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This essay explores the struggles of second‐generation Tibetan refugees under an exclusionary Indian citizenship regime. Confronted with a national orthodoxy that entwines legal status, entitlements, and national identity, Tibetans respond by "disaggregating" citizenship. First, stateless Tibetans, born in India to refugee parents, won legal appeals by demonstrating that Tibetan nationality was no bar to Indian citizenship. In response, Indian authorities demanded that Tibetans give up refugee entitlements and remove themselves from their national space and political community in exile as the price of Indian citizenship. This article explores the diverse responses of Tibetans to the citizenship‐on‐offer: some aspiring for it, some accepting it, and others actively rejecting it. These responses illustrate strategies refugees employ to navigate citizenship regimes that often render them liminal. Refugees act both to mitigate the precarity of statelessness and to preserve their identity, community, and political aspirations against erasure. In doing so, they not only disrupt the national orthodoxy of states that negates refugee experiences but also reveal the incompleteness and contradictions of citizenship regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Romanticism movement experienced in 19th century European countries, technological developments, the importance of national identities, the increase in music education and publishing increased the interaction between cultures and caused similar genres that took on their own national identities to become widespread in different places. One of these genres is the lied tradition in German culture. Lied means "song" in German. However, the meaning of the word alone is enough to place it only within the vocal music genre, rather than placing it in a different category among genres and forms. However, the lied tradition has gone beyond being a genre in its own right, and as can be seen in the example of Akkılıç (2010), it has almost taken on the claim of being an art form in its own right when people started to refer to it as "lied art". Mélodie, on the other hand, is a different genre that emerged with the Lied tradition coming to France and has achieved as much success as it. However, the similarities of both genres make it difficult to evaluate them in two different categories. However, in order to distinguish between the two genres well, the similarities between them must also be well determined. This study focuses on the similarities and differences between the Lied genre and the mélodie genre. During the study, the data was obtained by scanning the relevant literature and a comparative analysis was made by selecting one example from each genre. As a result of the evaluation and interpretation of the obtained data, the closeness of the musical meaning between the two genres was seen and the question of what is musically different was considered in order to contribute to this closeness. While searching for an answer to this question, the literature review and analyses conducted showed that the most important musical difference between the two genres is the dramatic aspect of the German lied genre. When the sample works in the study are examined by considering the theatrical meaning carried by the word 'dramatic', it is thought that the conceptual confusion between these two genres will be significantly reduced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The survival of Bulgarian Jewry during the Holocaust was exceptional. Bulgaria was a Nazi ally, but due to strong opposition within the Bulgarian government, church and population, Bulgarian Jewish citizens were never deported. Almost all 48,000 survived the Holocaust. Through critical discourse analysis of primary documents, this article identifies an inclusive conception of national identity as key to their survival. Most Bulgarians believed that Jews were fellow citizens, not threatening outsiders, and perceived that it was 'not Bulgarian' to deport them. Ethnopolitics thus played a critical role in the survival of Bulgarian Jewry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Estonian nationalism has undergone a transformation from 'state-seeking' to 'state-led' since acquiring independence, which has affected the Estonian national identity. Estonia is commonly labelled as an 'ethnic democracy'; however, we propose a dichotomy between open and closed ethnic democracies. The process of national state-building in Estonia is still going on, with the concept of 'Estonianness' consisting of the 'Finno-Ugric,' 'Nordic/Scandinavian,' and 'European' identity structures. These form the basis for an inclusive, or open ethnic democracy. Though Estonianness is primarily defined in cultural and linguistic terms, a newcomer may ascribe oneself to it and become a member of the ethno-civic nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cognitive interviewing in the form of probing is key for developing methodologically sound survey questions. For a long time, probing was tied to the laboratory setting, making it difficult to achieve large sample sizes and creating a time-intensive undertaking for both researchers and participants. Web surveys paved the way for administering probing questions over the Internet in a time- and cost-efficient manner. In so-called web probing studies, respondents first answer a question and then they receive one or more open-ended questions about their response process, with requests for written answers. However, participants frequently provide very short or no answers at all to open-ended questions, in part because answering questions in writing is tedious. This is especially the case when the web survey is completed via a smartphone with a virtual on-screen keypad that shrinks the viewing space. In this study, we examine whether the problem of short and uninterpretable answers in web probing studies can be mitigated by asking respondents to complete the web survey on a smartphone and to record their answers via the built-in microphone. We conducted an experiment in a smartphone survey (N  =   1,001), randomizing respondents to different communication modes (written or oral) for answering two comprehension probes about two questions on national identity and citizenship. The results indicate that probes with requests for oral answers produce four to five times more nonresponse than their written counterparts. However, oral answers contain about three times as many words, include about 0.3 more themes (first probing question only), and the proportion of clearly interpretable answers is about 6 percentage points higher (for the first probing question only). Nonetheless, both communication modes result in similar themes mentioned by respondents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I examine social and political messages embedded in the use of music in Halide Edib’s novel The Clown and His Daughter. I argue that Halide Edib uses the Quranic readings of the female protagonist Rabia as a metaphor for both the woman’s voice in late Ottoman society and the ideal resolution of tensions between eastern and western perspectives. This historiographical approach to the novel encompasses early feminism in the Ottoman Empire, cultural and military conflict with European powers, and the establishment of the Republic of Turkiye with a new national identity and social agenda. Existing scholarship of this controversial and under-represented