hatte.

Losgelöst vom eurozentrischen Systemdenken sowie den Vorurteilen der Philosophie und Wissenschaften bediente sich Alexander von Humboldt eines transnationalen Wissensreservoirs, das er in seinen Werken zu einem länder- und sprachübergreifenden Wissensnetzwerk verband. Die vorliegende quantitative Auswertung der intertextuellen Bezüge des Essai politique sur le royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne zeigt zum einen deren Vielzahl und Komplexität auf, zum anderen, inwieweit Humboldt sich zwischen zwei sich diskursiv abgrenzenden Welten bewegt und sich unabhängig von der Abstammung oder Herkunft der Autoren mit deren Forschungsergebnissen auseinandersetzt. Der relativ große Anteil an amerikanischen Werken, auf die Humboldt in seinem Essai Bezug nimmt, verdeutlicht im Besonderen den hohen Stellenwert, den sie für seine eigenen Forschungen einnahmen und im Allgemeinen den Beginn der wachsenden Bedeutung der Wissenschaft in Amerika., Detached from Eurocentric systems thinking and the prejudices of philosophy and science, Alexander von Humboldt used a transnational knowledge reservoir, which he summarized in his work to form a cross-country and cross-language knowledge network. This quantitative evaluation of the intertextual references of the Essai politique sur le royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne shows on the one hand their variety and complexity, on the other hand to what extent Humboldt moves between two discursively different worlds and deals with the research results of authors, regardless of their origin or lineage. The relatively high percentage of American works to which Humboldt refers in his essay reflects in particular their great importance for his own research work and, in general, the beginning of the increasing significance of science in America., Independientemente del pensamiento sistémico eurocéntrico y los prejuicios de la filosofía y las ciencias, Alexander von Humboldt hizo uso de una reserva de conocimiento transnacional, que combinó en sus trabajos para formar una red de ciencia que abarcó países e idiomas. La presente evaluación cuantitativa de las referencias intertextuales del Essai politique sur le royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne muestra, por un lado, su variedad y complejidad, por otro, hasta qué punto Humboldt se mueve entre dos mundos discursivamente diferentes y cómo trata los resultados de investigación, independientemente del origen o perfil de los autores. La proporción relativamente grande de obras americanas a las que Humboldt se refiere en su Ensayo ilustra, en particular, la gran importancia que le dieron a su propia investigación y, en general, el comienzo del creciente valor de la ciencia en América.

In times of crisis, citizens’ support for democracy can depend on how well they think their democracy can address that crisis compared to authoritarian alternatives. Mexico is in the midst of just such a crisis, as its war on drug trafficking organisations has brought an unprecedented rise in violence and, in some areas, posed a direct challenge to the state’s capacity to govern. At the same time, its subnational political landscape ranges from vibrant, multi-party states to those with continued connections to a dominant one-party past. We leverage these variations in subnational political context and levels of drug-related violence to examine how the subnational political context mediates the relationship between a crisis and support for non-democratic alternatives. When faced with a violent shock to the system, public attitudes towards democracy depend in part on one’s experiences with non-democratic alternatives and whether these authoritarian options appear to solve the crisis at hand more effectively.

espanolLos biofertilizantes foliares (BFF) se elaboran a partir de insumos locales de plantas o animales. En el valle de Toluca se evaluo el impacto de cuatro diferentes BFF sobre un policultivo con maiz, haba y calabaza. De todos los BFF comparados, el elaborado de estiercol de ganado y pulque mostro el mayor contenido de N y P y resulto en la mayor cosecha de maiz. Un fertilizante hecho de estiercol de vaca y mazorcas de maiz mostro mas K y estimulo el rendimiento de la calabaza. Otro BFF, elaborado de estiercol de vaca y ortiga picada, genero la mayor cosecha de haba. No existen recetas estandar para los BFF, sino su formulacion apropiada varia segun los recursos disponibles y los cultivos tratados. EnglishAnaerobically fermented foliar fertilizers (FFF) are made of local plant or animal inputs. The impact of four different FFF formulations on the output of an intercropping system with fava bean, maize, and squash was assessed in the Toluca Valley, Central Mexico. A fertilizer made of cow manure and fermented agave cactus juice had an elevated N and P content and resulted in the highest maize output. A fertilizer made of cow manure and maize stalks contained most K and delivered the highest squash yield. A FFF made of cow manure and stinging nettle delivered the highest fava bean output. There are no ideal formulations of FFF, but their formulation depends on available resources and treated crops

