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In this article, the authors argue that where institutions are strong, actors are more likely to participate in the political process through institutionalized arenas, while where they are weak, protests and other unconventional means of participation become more appealing. The authors explore this relationship empirically by combining country-level measures of institutional strength with individual-level information on protest participation in seventeen Latin American countries. The authors find evidence that weaker political institutions are associated with a higher propensity to use alternative means for expressing preferences, that is, to protest. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this study, we investigate which factors moderate the agenda-setting influence of the mass media on the Belgian parliament during the period 1993—2000. Based on elaborate codings of the media, parliamentary questions and interpellations, party manifestos, government agreements and ministerial meetings, we employ a multi-level time-series model. The results indicate that especially party characteristics (party size, incumbent or opposition party, issue ownership) and the government agenda influence the dependency of parliament on media coverage. Furthermore, we find an increase in the extent of media influence through time, suggesting an increasing presence of ‘media logic’ in the behaviour of Belgian MPs. Irrespective of all those contingent factors, the mass media determine the Belgian parliamentary agenda to a considerable degree. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses transportation security training directed towards airplane passengers. According to the author, public relations campaigns by the U.S. Transportation Security Administration (TSA) portrays passengers' submission to security guidelines as a measure of passenger empowerment and encourages a competitive attitude towards other passengers. Particular focus is given to the use of stereotypes surrounding gender, age, and physical ability in airport security training. Topics discussed include the self-sorting of passengers, customer service, and transparency.

The article presents a case study on the role of mass media on public relations in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). It evaluates the effect of state-owned daily newpapers on the perception of people on public officials and how independent publishing companies can affect people's perception on the government. It suggests that independent newspapers can reflect the actual climate of opinion as a result of public discourse and it claimed to bring a culture of innovation into the society.

This study looks at the effect of China's political freedom, economic development and public relations efforts on the US media's coverage of China, and on Americans' opinions of China in the past 30 years. China's political freedom was found to be significant in predicting US media coverage of China and Americans' opinion of China, with more freedom leading to more positive coverage and more favorable opinions. More positive news coverage is related to more favorable American opinions of China when controlling for political and economic development and for public relations efforts. The number of public relations contracts China has signed with the US is also related to the increase in positive US media coverage of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the organization-public relationship between citizens and their political parties against the backdrop of the 2008 presidential general election. Employing a telephone survey of registered voters (n = 508), we investigated the interaction of politically relevant relationship antecedents, relationship cultivation strategies used by political parties, perceptions of the organization-public relationship between voters and their party, and outcomes of the relationship to test a model of political organization-public relationships (POPRs). Time, interpersonal trust, mediated communication, interpersonal communication, and dialogic communication emerged as significant predictors of POPR strength. The findings lay the groundwork for further investigation of POPRs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers opinions and information mass communication within the political and economic development of Nigeria. Discussion about the role of public relations (PR) in governance and advertising in Nigeria is provided. Other topics include the definition of public relations, the role of PR professionals in government administration, government advertising, and the role of advertising in economic development.