figure addresses these topics mostly in reference to her journalism and other non-fiction and focuses on her pre-exile perspectives and activities in the fight for Turkish independence. This method of close reading of a novel, published for an international audience during her exile, attempts to reflect her ripened outlook on women’s issues and Turkish national identity as she frames it aesthetically. Presenting an historic peak of modern cultural friction in musical terms, Halide Edib illustrates, I will argue, what she considers a Turk’s ideal relationship with the West through Rabia as a singer with a deep appreciation of both eastern and western music and as a Quran reader married to an expriest/classical pianist. In this essay, I explore how, through Rabia, Halide Edib harmonises the spiritual and carnal, individual and community, nation and world. Addressing marriage, ethnic heritage, and cultural development, Halide Edib uses music, as this article will demonstrate, in constructing a Turkish New Woman who, through male mentors and traditional socioreligious influences, becomes a spiritual inspiration in her community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to present the evolution of Polish historical-literary narratives in the 19th century. The historical-literary syntheses undertaken in the article began to emerge when the aesthetics of Romanticism began to wane in Polish literary life. However, Romanticism remained a strong intellectual force, and the ideas associated with it determined how humanistic reflection should develop, not only in literary studies, but also in historiography and philosophy. This article endeavours to provide answers to three fundamental questions: How did literary historians view their role and place in society? How did they define the role of historical-literary reflection in the process of forming a national identity? And finally, what was the salvatory aspect of their mission and why was interpreting the past so crucial? Three examples come from the 1840s, and one from the very end of the century. The former show how Romanticism paved the way for historical-literary narratives in Polish literature, while the latter illustrates the modernist reaction and overcoming of the former model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates historical photographs exhibited at public heritage sites in Aotearoa New Zealand. The analysis reveals that – by portraying 19th-century environmental change as a 'heroic' narrative of 'progress' – the photographs construct New Zealand national identity in opposition to nature, rather than promote a sense of connectedness with the natural environment. The article thus makes three important contributions to the literature on the visualization of environmental and climate change. First, the empirical case study demonstrates that visual narratives shape our social identities in relation to nature. Second, the article adds a rare socio-semiotic analysis to the environmental communication literature, highlighting that photographs have to be examined through multimodal methods and in relation to wider discursive processes of meaning making. Third, by borrowing ideas from the literature on collective memory, the article shows that, even though they depict scenes that are set in the distant past, historical photographs can still influence environmental attitudes and behaviours in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds light on the importance of both national doctrine and national (grand) strategy for increasing the national power of the state, and their significant role for the development of the country. It depicts the importance of setting up the national ideal, national interests and goals, as well as the accomplishment of the planned task with the dedicated means. National identity, national unity and participation in organizations such as EU and NATO are important for the development of the country's strategic agenda. The national doctrine and strategy are long-term documents, enabling the society to have a good foundation for developing its strategic documents concerning the governance of the state and ensuring the prosperity of the nation. On the other hand, both strategic documents also have their restraining effect regarding the deterrence of desires for a sharp change of strategic interests and objectives of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Psychological Science is the property of Psychological Science Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Route Educational & Social Science Journal (Ress Journal) is the property of Ress Academy Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tourism Tribune / Lvyou Xuekan is the property of Tourism Institute of Beijing Union University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is generally accepted that members of diasporas tend to maintain a connection with and identification with their home nation. This is often expressed as a hyphenated identity and may be maintained through generations; later generations may become involved in family research to reactivate ties to the homeland. The Scottish diaspora is a classic example of such an identity but, although that sense of identity with the homeland is expressed by the diaspora, it is not clear if this is reciprocated by the homeland, whose attitude to diaspora members may not necessarily be an inclusive one. Contemporary Scotland, a nation with a very large diaspora, provides us with an opportunity to examine this closely. In this paper, we explore attitudes towards the Scottish diaspora and how things have changed, with a Scottish Government proactively connecting with its diaspora. In particular, we explore their recent diaspora policy framework document, which has begun to redefine 'Scottishness' to be a more inclusive and transnational identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses data from the 2021 Scottish Election Study to apply both established and relatively rare or unique approaches to understanding the interrelationships between personal national identities, attitudes regarding the (Scottish) nation and independence, and people's own/family migration histories. Analysis broadly substantiates previous research in Scotland on the effects of birthplace, parentage and length of residence on national identities, and similarly highlights that previously established 'non-alignment' between national identities and position on Scottish independence extends to how the latter is associated with personal and family migration histories. The paper also makes at least three distinctive contributions. First, it highlights the significance of socialisation in Scotland, particularly in early childhood, for migrants' personal national identities and attitudes to Scottish nationhood and independence. Second, it suggests only limited variation in the degree to which personal biographical characteristics are associated with perceptions that Scotland has distinct values compared to other parts of the UK. Third, it demonstrates that social connections to England via birthplace, family and/or prior residence do not invariably affect national identities and attitudes to Scottish independence, but that those with the strongest associations to England are substantially less likely to prioritise a Scottish identity or support Scottish independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to present the evolution of Polish historical-literary narratives in the 19th century. The historical-literary