The subject of this thesis is the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), signed between the United States of America, Canada and Mexico and its impact on the automotive industry in North America between the years 1994, when NAFTA came into force, and 2009, when two major American car manufacturers, General Motors and Chrysler, went bankrupt during the global-scale recession and the industry changed significantly. The thesis is based on the theory of comparative advantages, as it was described by a British economist David Ricardo in the 19th century. It subscribes to the general principle that a free trade is beneficial to all engaged parties, because it enables more effective allocation of resources and provides for more specialization of production. The thesis argues NAFTA was a complex and ambitious international trade deal that had profound impact on the evolution of this branch of industry in the United States, Canada and Mexico, however its impact on the economy as a whole was limited and many of the changes, attributed to NAFTA, would likely have happened even without its passage due to the natural process of evolution of the industry and modernization. The creation of a continent-wide zone of free trade enabled local and foreign car makers to establish international supply chains that...

Judges' ideas, beliefs, and values are central to adjudication. Empowering the courts was a crucial step in third-wave democracies and, after some unfulfilled promises regarding the potential of the judicialization of politics for rights expansion, we need to learn more about the individuals that were empowered and what their legal culture can tell us about judicial behavior. Do judges consider themselves political actors having a legislative role? What type of legal culture do they have? To advance our understanding of these key determinants of judicial behavior, I use a survey with federal judges in Mexico to explore to what extent judges adhere to a positivist or a principle-based constitutionalist legal culture. Findings suggest that there is a tension in the judiciary, with some judges embracing the idea of legislating from the bench while others prefer to play the role of being "the mouthpiece of the law.

The paper aims to deepen understanding of the design and implementation processes of public policies to promote the social and solidarity economy (SSE) in Mexico City (CDMX) during the period 2016-2019, and to propose general guidelines to improve and refine them. The paper is based on a review of published materials and field research. The main findings include the following: (a) policies to promote SSE are maintained largely because of legal and institutional inertia and the pressure of social demands to combat unemployment; (b) owing to serious budgetary and staffing constraints, the Ministry of Labour and Employment Promotion (STyFE), which is responsible for implementing the provisions of the Law on the Social and Solidarity Economy (LESS), only serves the cooperative sector and not the whole range of associations recognized as an integral part of the social sector of the economy; (c) little is being done to implement or refine the legal framework; (d) between 2015 and 2018, modest results were achieved, which were marred by the mismanagement (by officials and beneficiaries) of resources and programmes intended to support SSE; (e) in 2019, within the framework of the self-styled "republican austerity", there was a major administrative centralization of the programmes, accompanied by mass layoffs of employees and instructors, the inexperience of the new authorities and the establishment of new 2shell" cooperatives; and (f) the shortcomings of government efforts to guide and channel the transformative and innovative potential of SSE were evident throughout the period under review. Recommendations: (a) immediately align the legislation applicable to SSE enterprises with the Local Constitution and the comprehensive reform of the Law on Cooperative Development of the Federal District (LFCDF); (b) prepare a reliable and updated directory of cooperatives; (c) make all administrative processes simple, flexible and transparent; (d) establish a georeferencing procedure for each cooperative that provides real-time status updates; (e) develop multi-year programmes to achieve long-term goals; (f) tackle intergroup conflicts in the management of institutional spaces; (g) coordinate the public bodies involved in the implementation of public policies - the Government of Mexico City (GCDMX) and the municipalities; (h) set lower quantitative targets than in 2019, giving priority to qualitative aspects (capacity-building and technical support for cooperatives) over quantitative aspects (number of cooperatives formed or strengthened); (i) adopt a standardized training methodology for the formation and strengthening of cooperatives; (j) ongoing evaluation of programmes by institutions that are external to GCDMX; (k) revive the Advisory Council for Cooperative Development of the Federal District (CCFCDF) as an institutional space for dialogue and decision-making with the cooperative movement; (l) encourage research and diagnostic assessments on the conditions in which cooperatives operate and consider, in the light of evidence-based research, the possibility of extending public policy beyond the cooperative sector.

