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The knowledge of hagiography and hagiotherapy still plays an important role in the history of science, especially when focusing on specific aspects of history. While knowledge about St. Liborius persists in urology, knowledge about patron saints for pandemics, especially those who were called upon to treat venereal diseases, has diminished due to the association with nonappropriate sexual behavior.

Health workers offer their skills and care to COVID-19 pandemic patients, just as St Roch offered healing to those stricken by bubonic plague during the Renaissance. This article interprets 3 works of art in light of Roch's story of illness and recovery and applies key insights of ethical, artistic, and clinical relevance to the COVID-19 pandemic., (© 2020 American Medical Association. All Rights Reserved.)

The Justinianic Plague, the first part of the earliest of the three plague pandemics, has minimal historical documentation. Based on the limited primary sources, historians have argued both for and against the "maximalist narrative" of plague, i.e. that the Justinianic Plague had universally devastating effects throughout the Mediterranean region during the sixth century CE. Using primary sources of one of the pandemic's best documented outbreaks that took place in Constantinople during 542 CE, as well as modern findings on plague etiology and epidemiology, we developed a series of dynamic, compartmental models of disease to explore which, if any, transmission routes of plague are feasible. Using expected parameter values, we find that the bubonic and bubonic-pneumonic transmission routes exceed maximalist mortality estimates and are of shorter detectable duration than described by the primary sources. When accounting for parameter uncertainty, several of the bubonic plague model configurations yielded interquartile estimates consistent with the upper end of maximalist estimates of mortality; however, these models had shorter detectable outbreaks than suggested by the primary sources. The pneumonic transmission routes suggest that by itself, pneumonic plague would not cause significant mortality in the city. However, our global sensitivity analysis shows that predicted disease dynamics vary widely for all hypothesized transmission routes, suggesting that regardless of its effects in Constantinople, the Justinianic Plague would have likely had differential effects across urban areas around the Mediterranean. Our work highlights the uncertainty surrounding the details in the primary sources on the Justinianic Plague and calls into question the likelihood that the Justinianic Plague affected all localities in the same way., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Along the centuries, novel strain of virus such as influenza produces pandemics which increase illness, death and disruption in the countries. Spanish flu in 1918, Asian flu in 1957, Hong Kong flu in 1968 and swine flu in 2009 were known pandemic which had various characteristics in terms of morbidity and mortality. A current pandemic is caused by novel corona virus originated from China. COVID-19 pandemic is very similar to Spanish, Hong Kong, Asian and swine influenza pandemics in terms of spreading to world by the mobilized people. Burden of pandemic is considered in terms of disease transmissibility and the growth rate of epidemic and duration of pandemic can be calculated by transmissibility characteristic. The case definition, finding out cases and first case cluster, proper treatment, sufficient stockpiles of medicine and population cooperation with the containment strategy should be considered for reduction of burden of pandemic., (This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.)

Infectious diseases remain as the significant causes of human and animal morbidity and mortality, leading to extensive outbreaks and epidemics. Acute respiratory viral diseases claim over 4 million deaths and cause millions of hospitalizations in developing countries every year. Emerging viruses, especially the RNA viruses, are more pathogenic since most people have no herd immunity. The RNA viruses can adapt to the rapidly changing global and local environment due to the high error rate of their polymerases that replicate their genomes. Currently, coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is determined as an infectious disease caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), which was first identified in 2019 in Wuhan. Herein we discuss emerging and reemerging respiratory viral infections till to SARS-CoV-2., (This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.)

Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Until the 19th century, the factor causing epidemics was not known, and the escape from a place where it occurred as well as isolation of patients was considered to be the only effective way to avoid illness and death. Quarantine in a sense similar to modern times was used in 1377 in Ragusa, today's Dubrovnik, during the plague epidemic. It was the first administratively imposed procedure in the world's history. It was later used in Venice and other rich port cities in the Mediterranean. On the territory of today's Poland, quarantine measures were used by the so-called Mayor of the Air - LukaszDrewno in 1623 during the plague epidemic in Warsaw. The quarantine left its mark on all areas of human activity. It affected all humanity in a way that is underestimated today. Throughout history, it has been described and presented visually. It is omnipresent in the world literature, art and philosophy. However, the isolation and closure of cities, limiting trade, had an impact on the economic balance, and the dilemma between the choice of inhabitants' health and the quality of existence, i.e. their wealth, has been the subject of discussions since the Middle Ages. Since the end of the 19th century, quarantine has lost its practical meaning. The discovery of bacteria and a huge development of medical and social sciences allowed limiting its range. In the 20th century isolation and quarantine no longer had a global range, because the ability to identify factors causing the epidemic, knowledge about the incubation period, carrier, infectiousness, enabled the rational determination of its duration and territorial range. The modern SARS COV 2 pandemic has resulted in a global quarantine on a scale unprecedented for at least three hundred years. The aim of this paper is to present the history of quarantine from its beginning to the present day, including its usefulness as an epidemiological tool., (© National Institute of Public Health – National Institute of Hygiene.)