Copyright of Politique et Sociétés is the property of Politique et Societes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ileti-s-im is the property of Universite Galatasaray, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Reputed as the "makers" of democracy, political parties are by all standards one of the most outstanding and distinguishing elements of modern government. Indeed, democracy is unthinkable in the absence of viable political parties. Parties are expected to participate in the political socialization of electorates, contribute to the accumulation of political power, facilitate recruitment of political leadership, and serve as a unifying force in a divided polity. Parties can cope with these pivotal roles only provided that they are viable: well institutionalized, internally democratic, coherent, disciplined, and autonomous. Can Nigerian parties stand the test of time when assessed against these currencies? This essay engages this crucial question in relation to Nigeria's quest for political stability. After a review of current trends in party activities under the Fourth Republic, the essay concludes that Nigerian parties have tended to become more of a democratic liability than an asset in the country's quest for political stability. It identifies the limiting dimensions of effective party politics and offers useful recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to recent press reports, the influx of migrants has been a source of much unhappiness among Singaporeans. Furthermore, this development could undermine Singapore's national identity in the long-term. To address this problem, the People's Action Party (PAP) reduced or removed housing, healthcare, and education subsidies noncitizens previously enjoyed. The rationale is to treat visitors well, but citizens better. However, this policy deals only with the symptom and not the cause of the influx problem. To strengthen national identity, this essay argues that having a more competitive electoral contest which allowed more Singaporeans to vote would be a more effective long-term policy. This essay views voting as a political ritual that differentiates citizens from noncitizens. This political ritual is necessary because it permits Singapore citizens to identify with the larger and often abstract political forces within the country. Yet, a detailed examination of Singapore's elections since 1968 indicates a general downward trend in the number of Singaporeans voting, as many seats are uncontested. Hence, this essay argues that a more competitive electoral process that honors the act of voting in its observance and not its breach is more effective in maintaining a strong and durable identity than a policy of increasing or decreasing subsidies, especially in view of demographic changes in Singapore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on survey data from Taiwan and South Korea, this essay examines the electoral sources and democratic implications of vote shifting in these two young East Asian democracies. First, I complement the conventional Asian identity voting literature by demonstrating that vote shifting is a form of rational voting involving critical evaluations of government performance and careful weighing of policy issues. I then extend these findings by showing that determinants of vote shifting also represent critical forces conducive to citizens' support for democracy. This essay contributes to comparative democratization theory by offering a new vantage point for addressing both the electoral and attitudinal aspects of the democratization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is focused on the influence of late-night TV comedy viewing on political talk. It is posited that debate viewing serves as a mediator of this relationship, and age is argued to be a moderator of the association between late-night TV comedy viewing and debate viewing. More specific to age, it is hypothesized that the predictive value of late-night TV comedy for political debate consumption will be greater for those audience members who are younger. A secondary analysis of 2004 national Annenberg debate panel data provides evidence of a positive indirect effect of latenight TV comedy viewing on political talk through debate viewing, and the moderator of age functioned as predicted. Thus, this study details a series of positive unintended consequences of late-night TV comedy viewing on what are defined normatively as positive democratic communicative activities (i.e., debate viewing, political discussion), and these media effects are stronger the younger the voter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the growing literature on state branding and argues that any attempt to understand the impact of advertising and marketing on politics cannot be divorced from the larger phenomenon of privatization of the state. The article examines the way in which states have marketed themselves drawing on examples from Canada, the US, the UK, and other nations. It argues that the practice of state marketing is a pernicious one, and the ability of states to change their public perception through branding exercises is called into question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US State Department increasingly relies on efforts of public diplomacy to improve America’s image abroad. We test the theoretical efficacy of these efforts through an experiment. Participants were recruited in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. All but those participants randomly assigned to a control group read a quote about religious tolerance and pluralism in the United States. We varied the attribution of this quote to President Bush, to an unnamed US Ambassador, to an ordinary American, or to no one. We then asked respondents a battery of questions about their opinions of the United States before and after a long discussion with other participants about the United States. We find that the identity of the messenger matters, as those who read the quote attributed to Bush tended to have lower opinions of the United States. After the discussion, these views partially dissipated. Post-discussion views were more heavily influenced by how other participants viewed the United States. After controlling for the source and location of the discussion, when the discussion took place among people with more positive initial views of the United States, views of the United States improved. However, when there was a large range of views in the discussion, post-discussion views of the United States were relatively worse. Based on this study, we suggest new directions for the conduct of public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses U.S. public diplomacy, or the government's efforts to communicate with foreign publics, through the United States Information Agency (USIA) and its response to the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy. In particular, a 1964 documentary film made for the USIA by director Bruce Herschensohn, "John F. Kennedy: Years of Lightning, Day of Drums," is discussed, including its coverage of Kennedy's administration and his state funeral. The film's effectiveness as a piece of public diplomacy, and the differences between public diplomacy and propaganda, are discussed. Also discussed is the film footage of the Kennedy assassination shot by businessman Abraham Zapruder, and ensuing conspiracy theories about the event.