syntheses undertaken in the article began to emerge when the aesthetics of Romanticism began to wane in Polish literary life. However, Romanticism remained a strong intellectual force, and the ideas associated with it determined how humanistic reflection should develop, not only in literary studies, but also in historiography and philosophy. This article endeavours to provide answers to three fundamental questions: How did literary historians view their role and place in society? How did they define the role of historical-literary reflection in the process of forming a national identity? And finally, what was the salvatory aspect of their mission and why was interpreting the past so crucial? Three examples come from the 1840s, and one from the very end of the century. The former show how Romanticism paved the way for historical-literary narratives in Polish literature, while the latter illustrates the modernist reaction and overcoming of the former model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is dedicated to the 80th Anniversary of the deportation of the Crimean Tatar people, one of the most tragic and large-scale acts of Soviet repressive policies in the 20th century. This event had far-reaching consequences for the Crimean Tatar people, as well as for the socio-economic and cultural structure of the entire Crimean Peninsula. The study thoroughly analyzes the key causes of the deportation, its course, and its complex consequences, which deeply affected the region’s development. The deportation, which involved more than 200,000 Crimean Tatars, was a multi-stage process organized by Soviet authorities. It was accompanied by the forced relocation of the population to remote regions of Central Asia and Siberia, where harsh natural conditions, a lack of food, and medical supplies created extremely difficult living conditions for the deportees. This led to a high mortality rate among the Crimean Tatars, with estimates suggesting that up to 46% of the population died from hunger, disease, and exhausting labor in the first few years following the deportation. In addition to the demographic consequences, the article details the political, ideological, and geostrategic reasons that prompted the Soviet authorities to carry out this deportation. The Soviet regime viewed deportation as part of its broader policy of repression and forced assimilation of national minorities, particularly the Crimean Tatars, whose ethnic and cultural identity posed a threat to the centralized Soviet system. The systematic suppression of national identity was one of the key tools of Stalin’s regime, aimed not only at physical displacement but also at the destruction of the Crimean Tatars’ cultural heritage and historical memory. An important aspect of the work is the analysis of the current situation of the Crimean Tatars in the context of the Russian occupation of Crimea since 2014. This issue is particularly relevant as the Crimean Tatar people once again face new waves of repression and persecution that threaten their cultural heritage and existence. The article examines how the current conditions of occupation affect the national consciousness of the Crimean Tatars and how their history of deportation is used in contemporary political discourse. The article also emphasizes the importance of preserving the historical memory of the Crimean Tatar deportation as one of the key elements in the fight for the rights of deported peoples. Special attention is given to the importance of maintaining national identity in the face of new threats. The work focuses significantly on the international challenges related to human rights violations, particularly those affecting national minorities, as well as the need for the restoration of historical justice and the protection of the cultural rights of peoples affected by deportation and repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the ideas of prominent German Romantic figures such as Friedrich Schlegel, Novalis, Friedrich Schleiermacher, Ludwig Tieck, and the Brothers Grimm, and examines their influence on the cultural and national revival of Ukraine in the 19th century. Key themes of German Romanticism – such as the revival of national identity, culture, folk art, and the quest for freedom – were integrated into the ideological framework of Ukrainian Romantics, including M. Kostomarov, T. Shevchenko, P. Kulish, and M. Shashkevych. Schlegel’s concept of ‘universal poetry’ notably influenced Kostomarov’s works, aiming to cultivate national consciousness by referencing folklore and native history. Novalis’s works, which combined natural imagery with symbols of spiritual quest, inspired Shevchenko’s use of nature and folk customs as symbols of the struggle for national identity and freedom. Schleiermacher’s exploration of the religious dimension of Romantic thought resonated within Kulish’s works. Additionally, the Romantic ideas of Tieck and the Brothers Grimm, which fused folk motifs with mystical elements and traditional beliefs, influenced Shashkevych and Kulish, who emphasized folklore’s importance in preserving national identity and connecting it to spiritual heritage. The article further demonstrates how the Ukrainian intelligentsia adapted German Romantic ideas to the Ukrainian context as part of their struggle for national consciousness, the preservation of unique identity, the emphasis on folk art, and the cultivation of historical memory, all of which served as responses to imperial oppression and assimilationist pressures. Ukrainian Romanticism, shaped by German Romantic ideals, developed unique features: the invocation of the Cossack myth, the fusion of Christian motifs with the ideas of national revival, symbolism derived from nature, and the profound significance of the Ukrainian language as a symbol of national unity and identity. These distinctive characteristics of Ukrainian Romanticism reflect the unique aspects of Ukrainian culture, spirituality, and aspirations for national revival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the second half of the 19th century, the issue of public education and the spread of literacy among all strata of Ukrainian society remained one of the main priorities for representatives of our national elite. Moreover, during the late 1850s and early 1860s, in the context of a brief period of liberalism in the Russian Empire’s politics, this activity was initiated with extraordinary speed and promising success. However, in 1863, 1876, and thereafter, repressive restrictions by the authorities caused divergent views among Ukrainian public figures regarding work priorities. In fact, some of them shifted to emphasizing the problem of social liberation and the struggle for improving living conditions of the physically working classes; while simultaneously neglecting the issue of providing these classes with a clear national and cultural self-awareness. Subsequently, Ukrainian sympathizers of the struggle for social liberation fully joined the all-Russian movement opposing the ruling autocratic regime, in the context of defending the political ideas of socialism and Marxism – thereby losing sight of the importance of establishing a sense of national identity among Ukrainians. Thus, the purely cultural movement of the mid-19th century, traditionally referred to as Ukrainophilism, gave rise to several ideological currents within the Ukrainian elite. Some of them went to the people, continuing their activities strictly within the realm of ethnographic