Existing mortality estimates assert that the Justinianic Plague (circa 541 to 750 CE) caused tens of millions of deaths throughout the Mediterranean world and Europe, helping to end antiquity and start the Middle Ages. In this article, we argue that this paradigm does not fit the evidence. We examine a series of independent quantitative and qualitative datasets that are directly or indirectly linked to demographic and economic trends during this two-century period: Written sources, legislation, coinage, papyri, inscriptions, pollen, ancient DNA, and mortuary archaeology. Individually or together, they fail to support the maximalist paradigm: None has a clear independent link to plague outbreaks and none supports maximalist reconstructions of late antique plague. Instead of large-scale, disruptive mortality, when contextualized and examined together, the datasets suggest continuity across the plague period. Although demographic, economic, and political changes continued between the 6th and 8th centuries, the evidence does not support the now commonplace claim that the Justinianic Plague was a primary causal factor of them., Competing Interests: The authors declare no competing interest., (Copyright © 2019 the Author(s). Published by PNAS.)

Aim: We aimed to conduct a preliminary analysis of any association between the 1918 influenza pandemic and its impact on birth rates in New Zealand., Methods: Official data covering the period 1910 to 1930 were sourced from multiple New Zealand Yearbooks. Estimates were made of the size of the natality impacts and estimates made of the potential causes., Results: In 1919 there were 3,756 fewer non-Māori and 239 fewer Māori births than the pre-pandemic year of 1917, with these representing reductions in birth rates per 1,000 population of 16.6% and 19.8% respectively. The birth rate reductions in the pandemic year of 1918 (relative to 1917) were less at 8.8% and 6.7% reductions respectively. We estimated the likely major driver of the natality deficit in 1919 was embryonic and fetal loss due to influenza infection in pregnancy. Smaller roles were plausibly played by adult deaths during the pandemic and reduced sexual activity associated with the social turbulence of the peak pandemic months., Conclusions: The reduction in birth rates in New Zealand in 1918 and especially 1919 are consistent with international data associated with the 1918 influenza pandemic. The relatively higher natality loss for Māori for 1919 is also consistent with other epidemiological data on the unequal burden from this pandemic. Pandemic planning needs to consider ways to prevent such future burdens and associated inequalities. There is also a need to improve on the current low level of routine influenza vaccination in pregnancy so as to minimise fetal loss from seasonal influenza infection., Competing Interests: Dr Turner is the Director of the Immunisation Advisory Centre (IMAC). IMAC runs annual national influenza symposia. These symposia accept small amounts of funding through private industry sponsorship. This funding is provided in the form of educational grants that are not targeted for any specific topic within the symposia (www.immune.org.nz/funding).

A key question in ecology is the relative impact of internal nonlinear dynamics and external perturbations on the long-term trajectories of natural systems. Measles has been analyzed extensively as a paradigm for consumer-resource dynamics due to the oscillatory nature of the host-pathogen life cycle, the abundance of rich data to test theory, and public health relevance. The dynamics of measles in London, in particular, has acted as a prototypical test bed for such analysis using incidence data from the pre-vaccination era (1944-1967). However, during this timeframe there were few external large-scale perturbations, limiting an assessment of the relative impact of internal and extra demographic perturbations to the host population. Here, we extended the previous London analyses to include nearly a century of data that also contains four major demographic changes: the First and Second World Wars, the 1918 influenza pandemic, and the start of a measles mass vaccination program. By combining mortality and incidence data using particle filtering methods, we show that a simple stochastic epidemic model, with minimal historical specifications, can capture the nearly 100 years of dynamics including changes caused by each of the major perturbations. We show that the majority of dynamic changes are explainable by the internal nonlinear dynamics of the system, tuned by demographic changes. In addition, the 1918 influenza pandemic and World War II acted as extra perturbations to this basic epidemic oscillator. Our analysis underlines that long-term ecological and epidemiological dynamics can follow very simple rules, even in a non-stationary population subject to significant perturbations and major secular changes., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