Das Erkenntnisinteresse dieses Artikels gilt dem Zusammenhang zwischen Gewalt und Geschlechterbeziehungen im Militärischen. In der symbolischen Ordnung ist Gewalt dichotom in Verletzungsmacht und Verletzbarkeit organisiert, diese Dichotomie ist zudem tiefgreifend mit der Kategorie Geschlecht verknüpft. Welche Verschiebungen in der geschlechtlich strukturierten, militärischen Gewaltorganisation zieht die Einbindung von Frauen* in mexikanische Kampfeinheiten nach sich? Die zugrundeliegende qualitative Studie erforscht, wie Soldatinnen in die mexikanischen Streitkräfte eingebunden werden, welche Einhegung ihre soldatische Verletzbarkeit erfährt und inwiefern sie sich Verletzungsmacht aneignen. Als zentrales Ergebnis wird herausgearbeitet, dass mit der militärischen Einbindung von Frauen* eine Verschiebung in der vergeschlechtlichten Ordnung der Gewalt konstatiert werden kann: Die mexikanischen Kampfsoldatinnen haben sich erfolgreich eine soldatische Subjektposition angeeignet und sind weit in die bislang männlich konnotierte Sphäre der soldatischen Verletzungsmacht vorgedrungen. Gleichzeitig sind die Bewegungen in der Beziehung von Gewalt und Geschlecht im Militärischen deutlich von Ambivalenzen gekennzeichnet, denn es werden auch neue Grenzen gezogen. This article examines the relationship between violence and gender in the military. In societies in which the dichotomous ascription to either the male or female gender organizes one's position in the societal order of violence, the military is of critical importance for linking masculinity with the ability to use violence on the one hand and femininity with vulnerability on the other hand. Hence, the research question of the presented project centers on the impacts resulting from the integration of women into the military. Which shifts are happening in the gendered organization of military violence? Drawing on a case study of Mexican female soldiers, it is demonstrated that female soldiers successfully incorporate a soldier's subject position and that they enter deep into the male space of military violence. Therefore, the central finding is a notable shift in the gendered order of violence. However, this shift is characterized by ambiguities. The Mexican servicewomen draw new gendered boundaries in the combat units.

Korruption und Straflosigkeit sind zwei zentrale Probleme des Rechtsstaats in Latein­amerika und damit auch von Qualität und Stabilität der Demokratie in dieser Region. Weil ihre eigenen Handlungs­möglichkeiten erschöpft waren, versuchten einige Regie­rungen, gemeinsam mit internationalen Organisationen dagegen vorzugehen. Dafür wurden Sondermechanismen eingerichtet, die außerhalb staatlicher Ermittlungs- und Strafverfolgungsbehörden, aber zugleich mit ihnen ver­schränkt daran arbeiten, Netz­werke der Korruption aufzudecken. In Guatemala, Honduras, Mexiko und Nicaragua sind solche Bemühungen zur Durchsetzung von Recht und Menschenrechten vor Kurzem abgebrochen worden, in Ecuador und El Salvador stehen vergleich­bare Ver­suche noch am Anfang. Nur wenn sie umfassend lokal eingebettet und (zivil)gesell­schaftlich verankert sind, werden sie erfolgreich sein können. (Autorenreferat)