cultural work. It can be said that they sought to merge with the people, adopting all the peculiarities of the common folk’s life, aiming to dissolve into it. Others, during the 1880s and 1890s, shifted to positions of political struggle, including freeing themselves from the duty of nurturing national-cultural Ukrainian traditions, merging in their work with the all-Russian political movement of resistance to tsarism. And only a small part of the elite, while engaging in political struggle, recognized the importance of promoting education solely on national principles, thus establishing among all layers of the Ukrainian population an awareness of their own national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document is a conference report on "Disrupted Identities in the Light of 'Post-Everything'" held at the International Graduate Centre for the Study of Culture in Giessen, Germany. The conference aimed to explore shifting and disrupted identities within the context of post-concepts, addressing the impact of events like wars and forced migration on identity constructions. Presentations covered topics such as the construction of whiteness in Romania, Kumaoni identity in migration, and the impact of the Year of Return campaign on Afro-diasporic identities. The conference provided diverse perspectives on identity articulation, emphasizing the complexity and fluidity of identity shaped by historical, social, and cultural forces. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores how the Shanghai-based general interest magazine T'ien Hsia (1935–41) engaged with European surrealist movements in the 1930s. The first part of the article explores how the magazine's literature and artwork responded to surrealist tendencies and ideas and argues that the prevalence of these tendencies and ideas intensified from 1937 in response to the Second Sino-Japanese War and the resultant Japanese colonization of Shanghai. Whilst surrealism offered a vehicle for a variety of responses to warfare – such as escapism, political comment, and black humour – it was also a movement through which the magazine's transnational editorial team, including Wen Yuanning, a charismatic young writer-diplomat who had graduated from Cambridge, John C. Wu, and the American-born journalist Emily Hahn, could assert their distinct brand of liberal cosmopolitanism. The second part of the article explores how terms like 'cosmopolitanism', together with other postcolonial theory-related concepts such as 'hybridity' or 'decoloniality', help to illustrate the magazine's turn towards the surreal as symptomatic of both its publication in Shanghai, a semicolonial treaty port that brought together a myriad of national identities and artistic styles, and also of its editors' aims to provide a sense of cohesiveness and collaboration that transcended national boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After 1918, in the changed socio-political landscape following the establishment of Czechoslovakia, the search for national identity emerged as a key topic in intellectual discussions. Questions of self-definition in relation to Hungarians, Czechs, and Europe became prominent within the Slovak cultural and intellectual landscape. The leading figures in Slovak modern visual art developed a distinctively Slovak style, primarily focused on themes of the Slovak countryside and traditional folklore. This paper examines the creation of "Slovakness" in art and the role of Czech cultural actors in Slovakia. It highlights the importance of national identity in visual arts through texts published in periodicals that aligned with the programmatic Slovak orientation of significant modern Slovak artists, including Janko Alexy (1894 - 1970), Miloš Alexander Bazovský (1899 - 1968), Ľudovít Fulla (1902 - 1980), and Mikuláš Galanda (1895 - 1938). The analysed articles played a significant role in shaping ideas about the identity of Slovak art, often having a broader social impact than the artists' exhibitions - even though the programmatic Slovak orientation they advocated was not always fully reflected in them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intellectual and political debates surrounding the Treaty of Trianon continue to play a significant role in Hungarian public life today. However, findings from a representative survey conducted on the centenary of the treaty reveal that these debates are less prominent in public opinion, where a broader consensus appears to have formed regarding the perception of “Trianon”. According to this consensus, the treaty is viewed as unjust and excessive. At the same time, explanations emphasising external factors, particularly the nationalist movements in Central Europe and the geopolitical ambitions of the victorious great powers, dominate public reasoning regarding the causes leading to the treaty. Explanations focusing on internal factors, such as the poor decisions of the political elite at the time or Hungary’s prior nationality policies, appear far less prominently. Objective knowledge about the treaty is also lacking: more than half of the Hungarian population cannot recall the exact year of its signing. This suggests that while the perception of “Trianon” remains a significant topic within the intellectual and political discourse, it is more prominently represented as a form of cultural memory in public opinion and less as an event that shapes national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reveals the essence and meaningful content of one of the most important human rights as the right to information security, which is currently up-to-date for any democratic legal state, especially for a state that is subjected to military aggression by another neighboring state, such as Ukraine. In the process of scientific research of the right to information security, it was found that such a right occurs in the context and interdependence with national security, because the latter manifests the nature and policy of the state and is a vector of its development, and accordingly involves conducting the information policy of the state. However, in considering this right, the emphasis is on its content, as well as on the fact that this right primarily belongs to a person on the basis of the right of natural communication, and therefore the right to information security must be fundamentally considered through the plane of natural and legal human rights, as well as through the system of general rights person and citizen. Based on the disclosure of the substantive part of the right to information security, it was found that it is an important independent part in ensuring the national security of the country, that this right determines the state of protection of not only national interests, but also the state of protection of the entire information space, both from external and and from the internal challenges facing modern Ukrainian society. Since the right to information security is an important and independent part of the system of human and citizen rights, and is part of national security, this right represents a number of security aspects, namely, informational and psychological security and informational and technological security of the individual and the state. A person's right to information security should not be protected only by the technical aspects of its implementation or by the security of the information itself (in electronic, paper, communication format). It also applies to all parties to the manifestation of