The modern world's most lethal single event, the 1918-1921 influenza pandemic, remains an anomaly which is still unexplained. The pandemic's unprecedented mortality was very unevenly distributed with young adults and isolated populations worst affected. Australia was the last continent involved with about 12 000 influenza deaths in 1919. Most cases were clinically unremarkable and recovered quickly, but a small minority developed severe tracheobronchitis compromising oxygenation and immune defences usually dying in the second week of illness. Histopathology showed massive destruction of the respiratory epithelium with evidence of secondary bacterial invasion. No simple explanation (e.g. hypervirulent virus) is consistent with these observations., (© 2019 Royal Australasian College of Physicians.)

This article examines the role of Black American nurses during the 1918-1919 influenza pandemic and the aftermath of World War I. The pandemic caused at least 50 million deaths worldwide and 675 000 in the United States. It occurred during a period of pervasive segregation and racial violence, in which Black Americans were routinely denied access to health, educational, and political institutions. We discuss how an unsuccessful campaign by Black leaders for admission of Black nurses to the Red Cross, the Army Nurse Corps, and the Navy Nurse Corps during World War I eventually created opportunities for 18 Black nurses to serve in the army during the pandemic and the war's aftermath. Analyzing archival sources, news reports, and published materials, we examine these events in the context of nursing and early civil rights history. This analysis demonstrates that the pandemic incrementally advanced civil rights in the Army Nurse Corps and Red Cross, while providing ephemeral opportunities for Black nurses overall. This case study reframes the response to epidemics and other public health emergencies as potential opportunities to advance health equity.

Background: Few studies have addressed the impact and dynamics of the 1918-1919 influenza pandemic in temperate regions of South America., Objective: To identify key factors for influenza onset, spread, and mortality in Montevideo and Uruguay in 1918-1919., Methods: An analysis of official national records of the public health system of Uruguay was performed., Results: From November to December of 1918 (spring), a total of 131 deaths due to influenza occurred in Montevideo and a total of 296 deaths accounted from July to September of 1919 (winter) in the same city. The total deaths attributed to influenza in Uruguay in 1918 and 1919 were 926 and 1089, respectively. In contrast, the mean annual mortality attributed to influenza in Uruguay from 1908 to 1917 was 50.9. A pattern of age-shift in mortality in the two pandemic waves studied was observed., Conclusions: The results of studies revealed that Montevideo was first hit by the devastating second wave of the pandemic of 1918, arriving Montevideo at the end of the spring of that year. The third wave arrived by July 1919, in the winter season, and in the capital city was as severe as the second one., (© 2018 The Authors. Influenza and Other Respiratory Viruses Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)

There is a distinctive Venetian carnival mask with sinister overtones and historical significance to physicians because it belongs to the 'Doctor of the Plague'. The costume features a beaked white mask, black hat and waxed gown. This was worn by mediaeval Plague Doctors as protection according to the Miasma Theory of disease propagation. The plague (or Black Death), ravaged Europe over several centuries with each pandemic leaving millions of people dead. The cause of the contagion was not known, nor was there a cure, which added to the widespread desperation and fear. Venice was a major seaport, and each visitation of the plague (beginning in 1348) devastated the local population. In response, Venetians were among the first to establish the principles of quarantine and 'Lazarets' which we still use today. Plague outbreaks have occurred in Australia, notably in Sydney (1900-1925), and continue to flare up in poorer communities, most recently in Madagascar (2017). Antibiotics are the mainstay of treatment, but there are concerns regarding the emergence of resistant pathogenic strains of Yersinia pestis, and their potential use in bio-terrorism., (© 2019 Royal Australasian College of Physicians.)