Schriften des Erasmus von Rotterdam (1466/69–1536) entfalteten während des 16. Jahrhunderts eine große Wirkung in Spanien. Auf Grundlage der klassischen wie der jüngeren Historiographie widmet sich der Aufsatz diesem religions- und kulturgeschichtlichen Phänomen – mit Seitenblicken auf Luther – in vier Teilen: Nach einer Skizze zu Leben und Werk des christlichen Humanisten behandelt der zweite Teil den Erasmianismus in Spanien von seiner Erfolgsgeschichte in den 1520er Jahren (etwa bei Hof, an den Universitäten und in Übersetzungen) bis zur Verfolgung seiner Anhänger seit den 1530er Jahren durch die Inquisition. Drittens werden neuere Forschungstendenzen diskutiert, die das klassische, von Marcel Bataillon geprägte Bild korrigieren und weiterentwickeln, auch im Hinblick auf das ambivalente Verhältnis von Scholastik und Humanismus. Der letzte Teil widmet sich dem Einfluss des Erasmus in Neuspanien (Mexiko) am Beispiel von (Erz-) Bischöfen und Mönchen sowie von frühkolonialen Fallstudien. The writings of Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466/69–1536) exerted a significant influence in 16th-century Spain. Based on classical and recent historiography, the present essay examines this religious and cultural phenomenon, with side glances at Luther: After sketching out the life and work of the Christian humanist, the second part deals with Erasmianism in Spain from its widespread reception in the 1520s (at the royal court, at universities and in translations) to the inquisitorial persecution of its followers since the 1530s. Thirdly, newer research trends are discussed that both correct and further develop the classical image shaped by Marcel Bataillon, also with regard to the ambivalent relationship between scholasticism and humanism. To demonstrate Erasmus’ influence in New Spain (Mexico), the final part of this essay turns its attention to the attitudes of (arch)bishops and friars as well as to early colonial case studies.

The paper aims to deepen understanding of the design and implementation processes of public policies to promote the social and solidarity economy (SSE) in Mexico City (CDMX) during the period 2016-2019, and to propose general guidelines to improve and refine them. The paper is based on a review of published materials and field research. The main findings include the following: (a) policies to promote SSE are maintained largely because of legal and institutional inertia and the pressure of social demands to combat unemployment; (b) owing to serious budgetary and staffing constraints, the Ministry of Labour and Employment Promotion (STyFE), which is responsible for implementing the provisions of the Law on the Social and Solidarity Economy (LESS), only serves the cooperative sector and not the whole range of associations recognized as an integral part of the social sector of the economy; (c) little is being done to implement or refine the legal framework; (d) between 2015 and 2018, modest results were achieved, which were marred by the mismanagement (by officials and beneficiaries) of resources and programmes intended to support SSE; (e) in 2019, within the framework of the self-styled "republican austerity", there was a major administrative centralization of the programmes, accompanied by mass layoffs of employees and instructors, the inexperience of the new authorities and the establishment of new 2shell" cooperatives; and (f) the shortcomings of government efforts to guide and channel the transformative and innovative potential of SSE were evident throughout the period under review. Recommendations: (a) immediately align the legislation applicable to SSE enterprises with the Local Constitution and the comprehensive reform of the Law on Cooperative Development of the Federal District (LFCDF); (b) prepare a reliable and updated directory of cooperatives; (c) make all administrative processes simple, flexible and transparent; (d) establish a georeferencing procedure for each cooperative that provides real-time status updates; (e) develop multi-year programmes to achieve long-term goals; (f) tackle intergroup conflicts in the management of institutional spaces; (g) coordinate the public bodies involved in the implementation of public policies - the Government of Mexico City (GCDMX) and the municipalities; (h) set lower quantitative targets than in 2019, giving priority to qualitative aspects (capacity-building and technical support for cooperatives) over quantitative aspects (number of cooperatives formed or strengthened); (i) adopt a standardized training methodology for the formation and strengthening of cooperatives; (j) ongoing evaluation of programmes by institutions that are external to GCDMX; (k) revive the Advisory Council for Cooperative Development of the Federal District (CCFCDF) as an institutional space for dialogue and decision-making with the cooperative movement; (l) encourage research and diagnostic assessments on the conditions in which cooperatives operate and consider, in the light of evidence-based research, the possibility of extending public policy beyond the cooperative sector.