the specified right and its protection in the form of informational data, regardless of the forms of its manifestation. The right to information security has undoubtedly expanded with the development of new computer and information tools. In the light of the development of this right, we are talking not only about the loss of ordinary information, but first of all about the guarantee of its protection with reference to the national characteristics of the state, which also includes some factors in its content: person, system, processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is indicated that in the conditions of the formation of Ukraine as a state based on the principles of democracy and the rule of law, it is extremely important to ensure the effective work of all links of the state mechanism, in particular the prosecutor's office as its integral component. The correct positioning of the prosecutor's office in the structure of state institutions is of decisive importance for the organization of power as a whole, because it directly affects both the quality of the prosecutor's office's performance of the tasks assigned to it and the balanced functioning of the system of checks and balances. The article examines the problem of determining the place of the prosecutor's office in the system of state authorities of Ukraine. Scientific approaches to understanding the legal nature of law enforcement agencies and their positioning in the state mechanism are analyzed. The discussion on the allocation of law enforcement agencies as an independent component of the state mechanism and the possibility of expanding the constitutional model of the separation of powers is highlighted. Particular attention is paid to the trend of rethinking the traditional concept of the separation of powers and the separation of the control authority as the fourth branch. The need for the formation of an independent control and supervisory branch of power is substantiated and proposals for including a special section on state control in the structure of the Fundamental Law of Ukraine are analyzed. The main approaches to determining the place of the prosecutor's office in the system of state power are considered in detail: as part of the legislative, executive, judicial branches of power or the presidential vertical. Foreign experience in organizing the prosecutor's office is analyzed and five main models of its functioning in different countries are identified. International standards on the role of the prosecutor's office are studied, in particular the Recommendations of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. Based on the analysis, a conclusion is drawn about the need to reform the status of the prosecutor's office in Ukraine, taking into account both international standards and national characteristics - historical traditions, legal culture, socio-economic and political realities. The importance of a comprehensive approach to resolving the issue of integrating the prosecutor's office into the system of separation of state power is emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The shaping of national image is a two-way process, including "self-shaping" and "shaping by others". Magazines are one of the important channels for disseminating information. Taking The Economist's China-related reports in 2023 as a case, this article focuses on 195 reports on politics and diplomacy as well as economy, conducting quantitative and qualitative analyses of the visual images from the perspective of visual grammar, and further exploring the multimodal construction of China's image in The Economist. The research shows that the images in The Economist fully realize the representational meaning, interactive meaning and compositional meaning. In terms of the representational meaning, narrative representation is the major process. Images that reflect the reactional process, action process and symbolic process are used more frequently. In terms of the interactive meaning, "offer" images, long shot images and images with horizontal perspective appear more frequently. In addition, information value, salience, and framing are interrelated to achieve the compositional meaning. The political and diplomatic image of China constructed by The Economist is that China is a country with increasing power, which is authoritarian internally and threatening externally. In terms of economy, China is portrayed as a country with a fast growing economy which can withstand the global economic crisis, but its economic prospects are not optimistic, and the "China threat theory" still exists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An increasing number of scholars have studied the role of identity in shaping states’ foreign policy. In Europe, the existence of diverse national identities renders shared senses of European identity an important foundation for any foreign policy requiring supra-national coordination. Most studies support the view that strengthening senses of European identity promote ‘Europeanist’ foreign policy paradigms that emphasize the importance for Europe to act as an autonomous and independent global player. However, we suggest that the effects of European identification on citizens’ foreign policy preferences remain poorly understood. In this paper, using novel survey data, we statistically assess the linkages between citizens’ sense of European identity and their preferences to align with the United States. We find European identity to be strongly tied to ‘Atlanticist’ foreign policy attitudes and attribute much of this effect to feelings of ideational proximity. Our results provide insights into the future of Europe’s international positioning and showcase the importance of considering the relative proximity in actors’ identities when studying the impact of such identities on foreign policy attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the themed section on ‘Mechanisms of National Solidarity’ explores key questions and challenges related to studying national solidarity as distinct from national identity. Focusing on the ‘how’ rather than the ‘what’, this section highlights the importance of examining and theorising the social mechanisms that shape different manifestations of national solidarity. These mechanisms include interpersonal interactions, social networks, communicative processes, socio‐political institutions and iconic material objects. Additionally, the introduction briefly outlines the six contributions in this section, which examines specific solidarity mechanisms within particular national contexts. The contributions offer valuable insights into the study of nationhood and nationalism in both everyday life and public events, helping to unravel the under‐explored relationship between collective identity formation and the creation of solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We currently inhabit an era marked by increasing economic inequality. This paper delves into the repercussions of perceived economic inequality on individual‐level pro‐environmental engagement and puts forth an explanatory mechanism. Across three empirical studies encompassing an archival investigation employing a nationally representative data set (Study 1), an online survey (Study 2) and an in‐lab experiment (Study 3), we consistently unearth the inhibiting effect of perceived economic inequality on individuals' pro‐environmental involvement, whether assessed through pro‐environmental intentions or behaviours. Furthermore, our