Plague has a long history on the European continent, with evidence of the disease dating back to the Stone Age. Plague epidemics in Europe during the First and Second Pandemics, including the Black Death, are infamous for their widespread mortality and lasting social and economic impact. Yet, Europe still experienced plague outbreaks during the Third Pandemic, which began in China and spread globally at the end of the nineteenth century. The digitization of international records of notifiable diseases, including plague, has enabled us to retrace the introductions of the disease to Europe from the earliest reported cases in 1899, to its disappearance in the 1940s. Using supplemental literature, we summarize the potential sources of plague in Europe and the transmission of the disease, including the role of rats. Finally, we discuss the international efforts aimed at prevention and intervention measures, namely improved hygiene and sanitation, that ultimately led to the disappearance of plague in Europe.

The year 2018 marked the 100th anniversary of the deadliest event in human history. In 1918-1919, pandemic influenza spread globally and caused an estimated 50-100 million deaths associated with unexpected clinical and epidemiological features. The descendants of the 1918 virus continue to circulate as annual epidemic viruses causing significant mortality each year. The 1918 influenza pandemic serves as a benchmark for the development of universal influenza vaccines. Challenges to producing a truly universal influenza vaccine include eliciting broad protection against antigenically different influenza viruses that can prevent or significantly downregulate viral replication and reduce morbidity by preventing development of viral and secondary bacterial pneumonia. Perhaps the most important goal of such vaccines is not to prevent influenza, but to prevent influenza deaths., (Published by Oxford University Press for the Infectious Diseases Society of America 2019.)

Von Economo’s encephalitis is a neuropsychiatric disorder of possible autoimmune origin, which affects basal ganglia. This reaction may occur secondary to infection by different viral or bacterial agents. Given that it appears after the acute episode has disappeared, molecular mimetism has been proposed to explain the autoimmune lesion. Several cases have been reported through time, but it was with the 1918 flu pandemic, known as the Spanish flu, that lethargic encephalitis reached epidemic levels with cases reported until 1923 in various countries. The Spanish flu pandemic appeared in Colombia at the end of 1918 in several cities but it affected especially Bogotá where the highest number of patients and deaths was reported. Our purpose with the present work was to commemorate the arrival of the Spanish flu to our country after one hundred years, as well as to reflect on its main complications, which included some lethargic encepahilitis cases.

One hundred years have passed since the 1918 influenza pandemic caused substantial illness globally, with an estimated 50 million deaths. A number of factors, including World War I, contributed to the spread of the pandemic virus, which often caused high symptomatic attack rates and severe illness. Major achievements over the last 100 years have been made in influenza prevention, diagnosis, and treatment; however, the potential for a severe pandemic to emerge remains unchanged. We provide a review of the historical context and clinical aspects of illness due to the influenza A(H1N1) virus as it emerged and spread in 1918, with a focus on the experience in the United States. Understanding the significant social disruption and burden of illness from the 1918 pandemic can help us imagine the possible impacts of a high severity pandemic if it were to emerge now., (Published by Elsevier Inc.)

Yersinia pestis was introduced to Brazil during the third plague pandemic and currently exists in several recognized foci. There is currently limited available phylogeographic data regarding Y. pestis in Brazil. We generated whole genome sequences for 411 Y. pestis strains from six Brazilian foci to investigate the phylogeography of Y. pestis in Brazil; these strains were isolated from 1966 to 1997. All 411 strains were assigned to a single monophyletic clade within the 1.ORI population, indicating a single Y. pestis introduction was responsible for the successful establishment of endemic foci in Brazil. There was a moderate level of genomic diversity but little population structure among the 411 Brazilian Y. pestis strains, consistent with a radial expansion wherein Y. pestis spread rapidly from the coast to the interior of Brazil and became ecologically established. Overall, there were no strong spatial or temporal patterns among the Brazilian strains. However, strains from the same focus tended to be more closely related and strains isolated from foci closer to the coast tended to fall in more basal positions in the whole genome phylogeny than strains from more interior foci. Overall, the patterns observed in Brazil are similar to other locations affected during the 3rd plague pandemic such as in North America and Madagascar., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Objectives: Our aim was to understand sex- and age-based differences in mortality during the 1918 influenza pandemic on the island of Newfoundland. The pandemic's impact on different age groups has been the focus of other research, but sex-based differences in mortality are rarely considered. Aspects of social organization, labor patterns, and social behaviors that contribute to mortality between males and females at all ages are used to explain observed mortality patterns., Methods: Recorded pneumonia and influenza deaths on the island (n = 1871) were used to calculate cause-specific death rates and to evaluate differences in sex-based mortality. Mortality levels in 17 districts and four regions (Avalon, North, South, and West) were compared using standardized mortality ratios (SMRs). A logistic regression model was fit to determine in which regions sex-based mortality could be predicted using age and region as interactive predictors., Results: Differences in sex-based mortality varied across regions; they were not significant for the aggregate population. SMRs were also variable, with no significant sex-based differences. Sex-based differences were highly variable within regions. Results from a logistic regression analysis suggest that females in the South region may have experienced a higher probability of death than other island residents., Conclusions: Mortality analysis for aggregate populations homogenizes important epidemiologic patterns. Men and women did not experience the 1918 influenza pandemic in the same way, and by analyzing data at the regional and district geographic levels, patterns emerge that can be explained by the economies and social organization of the people who lived there., (© 2018 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