The paper aims to deepen understanding of the design and implementation processes of public policies to promote the social and solidarity economy (SSE) in Mexico City (CDMX) during the period 2016-2019, and to propose general guidelines to improve and refine them. The paper is based on a review of published materials and field research. The main findings include the following: (a) policies to promote SSE are maintained largely because of legal and institutional inertia and the pressure of social demands to combat unemployment; (b) owing to serious budgetary and staffing constraints, the Ministry of Labour and Employment Promotion (STyFE), which is responsible for implementing the provisions of the Law on the Social and Solidarity Economy (LESS), only serves the cooperative sector and not the whole range of associations recognized as an integral part of the social sector of the economy; (c) little is being done to implement or refine the legal framework; (d) between 2015 and 2018, modest results were achieved, which were marred by the mismanagement (by officials and beneficiaries) of resources and programmes intended to support SSE; (e) in 2019, within the framework of the self-styled "republican austerity", there was a major administrative centralization of the programmes, accompanied by mass layoffs of employees and instructors, the inexperience of the new authorities and the establishment of new 2shell" cooperatives; and (f) the shortcomings of government efforts to guide and channel the transformative and innovative potential of SSE were evident throughout the period under review. Recommendations: (a) immediately align the legislation applicable to SSE enterprises with the Local Constitution and the comprehensive reform of the Law on Cooperative Development of the Federal District (LFCDF); (b) prepare a reliable and updated directory of cooperatives; (c) make all administrative processes simple, flexible and transparent; (d) establish a georeferencing procedure for each cooperative that provides real-time status updates; (e) develop multi-year programmes to achieve long-term goals; (f) tackle intergroup conflicts in the management of institutional spaces; (g) coordinate the public bodies involved in the implementation of public policies - the Government of Mexico City (GCDMX) and the municipalities; (h) set lower quantitative targets than in 2019, giving priority to qualitative aspects (capacity-building and technical support for cooperatives) over quantitative aspects (number of cooperatives formed or strengthened); (i) adopt a standardized training methodology for the formation and strengthening of cooperatives; (j) ongoing evaluation of programmes by institutions that are external to GCDMX; (k) revive the Advisory Council for Cooperative Development of the Federal District (CCFCDF) as an institutional space for dialogue and decision-making with the cooperative movement; (l) encourage research and diagnostic assessments on the conditions in which cooperatives operate and consider, in the light of evidence-based research, the possibility of extending public policy beyond the cooperative sector.