findings reveal that individuals' identification with their country elucidates these results. Specifically, perceived economic inequality diminishes individuals' national identification, encompassing their concern for the country's well‐being and their sense of shared destiny with fellow citizens, thereby curbing their pro‐environmental engagement. Additionally, we conduct a single‐paper meta‐analysis (Study 4), revealing small to moderate effect sizes for our key findings. Theoretical and practical implications stemming from these novel findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The red telephone kiosk or box has become synonymous with Britain, standing as an icon of national identity. Yet, of all the versions of kiosk that have been introduced, only two have achieved this exalted status. This paper explores how the telephone box evolved within the UK, details the circumstances that led to an architect becoming involved in their development, and describes how Sir Giles Gilbert Scott’s design was transformed into Britain’s K2 kiosk, the first of the iconic red telephone boxes. Thereafter the paper considers issues of kiosk deployment, explains why few K2s can be found outside London and concludes with a description of the onward development of the K2 and its eventual replacement by a second Scott design, the K6. Sir Giles Gilbert Scott’s K2 kiosk forms an important part of Industrial Heritage for it not only enabled the growth of public telephones in London but also established the humble telephone box as a thing of utility combined with beauty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Béla Tuka started his career as a Hungarian academic, but later he transformed into a Slovak nationalist politician, and renamed himself Vojtech Tuka. In 1939, he became the prime minister of the Nazi-oriented Slovak State. This study intends to reveal, how national narratives struggled to interpret this life path. After national explanations of trespassing the cultural boundaries between Slovak and Hungarian national identity did not prove to be coherent and convincing, the memory of Vojtech Tuka has been disregarded by both (opposing) national groups, mutually, since it questions the organic existence of nations and their boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the interaction between Renaissance humanism and Martin Luther's Reformation in fostering the emergence of nation‐states in Europe. It argues that the emphasis on individualism, critical thinking, and a return to classical ideals during the Renaissance provided a fertile ground for Luther's challenge to the Catholic Church's authority. Luther's Reformation, with its focus on Scripture and a direct relationship between believer and God, further eroded the Church's control and transnational influence. This convergence of intellectual and religious transformations created a space for the development of distinct national identities and the consolidation of power by European monarchs. The article will examine how these movements challenged the existing political and religious order, ultimately contributing to the rise of nation‐states as the dominant political entity in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since gaining independence in the early 19th century, Mexico embarked on a path toward building a nation-state. In criticizing the evolutionism that promotes white supremacy, Mexican society has embarked on a journey of introspection, delving into the essence of its indigenous national character. Following the Mexican Revolution at the turn of the 20th century, a nationalism advocating for integration was firmly established. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) government incorporated the principles of national integration into the broader building of the nation-state. On the one hand, it affirmed the crucial role of indigenous peoples and their cultures, tracing the origins of the Mexican nation-state back to these roots. On the other hand, the promotion of unified education, coupled with the implementation of a land-centered state corporatist system, aimed to achieve the integration and governance of Indigenous peoples, thereby incorporating them into the nation-building process and ultimately facilitating the integration of the nation-state. While the PRI government's integration efforts led to tendencies towards marginalization and assimilation of indigenous peoples, alongside insufficient attention to their rights and political participation, it fundamentally changed the historically unrecognized status of indigenous communities since the colonial era. These efforts primarily addressed the issues that had challenged Mexican social development concerning indigenous peoples since the colonial era, contributing to maintaining national stability over an extended period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vera Lynn’s ‘We’ll Meet Again’ maintains an omnipresence throughout modern British culture, apropos of its Second World War roots. And while a growing body of literature has focused on the propagandistic role of music during the Second World War, these studies have yet to link any select musical work’s historical popularity with its enduring preservation in the national cultural memory. This paper analyses the semiotic meanings and influence of ‘We’ll Meet Again’, both in its wartime context and in the ongoing British cultural memory of the war. In so doing, this research extrapolates the song’s inherent connections to wartime ideals of gender and the nation and concludes by presenting a theorised rationale for the song’s cultural longevity in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Nationalism and Culture, now a largely forgotten book, the anarchist thinker Rudolf Rocker offers a compelling account of the nationalist phenomenon, from its origins and development to its influence (or lack thereof) over the linguistic and cultural practices of the large groups of people that typically encompass a nation‐state. The present paper aims to revisit and update Rocker's book, highlighting its relevance and potential contribution to the modern study of nationalism. In particular, I employ the tools of Noam Chomsky's generative study of language to characterise the roles language and culture play in the formation of national identities, in so doing unearthing some of the psychological underpinnings of nationalist beliefs and thus, furthermore, clarifying the actual effects of nationalist policies on language, culture, and artistic creativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized crime's governance raises questions about mechanisms facilitating the exercise of illegal authority in society. The present research tested the association between masculine honor ideology and the justification of connivance practices facilitating criminal groups' activities. We examined the novel idea that national identification would attenuate and territorial identification would strengthen such a relationship, reflecting different sources of authority at the national and territorial levels. In Studies 1a and b (N = 398 and N = 399), we measured individuals' endorsement of masculine honor, justification of connivance practices, and national and territorial identifications. In Study 2 (N = 390), we experimentally manipulated the salience of these identities. Results supported the hypotheses that the link between masculine honor and justification of connivance was weaker at higher levels of national identification