When we reconsider the virology and history of the Spanish Influenza Pandemic, the science of 2018 provides us with tools which did not exist at the time. Two such tools come to mind. The first lies in the field of 'gain of function' experiments. A potential pandemic virus, such as influenza A (H5N1), can be deliberately mutated in the laboratory in order to change its virulence and spreadability. Key mutations can then be identified. A second tool lies in phylogenetics, combined with molecular clock analysis. It shows that the 1918 pandemic virus first emerged in the years 1915-1916. We have revisited the literature published in Europe and the United States, and the notes left by physicians who lived at the time. In this, we have followed the words of the late Alfred Crosby: who wrote that "contemporary documentary evidence from qualified physicians" is the key to understanding where and how the first outbreaks occurred. In our view, the scientists working in Europe fulfill Crosby's requirement for contemporary evidence of origin. Elsewhere, Crosby also suggested that "the physicians of 1918 were participants in the greatest failure of medical science in the twentieth century". Ours is a different approach. We point to individual pathologists in the United States and in France, who strove to construct the first universal vaccines against influenza. Their efforts were not misdirected, because the ultimate cause of death in nearly all cases flowed from superinfections with respiratory bacteria.

Pestis minor is a pathological category that at the height of the third plague pandemic (1894-1959) fueled extensive debate and research among medical scientists. Referring to an attenuated or benign form of plague, evidence of pestis minor or pestis ambulans was produced in medical reports across the world so as to raise the question of whether the disease could survive measures against it by means of temporary transformation. Afflicting its victims only by the slightest lymphatic swellings, this theory went, the disease could thus lurk in the human body until conditions allowed it to break out again in its true, malignant form. This article draws for the first time a history of this contested pathology, the diagnostic and epidemiological questions raised by it, and the way in which it came to play a significant role in debates about the nature of plague at the turn of the nineteenth century.

Recent biomolecular evidence has proven that Yersinia pestis, the pathogen that causes bubonic plague, was infecting human hosts in Eurasia as early as the Bronze Age, far earlier than previously believed. It remains an open question, however, whether bubonic plague was affecting Mediterranean populations of classical antiquity. This article evaluates the textual evidence for bubonic plague in classical antiquity from medical sources and discusses methodologies for "retrospective diagnosis" in light of new developments in microbiology. A close study of Greek medical texts suggests that bubonic plague was unfamiliar to medical writers until sometime before the second century AD, when sources cited by Rufus of Ephesus report a disease that resembles bubonic plague. Rufus of Ephesus describes this disease around AD 100, and Aretaeus (fl. ca. AD 50 or 150) appears to describe the same disease as well. Intriguingly, the disease then disappears from our sources until late antiquity.

Over the last few years, genomic studies on Yersinia pestis , the causative agent of all known plague epidemics, have considerably increased in numbers, spanning a period of about 5,000 y. Nonetheless, questions concerning historical reservoirs and routes of transmission remain open. Here, we present and describe five genomes from the second half of the 14th century and reconstruct the evolutionary history of Y. pestis by reanalyzing previously published genomes and by building a comprehensive phylogeny focused on strains attributed to the Second Plague Pandemic (14th to 18th century). Corroborated by historical and ecological evidence, the presented phylogeny, which includes our Y. pestis genomes, could support the hypothesis of an entry of plague into Western European ports through distinct waves of introduction during the Medieval Period, possibly by means of fur trade routes, as well as the recirculation of plague within the human population via trade routes and human movement., Competing Interests: The authors declare no conflict of interest., (Copyright © 2018 the Author(s). Published by PNAS.)