Leseprobe Leseprobe 2 ----- Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag rekonstruiert die prakolonialen Geschlechterkonstruktionen, die die Maya in Yucatan/Mexiko als Ausdruck ihrer Kosmovision und Religiositat entwickelt haben. Diese sind durch die Komplementaritat des Weiblichen und des Mannlichen gekennzeichnet und beide notwendig, um ein kosmisches Gleichgewicht zu erreichen. Diese Kosmovision hat nicht nur weniger ungleiche Gesellschaften mit einer herausragenden Rolle von Frauen und nichtbinaren Seinsweisen hervorgebracht. Mit ihren jeweiligen Veranderungen haben diese Geschlechterkonstruktionen auch den Jahrhunderten der Eroberung, Kolonisierung und Unabhangigkeit von Spanien widerstanden. Aus dieser Perspektive konnen die vielfaltigen Sexualitaten, die bei den Maya im 21. Jahrhunderts beobachtet werden, nicht als ein Produkt der westlichen Moderne verstanden werden, sondern eher als ein Uberbleibsel, dessen Wurzeln bis in fruhere Zeiten zuruckreichen. Ausgehend von den Geschlechterkonstruktionen der Maya fur die Erforschung zeitgenossischer Sexualitaten bedeutet dies, gleichberechtigte Dialoge mit anderen Bevolkerungsgruppen zu fuhren, denen ebenfalls die koloniale hetero-patriarchalische Binaritat aufgezwungen wurde, sowie mit westlichen Emanzipationsprozessen, einschlieslich der Queer-Theorie. Schlagworter: Maya, Yukatan, Sexualitaten, dekoloniales Denken, Postkolonialismus, Queer-Theorie ----- Decolonising Maya Sexualities in South-East Mexico Abstract In an exercise of questioning the official history of Mayan sexualities in the Southeast of Mexico, especially the Yucatan Peninsula, this article seeks to deepen, reclaim, and re-signify the sex-generic constructions that the Maya have been developing since the pre-Hispanic era. Mayan sex-generic constructions form part of a cosmology and religiosity that sees both the feminine and the masculine as necessary and complementary elements to archive cosmic balance. This worldview not only generated less unequal societies, as demonstrated through the outstanding role of women and non-binary people in Mayan society, but it also resisted, with its respective transformations, centuries of Spanish conquest and colonisation. From this perspective, the diversity of sexualities observed among Mayan peoples today cannot be conceived as a product of Western modernity, but instead as a remnant with roots embedded in more ancient times. The article argues that, to start from Mayan sex-generic constructions for the study of contemporary sexualities requires generating radical dialogues and alliances on equal terms with peoples on whom the colonial hetero-patriarchal binary was imposed, as well as with Western emancipatory processes like Queer Theory. Keywords: Yucatecan Mayas, sexualities, decolonial, post-colonialism, queer theory ----- Bibliographie: de J. Solis Mecalco, Ruben: Dekolonisierung der Maya-Sexualitaten im Sudosten Mexikos, PERIPHERIE – Politik • Okonomie • Kultur, 1+2-2020, S. 81-101. https://doi.org/10.3224/peripherie.v40i1-2.05