and stronger at higher levels of territorial identification. Implications and future directions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown that majority group members are more willing to help minority group members of the same nation, particularly when the majority group members strongly identify with the national group. However, existing research has overlooked the extent to which the majority group's perception of how strongly minority groups identify with the national group (i.e., the perceived national identification of minority groups) explains minority helping (i.e., the majority group's intentions to help minority groups). To fill this void, we conducted a correlational survey among 980 Javanese, the ethnic majority in Indonesia. The results revealed that the perceived national identification of non‐Javanese minorities positively corresponded with the majority group's national identification. More perceived national identification of the minority groups and the majority group's national identification significantly correlated with more positive attitudes, liking, and helping intentions toward the minority groups. Finally, the perceptions that the non‐Javanese rejected the majority group's aspiration to exert control over them (i.e., the perceived denial of the need for power) negatively predicted the perceived national identification of the minority groups and minority helping. The perceived national identity of minority groups can influence minority helping; however, the perceived denial of the need for power may hinder it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are new generations of policymakers and subjects introduced to ‘the world out there’ – and to their own state’s ambitions, practices, and impacts within that world? While multiple studies have explored the role of education in fostering national identities more broadly, the relationship between education, mass media and foreign policy identity has attracted limited scholarly attention. Using Norway as an exploratory case, this article takes a first stab at addressing this knowledge need. Theoretically, we institute a dialogue between scholarly work on how foreign policy identities are (re)produced through everyday representations and practice, and work on how education and mass media shape public debate and the subjects partaking in it. Empirically, we offer the first study of how foreign policy is communicated to children through tailored media outlets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In foreign language textbooks, cultural representations embedded in texts and images not only facilitate the acquisition of linguistic knowledge but also construct ethnic or political identities. Over the past century, the mainstream ideology in Taiwan has changed due to the rotation of ruling parties and generational shifts. This change is also evident in contemporary English-as-a-Foreign-Language textbooks. In light of this emerging issue, this study employed critical discourse analysis to examine three sets of textbooks that are widely used in high schools in Taiwan. The study reveals that textbooks produced in Taiwan generally: (1) highlight the indigenous culture of the island, (2) extensively depict contemporary Taiwanese celebrities, specialties, and natural landscapes, (3) embellish the period of Japanese and Dutch-Spanish colonisation, and (4) strategically differentiate between ‘China/Chinese’ and ‘Taiwan/Taiwanese’. The findings expose the Taiwan-centric perspective of the textbooks while downplaying the significance of the national title – ‘the Republic of China’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the implications of Indonesia’s official state ideology, Pancasila, and its articulations in contemporary Indonesia from the perspective of ‘post-foundational’ agonistic theories of democracy. A set of five precepts created by Soekarno, the nationalist leader and founding president of Indonesia, Pancasila was integral to strategies of social control during the authoritarian ‘New Order’ regime of Soeharto and continues to function in Indonesia as a potent empty signifier, well over two decades after the fall of that regime in the Reformasi of 1998. By engaging with domestic scholarly and political discourses of Pancasila and Pancasila democracy from the agonistic perspective on democracy shaped by theorists such as Étienne Balibar, Chantal Mouffe, and Jacques Rancière, this article points to the tension between the aspiration of the advocates of Pancasila to present Pancasila as democratic and their commitment to seeing Pancasila as an embodiment of traditional culture and values that is essential to the consistency of Indonesian national identity. The relation between the two terms that constitute ‘Pancasila democracy’ is further complicated by the tendency of contemporary proponents of Pancasila to attempt to ‘immunize’ the state ideology from the possibility of interruption and contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research in socio-anthropology in Algeria can encompass various diverse aspects related to culture, history, and national identity, including analyzing the changes that have occurred in Algerian societies over time, including the effects of globalization, and how these changes impact their cultural identity. These points represent a sample of research topics in the field of socio-anthropology in Algeria, and they can be expanded and modified according to the researcher's interests and specific study orientations. Those interested in this field encounter many challenges, most importantly how to develop and identify appropriate methodologies for studying cultures and societies, as cultural and social diversity poses unique challenges to data collection, analysis, and interpretation. This is amid the ongoing theoretical transformations in this field and criticisms related to the nature of research and the role of researchers in studying and interpreting other cultures and societies. Through this research paper, we will attempt to address the problem of research in socio-anthropology in Algeria according to local nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for a rethinking of the ambivalences of privileged subjectivity and feelings of belonging when it comes to North-to-North mobility of queer populations. A sense of belonging is determined by sociocultural and socioeconomic factors, as well as one's social locations, such as race, ethnicity, gender, language, and nationality. The paper examines how these contested categories intersect and shape interlocutors' imaginations of queer belonging, and their privileged sense of belonging, through the premise of predominant political projects of belonging. The analyses are based on 27 semi-structured interviews, a focus group discussion, and participant observations. This analysis demonstrates how images of Icelandic national identity and cultural belonging are political projects, just like the rights and responsibilities of migrants, and are thus adaptable to diversification and deconstruction. The analyses further show how imaginative geographies persistently construct hierarchies of affective queer belonging, and how transnational relations of privilege operate in queer migrations, as in other forms of migration. In line with the analyses, I thus advocate for locating one's own belonging-in-difference through queer temporalities, rather than embracing a nationalistic and normative arrangement of society. Further endorsing