This article explores the relationships between masculinity, flirtation and fantasy within the promotional arena of politics and public relations. Flirtation is associated with coquetry and play, connoting a lack of seriousness, and in political flirtation, the desire to move between different opinions and ideas. Flirtation is often linked with femininity. Yet against a backdrop of masculinity in crisis, the study of flirtation, with its connotations of ambiguity and frustrated desire, is useful to explore the uncertainties of masculinities today. Dilemmas about flirtation as a tantalising performance resonate with misgivings about the seductive nature of political spin and the desire of politicians to woo audiences by flirting to the camera. Taking examples of politicians such as Tony Blair, Gordon Brown and Barack Obama, this article discusses the possibilities of flirtatious masculinity as a counter-hegemonic strategy within the symbolic battleground of Western politics, a struggle largely played out in print and digital media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparisons of Bush and Gore photos during the campaign found Bush received more overall coverage and appeared in more photos with his family. Each one sought to put forth images that compensated for perceived weaknesses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will look at the use of 'success stories' by groups involved in the Right to Information movement in north India. Success stories are narratives tailored by activists to promote active citizenship and to persuade publics that Right to Information legislation can improve accountability in everyday bureaucratic processes by balancing the power relationship between the citizen and the public servant. Success stories might be reproduced as first-hand, text or audio-visual accounts, and the Internet has enabled wide reproduction and dissemination of some narratives in particular. As rhetorical devices, success stories play an important role in activist groups' attempts to frame citizenship and bureaucratic accountability but also have a role in promoting movement cohesion and continuity. Success stories presented at conferences by authentic grassroots activists help to show influential movement sympathisers and policy-makers that the movement is socially diverse and that ordinary people are participating. The conscious use of rhetoric is part of building a sense of belonging to particular groups or to the wider movement. An ethnographic focus on the production, reproduction and performance of success stories reveals the extent to which concern over representation is central to activist practice and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an historical inquiry into the two scholars whose work served as the foundation of the academic study of public relations in public administration. Herman Beyle's Governmental Reporting in 1928 and James McCamy's Government Publicity in 1939 were seminal in their impact. Beyle explored the democratic purposes of governm~nt public relations, and McCamy, its pragmatic uses. In retrospect, both Beyle and McCamy had had an extraordinary insight, namely that the communication of information was an essential and increasing aspect of government. Since then, the subfield of government public relations has had its ups and downs, but may be on the rise again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Global Media Journal: Canadian Edition is the property of Global Media Journal: Canadian Edition and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Neue Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the 1960s, anti-immigration parties have emerged in many established European democracies. Some of them - for example, the German Republikaner and the Vlaams Belang in Belgium - have been treated as pariahs by other parties. Others - for example, the Lega Nord in Italy and the Dutch Part if voor de Vrijheid - have not. Why is this? In this paper I argue that other parties are likely to ostracize an anti-immigration party if they do not need to cooperate with it anyway. They are even more likely to do so if they can convincingly make the case that its ideologies are outside agreed standards of acceptability. Through logistic regression analyses based on data concerning 31 Western European anti- immigration parties, I demonstrate that a party's size and ideological profile are major factors accounting for its treatment as a pariah. The findings offer important insights about the applicability of the commonly used strategy of ostracism, which has previously been shown to affect coalition building in established democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2007, when the United States unveiled a consolidatedmilitary command for Africa, commonly called AFRICOM, it unexpectedly encountered negative reactions. The Department of Defense (DOD) attributed these responsesto a public-relations failure. Numerous scholars now questionthis explanation, and contradictory statements continuedeven after DOD acknowledged its blunders. I test analternative explanation for African reactions using a contentanalysis of more than five hundred African news reports. Theresults show that support for AFRICOM corresponded withgreater aid dependence, and that countries sustaining highlevels of growth with less foreign aid were more critical of AFRICOM. The critics included key American allies. Thefindings suggest that good economic performance increasesthe latitude African countries have when responding to U.S.policy leverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of political and electoral communication usually focus on the strategic dimension of campaigns from a marketing approach. In these studies, public relations and communications are viewed as a set of techniques that serve political parties and other actors of the political scene, concentrated on media relations. This instrumental perspective is not in keeping with the structural dimension of organizational communication in the activity of political actors: political parties, pressure groups, and political leaders. From this point of view, during managing periods of governance and during electoral campaigns, the most applied communication form by political parties is structured in accordance with the major communication models founded by public relations theorist James E. Grunig: the press agent model, the public information model, the two-way asymmetrical model, and the two-way symmetrical model. This research shows the applicability of these models and its links with the roles of in-house political communicators in Spain according to the results of a quantitative survey focused on inside professionals who provide communicational services for the seven main political parties in this country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonel House was one of the most influential men in the United States during the presidency of Woodrow Wilson. As the president's political confidant, House served him as a trusted counselor and as his personal representative abroad. The colonel, as House was known, drew information and opinion from an array of diplomatic and political figures to use in advising the president. Although historians have made House's association with these men part of their studies of Wilsonian statecraft, they have allowed his similar association with many journalists to remain basically unstudied. However, House made the knowledge he garnered from the journalists a significant source of his advice to Wilson. He was also a conduit of news and opinion from the White House for the journalists. By exploring how House interacted with journalists, this essay documents the important role they played in his work, and it provides insight into the era's political journalism, particularly during World War I. It also suggests that the liaison House maintained with journalists should be included in any account of presidential-press relations in Wilson's time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the development of the use of public opinion polls in U.S. government and politics in the 20th century. Polling is seen to have originated in the marketing and advertising industries before being adopted by presidents, especially Franklin D. Roosevelt, and later by Congress. The development of the technology and social science behind quantitative research is discussed, as is its effect on the institutional growth of the American state and the decreasing importance of sectional politics.