Diese Dissertation ist Teil eines langjährigen deutsch-mexikanischen Forschungsprojektes über paläontologische und paläoanthropologische Funde aus den Unterwasserhöhlen im Bundesstaat Quintana Roo im Südosten Mexikos. Sie fasst dabei die Ergebnisse über spätpleistozäne Großsäuger, speziell Bodenfaultiere, zusammen. Zwei Arten der neuen Bodenfaultier-Gattung Xibalbaonyx werden im Untersuchungsgebiet neu beschrieben und in den Zeitraum des späten Pleistozän bis frühen Holozän datiert. Darüber hinaus wurden andere Lokalitäten im Nordosten, Westen und Zentralmexikos, sowie in Guatemala besucht und die fossilen Sammlungen der dortigen spätpleistozänen Megafauna dokumentiert und beschrieben, einschließlich einer dritten Art von Xibalbaonyx (X. microcaninus). Sammlungen aus dem Natural History Museum in New York und aus dem Museum of Natural History and University of Florida at Gainesville, USA, sowie die Sammlungen des Naturkundemuseums in Karlsruhe, Deutschland, dienten dem anatomischen Vergleich. Auf Grundlage der osteologischen Beschreibung und paläontologischen Aufarbeitung der assoziierten Fauna aus den Unterwasserhöhlen Quintana Roos wurden Einblicke in die Paläoökologie von Xibalbaonyx und anderen Bodenfaultieren gewonnen. Die funktionsmorphologische Analyse legt nahe, dass Xibalbaonyx oviceps in der Lage war, die steilen Hänge der Dolinen zu erklimmen. Xibalbaonyx nutzte die trockenen Höhlensysteme zur Suche nach Wasser, als Zufluchtsort und zur Aufzucht der Jungen. Angeborene Pathologien wurden wiederholt bei den Bodenfaultieren festgestellt, einschließlich asymmetrischer Wirbelkörper. Diese Pathologien deuten darauf hin, dass es in dem Untersuchungsgebiet zeitweise zu Inzucht kam und vermutlich schlechte Umweltbedingungen vorlagen. Eine neue Gattung und Art von Nabelschwein (Muknalia minima n. gen et sp.) und eine neue Art von Jaguar (Panthera balamoides sp. nov.) waren in Quintana Roo mit diesen Bodenfaultieren assoziiert. Die hohe Zahl an Endemismen in dieser einzigartigen Faunenvergesellschaftung belegen eine partielle paläogeographische und ökologische Isolation der Yukatan Halbinsel vom amerikanischen Kontinent und eine Verinselung des Untersuchungsgebietes. Diese Theorie wird auch durch anthropologische Untersuchungen untermauert, welche deutliche morphologische Unterschiede zwischen den ersten Jägern und Sammlern auf der Yukatan Halbinsel und anderen gleichaltrigen Populationen in Zentralmexiko belegen. Menschliche Interaktionen mit der Megafauna sind durch Schnittspuren und weitere Befunde an Knochen belegt und werden erstmals für die Region beschrieben. Die Klimaveränderungen am Pleistozän-Holozän Übergang könnten die Entwicklung von „Inselpopulationen“ in der nordöstlichen Yukatan-Halbinsel unterstützt haben, die durch die Karstlandschaft zwischen den einzelnen Karstdolinen (Cenotes) voneinander getrennt existierten. Diese kleinen untereinander isolierten Populationen von Bodenfaultieren, insbesondere der Familie der Megalonychidae, diversifizierten schnell, waren aber gegenüber Umweltveränderungen anfällig. Die hiervorgestellte vergleichende Auswertung taxonomischer Datensätze mit Literaturrecherche, Überarbeitung von Museumssammlungen, sowie Feldforschung liefert Hinweise auf das Aussterben der Bodenfaultiere auf der Yukatan Halbinsel zu Beginn des Holozäns.

The humanitarian crisis of Central American minor migrants in 2014 and the massive migration enforcement in Mexico during its aftermath altered the mobility of people flee-ing violence in Central America. Anti-immigration measures particularly affect women with children. Due to violence along migration routes and the lack of financial resources to migrate north, many of them must settle in southern Mexico. In this situation, access-ing formal rights through refugee protection status in Mexico becomes an important sur-vival strategy. However, this process of legalizing their immigration status requires time, knowledge, and the provision of care by other family members. This paper focuses on the experiences of refugee claimants in the southern Mexican town of Tapachula. Based on fieldwork conducted there in 2018 and drawing on earlier research from 2013 and 2014, this paper aims to analyse women’s experiences and strategies and the role of care provi-sion during this process. Findings highlight processes of re-victimization due to segment-ed labour markets and other aspects of structural and gender-based violence that impact women’s agency during this process., Journal of Family Research, Early View

With the decreasing importance of national borders and rise of regions as main actors in economic activity, regional disparities are one of the pressing issues faced by many governments. The objective of this thesis is to look at the case study of trends of Mexican regional disparities. The paper draws from the New Economic Geography, which stresses importance of human and physical capital for economic growth, and Porter's theory of clusters which finds the importance of export for regional development. The paper divides Mexico into three regions: the North; the Centre and the South and uses the SWOT analysis for evaluation of each region. The thesis finds that the North is the region with highest economic performance which is the result of its export-based manufacturing industry. It benefits from its closeness to the US, but it lacks technological research connected to its products, as that takes place in the US. The Centre has been also experiencing growth. Most of its economic activity is located around Mexico City but various clusters have been created in other areas as well. Lastly, the South is the poorest and most diverse region. Its economy is based on oil, tourism and agriculture and it consists of well-performing states as well as of states in viscous cycles of poverty. The paper offers a...