anti-racist, transnational, feminist, and queer solidarity across differences as well as queer worldmaking practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last three months of 1943, a technical committee composed of leaders of the Chilean Teachers' Union (UPCH) together with writers and artists created the Silabario Democrático, which was finally put into circulation in 1944. The aim of this paper is to approach the contents of the Silabario first by succinctly reconstructing its context of production and then developing a general reading of its contents, divided into its four sections. We argue that although the text proposes as an immediate task to contribute to the eradication of illiteracy, it also had as a tacit objective to promote the identification of the reader/student with a class (the working class) and with a national identity (being Chilean) both united by their own interpretation of national history where the governments of the Popular Front were considered as the peak of democratic possibilities. Methodologically, the Silabario Democrático was used as raw material to carry out a content analysis, for the contextual reconstruction, documents of UPCH conventions were used, as well as newspapers of national circulation such as El Siglo, La Nación and the UPCH newspaper, Unidad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food television offers a new and unique lens on national identity, the Anglo-Scottish relationship, and their cultural representation in contemporary Britain. This article is based on the analysis of three British travelogue cooking shows, first broadcast between 1995 and 2011, about Scotland and its food. The programmes analysed exemplify and reinforce long-standing cultural constructions of the relationship between England and Scotland as sub-state nations of the United Kingdom, as well as illustrating and creating new national scripts, notably in relation to class and gender. These 'homeland' travelogue cooking shows consistently associate Scotland with a defined set of local and traditional foods, closely associated with a Romantic construction of Scotland, its history and landscape. However, the programmes also indicate wider changes in British and Scottish food culture during this period, including the rise of the local food movement and the increasing economic success and cultural confidence of the Scottish food and drink industry. The article highlights the role of celebrity chefs in the cultural construction of contemporary British sub-state national relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that children's media can be a powerful source for embedding nationalist assumptions from an early age, by looking at Avatar: The Last Airbender and its sequel The Legend of Korra. In the shows, the world is divided into four discrete nations. Drawing on Billig's concept of banal nationalism, I intend to explore how, despite being critical of nationalism, they nevertheless reinforce and communicate core tenets of national ideology: that nations are the natural way of organising the world. This then leads to wider conclusions about how children's media can communicate and embed these ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics took place when American public opinion about China was already predominantly negative as media reports had a lot of highlights of human rights violations happening in China. Besides, earlier, the global image of China was undermined by the COVID-19 pandemic. In this study, we explored whether American public opinion about the Olympics and China can be influenced by images of the Olympics shared in the media. Findings from the 2 × 2 between-subject experimental design suggest that the opinions about the Olympics can be predicted by people's beliefs about China's role in the global pandemic. In addition to that, our findings suggest that pre-existing opinions and feelings held by most of the population can mitigate the effects of visual primes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the necessity of the Armed Forces metamodel was analyzed on the criteria of the centralization of the sovereign state and the formation of a democratic civil society. The security of the border against the background of army building, including having a sacred meaning, has been proven with references and analyzed from a scientific-philosophical as well as a theological point of view. İn the article, the values of the border model in terms of an abstract approach, the importance of the democratic state and society in the prism of the multi-centered concept are elaborated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines phraseological units that reflect the national and cultural identity of the English people. The relevance of the work is related to the endless interest of modern linguists in the problem of the relationship between the language and culture of the people, in studying the problems of national-cultural specificity of phraseological units. The phraseological units of the English language are an image that reflects the uniqueness of the life of the English people in the process of development as a separate nation. The purpose of the article is to show the relationship of phraseological units with the national character of the English and to show how phraseological units reflect the national mentality of the English people. In order to achieve the goal of this work, the following tasks have been set: - to study the theoretical opinions of linguists on the topic of phraseology; - to identify the phraseological units of the English language with national-cultural shades; - to analyze the phraseological units identified during the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the author notes, the longed-for new world brought the most severe disappointments: hopes for the kingdom of reason remained unjustified, ideals did not become reality; The resulting discontent was reflected not only in the new way of life, but also in the ideology of enlightenment. As for the progressive and conservative romantics, their ideals remained a utopia, since the time when they could be realized had not yet come or had already passed. Today, only those romantic works are important that served humanity, had a positive impact on the development of the human spirit and literature, or contained aesthetic values. He sincerely believes in the victory of justice and is full of confidence; He wants to protect the outcast and the disenfranchised, storm the world and fate, or die in rebellion. According to the author, the romantics were not only the first to recognize alienation and illustrate it in their works, but also tried to overcome it. The popular appeal of the romantics was of great importance for their artistic creativity and the development of literature in general. The historicism of the romantics consisted in capturing the historical and national characteristics of the culture and art of different times and peoples. Although they had only a very vague idea of the process of historical development and the concept of history was still presented to them in the elementary form of comparison, historicism was still of great importance for literature, since it linked the theory of art with history. Instead of mythological plots, the classics developed specific historical images. The romantics created many aesthetic values and ideals that are relevant today and have become an organic part of socialist realism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]