This article examines the state of the art in relation to government communication. After identifying the specific characteristics of government as an institution that communicates, the authors provide a thorough review of the literature from political communication and organizational communication (including public relations, organizational and corporate communication) in terms of what it can contribute to the study of government communication. The review examines concepts, theories and approaches that can illuminate the study of government communication, permitting the authors to suggest a series of baseline issues that can provide a research agenda for the field. These issues include the establishment of model(s) for government communication, the 'problem of professionalization,' the tension between government information and persuasion, the evaluation and efficiency of government communication, elements for the analysis of a government communication office, international comparative study and the development of theoretical grounding for research in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In its newspaper accounts and in its documentary films of public demonstrations, the fascist regime attempted to paint a picture of enormous popular enthusiasm for the movement. Clearly a form of impression management, the picture was extremely important for the image of the regime both at home and abroad. This article examines the build up to, and the first months of, the Ethiopian war in 1935 and looks in particular at the immense national demonstration of 2 October 1935 and at the Giornata della fede of 18 December 1935, when women were invited to donate their wedding rings to the national cause. It argues that these events were far less spontaneous and much more organized than is sometimes thought and presents evidence to suggest that the patriotic call was not embraced with enthusiasm by all Italians, fascist supporters included. In conclusion the article posits the existence, as in other totalitarian regimes, of a very significant distinction and distance between formal and ritual observation of obligation to the regime and personal and private thoughts and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about the political aspects of the pharmaceutical industry's public presence through financial sponsoring of events, advertising, and public relations. Particular attention is paid to the marketing of pharmaceutical products related to sexual performance. The article concludes by advising against ignorance about potential ethical dilemmas in the pharmaceutical industry.

This article discusses how the Russian Federation presents its image to the media and how it handles the negative impacts of the media environment. The Russian Federation is still in its formative stage and, as such, it has frequently had ineffective interaction with the media, resulting in a lack of information. This information void is being filled by assessments and interpretations that are far from objective and sometimes openly hostile to Russian interests. The article looks specifically at how the Russian image is portrayed in the German media.

The political potency of national history has been understood for generations. Yet there has been an unquestionable surge in history's political influence over the last twenty or thirty years, as the various history wars that have broken out around the world attest. Australia has been no exception: disputes over its national story continue to generate considerable controversy in the media, in politics and in public debate. But how has this politicisation of the past affected Australian political history in the present? This paper examines how history is practised in contemporary Australian politics — and notices an increasingly strategic use of the past by politicians in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This study investigates the linkages between presidential public relations activities—speeches and press conferences—and public opinion towards the presidency from 1961 to 1997. The results show that there is a positive linkage between presidential news conferences and foreign policy job approval, and between presidential speeches and general as well as foreign policy job approval. Overall, the findings reveal stronger linkages between presidential news conferences and job approval than between presidential speeches and job approval, but also that the topic of the information subsidies and the specific type of job approval matters. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article discusses former British prime minister Winston Churchill and his political attributes. A portrait of him, in contrast to unattractive political cartoons, was painted by Graham Sutherland and was to hang in the House of Commons. Clement Attlee, winner of the General Election in 1945 for the Labour Party, Great Britain's re-election of Churchill, and the racism allegedly held by Churchill are explained alongside the manner of the British Court including that of Queen Elizabeth II.

The article presents a history of public relations. It focuses on the development of public relations functions prior to the 20th century in diverse fields such as politics, religion and business. A critique is offered of the standard historical narrative, which is said to overemphasize the 20th century and present public relations as progressively evolving in an increasingly ethical direction. Public relations is distinguished from journalism, and its relevance to scholarly research on mass communication and social history is noted.

The purpose of this article is twofold: on the one hand, it proposes a model to understand the relation between the media and politics in Mexico after the transition, which transformed from a relation dominated by a centralized political power into another dominated, this time, by strong broadcasting networks over a fragmented political landscape. On the other hand, additionally to what has been discussed in recent literature, it offers some evidence to consider that under conditions of fragmentation of power it is also possible to capture the State by strong and organized economic actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government communication is now a large growth industry in many countries. Exactly what is meant by the term, however, varies from author to author. In this paper government communication is conceived as a policy tool or instrument, that is, as a means to give effect to policy goals. Key policy-relevant aspects of the term are examined including differences between the role of government communications in the 'front-end' of the public policy and production processes related to agenda-setting, policy formulation and producer activities as opposed to the 'back-end' of policy implementation, policy evaluation, consumption and distribution. TWo case studies of political and policy-related information campaigns in Canada, one dealing with Elections Canada at the federal level and the second with provincial health policy-making in British Columbia, are examined in order to discern patterns in the use of government communication tools useful as a basis for comparative inquiry into Democratic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "public relations" (PR) has long gained currency as meaning the practice of producing a positive public image. This article argues that public relations should be released from the prison of "PR" and, instead, reconceptualised as relations which define the public realm much as economic relations define the economy. From this point of view, three main levels of public relations can be distinguished: (1) relations between public institutions, (2) relations between citizens and public institutions, and (3) relations between single citizens who communicate as strangers. Relations on the last level are qualified as "basic public relations" because they are the simplest, reproduce at all levels, do not need institutional mediation, and are the nucleus of all political roles and meanings. Freeing the term "public relations" from its restricted usage to mean "relations in public" makes it possible to discover the common roots of political institutions and the public sphere and to explore the innate kinship between politics and all other segments of public life. The overall effect is a re-conceptualising of politics as quintessentially stemming from public relations and of democracy as the very essence of politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the next pages, we'll try to study the work of public relations in political institutions. To do this, we'll revise a lot of definitions of this concept, besides their instruments, tactics and strategies they use to get their objectives and their actual trends. This is a very interesting subject but not very worked in public relations, as in political marketing or political communication, so we'll try to do practical contributions. We'll work with de hypothesis that the play of public relations is very important in the political institutions, because in a lot of times, they become as the basis of their political and propaganda advertisements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late 2003 through 2004, the Saudi American Exchange conducted an exchange program, the Formula 1 Global Marketing Challenge. This program is presented in this article as an example of applied, grassroots public diplomacy; a program that facilitated intercultural communication between Arab and U.S. graduate and undergraduate students. The Formula 1 Challenge is described as a structured set of activities leveraging both online and in-person collaborative exercises focused explicitly on establishing mutual understanding of culturally grounded communication and media consumption practices. The program is argued to reflect a possible alternative conception for public diplomacy as a state-centric, media-driven set of policies—and reflects a public diplomacy exercise that embodies dialogue-oriented activities called for in normative prescriptions for U.S. public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the roles of spin, the media, and race (and ethnicity) in influencing voter behavior in the 2008 US presidential election. It invokes the concept of cognitive dissonance to explain how political strategists effectively propagandize - i.e., “reinvent their candidates” and “reinvent their opponents' actual record” - in order to successfully garner votes for their candidates. In particular, it considers spin and how spin and the media are used to shape public opinion by causing voters to distrust the veracity, credentials, and records of opposing candidates and to set the policy agenda. It also discusses how race, ethnicity, gender, and policy issues were used in the 2008 US presidential election campaign, and describes the impact of “spinning” on voter behavior and the election outcome. Equally important, it discusses the implications of the Obama victory for Canadian governance in two pivotal areas: domestic race relations and direct parliamentary representation of minorities. The article closes with a brief discussion of the symbolism attributed to Barack Obama's electoral victory by both American and Canadian voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In simple and precise terms, empathy is feeling what another person feels. It is the perception of another person's emotions. A debate over the importance of empathy in political leadership has generated considerable controversy since the 2008 election. However, Barack Obama's presidency is not the first to be affected by empathy; it has played an influential role in presidential leadership throughout American history. Focusing on the presidencies of Abraham Lincoln, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush, this essay explains why empathy is a critical governing and political resource, and argues that a paucity or excess of empathy can prove a dangerous liability for presidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jeffrey Tulis based his book “The Rhetorical Presidency” on the empirical assertion that pre-twentieth-century presidents avoided communicating with the public on policy matters and instead directed their policy-oriented communications to Congress, in writing. Subsequent scholarship, however, has demonstrated that many of these presidents actually did communicate extensively with the American people on policy matters, rather than going through Congress. Some gave speeches or wrote public letters, while others utilized the façade of a presidential newspaper that featured commentaries widely understood to reflect the president's views. Presidential communications behavior during this era was much more variable, and far less influenced by one constitutional norm, than Tulis portrays in “The Rhetorical Presidency.” The variability is due to presidents attempting to accommodate conflicting views of their appropriate role in the constitutional order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mel Laracey has done a singular service to presidency studies by highlighting how early premodern presidents were engaged in public discourse. His attempt to consign Jeffrey Tulis's scholarship in The Rhetorical Presidency to the dustbin of history, however, is premature. On a small scale, some of Laracey's evidence countering Tulis's thesis is unconvincing. On a larger scale, much of Laracey's analysis appears to be a case of disputes over definitions, a dispute that does not address the enduring insights of Tulis's work concerning the consequences of constitutional reinterpretation. Finally, the attempt to construct a Kuhnian paradigm shift fails, as much of Tulis's diagnosis of the problem of presidential power in republican government remains valid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]