Background: The aim of this study was to estimate the prevalence of pneumonia and secondary bacterial infections during the pandemic of influenza A(H1N1)pdm09., Methods: A systematic review was conducted to identify relevant literature in which clinical outcomes of pandemic influenza A(H1N1)pdm09 infection were described. Published studies (between 01/01/2009 and 05/07/2012) describing cases of fatal or hospitalised A(H1N1)pdm09 and including data on bacterial testing or co-infection., Results: Seventy five studies met the inclusion criteria. Fatal cases with autopsy specimen testing were reported in 11 studies, in which any co-infection was identified in 23% of cases (Streptococcus pneumoniae 29%). Eleven studies reported bacterial co-infection among hospitalised cases of A(H1N1)2009pdm with confirmed pneumonia, with a mean of 19% positive for bacteria (Streptococcus pneumoniae 54%). Of 16 studies of intensive care unit (ICU) patients, bacterial co-infection identified in a mean of 19% of cases (Streptococcus pneumoniae 26%). The mean prevalence of bacterial co-infection was 12% in studies of hospitalised patients not requiring ICU (Streptococcus pneumoniae 33%) and 16% in studies of paediatric patients hospitalised in general or pediatric intensive care unit (PICU) wards (Streptococcus pneumoniae 16%)., Conclusion: We found that few studies of the 2009 influenza pandemic reported on bacterial complications and testing. Of studies which did report on this, secondary bacterial infection was identified in almost one in four patients, with Streptococcus pneumoniae the most common bacteria identified. Bacterial complications were associated with serious outcomes such as death and admission to intensive care. Prevention and treatment of bacterial secondary infection should be an integral part of pandemic planning, and improved uptake of routine pneumococcal vaccination in adults with an indication may reduce the impact of a pandemic.

How influenza A viruses host-jump from animal reservoir species to humans, which can initiate global pandemics, is a central question in pathogen evolution. The zoonotic and spatial origins of the influenza virus associated with the "Spanish flu" pandemic of 1918 have been debated for decades. Outbreaks of respiratory disease in US swine occurred concurrently with disease in humans, raising the possibility that the 1918 virus originated in pigs. Swine also were proposed as "mixing vessel" intermediary hosts between birds and humans during the 1957 Asian and 1968 Hong Kong pandemics. Swine have presented an attractive explanation for how avian viruses overcome the substantial evolutionary barriers presented by different cellular environments in humans and birds. However, key assumptions underpinning the swine mixing-vessel model of pandemic emergence have been challenged in light of new evidence. Increased surveillance in swine has revealed that human-to-swine transmission actually occurs far more frequently than the reverse, and there is no empirical evidence that swine played a role in the emergence of human influenza in 1918, 1957, or 1968. Swine-to-human transmission occurs periodically and can trigger pandemics, as in 2009. But swine are not necessary to mediate the establishment of avian viruses in humans, which invites new perspectives on the evolutionary processes underlying pandemic emergence.

The pandemic influenza 1918 was the greatest pandemic of the 20th century with a high death toll worldwide. Due to the wartime, the public reaction in Germany to the pandemic was subdued. The international scientific debate in Europe began with the first publications by the Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift in July 1918. One of the many open questions was the search for the infectious agent causing influenza which was not solved until 1930. The historical publications and additional later research clearly point to the prominent role of bacterial coinfections for the high rate of complications and deaths during the pandemic. This article lines out the scientific debate from 1918 until now., Competing Interests: B. Salzberger hat Honorare für eine Teilnahme bei Advisory Boards für GSK und Sanofi-Aventis erhalten., (© Georg Thieme Verlag KG Stuttgart · New York.)

Physicians assume a primary ethical duty to place the welfare of their patients above their own interests. Thus, for example, physicians must not exploit the patient-physician relationship for personal financial gain through the practice of self-referral. But how far does the duty to patient welfare extend? Must physicians assume a serious risk to their own health to ensure that patients receive needed care? In the past, physicians were expected to provide care during pandemics without regard to the risk to their own health. In recent decades, however, the duty to treat during pandemics has suffered from erosion even while the risks to physicians from meeting the duty has gone down. After exploring the historical evolution of the duty to treat and the reasons for the duty, I conclude that restoring a strong duty to treat would protect patient welfare without subjecting physicians to undue health risks.

The influenza pandemic that ravaged the planet in 1918-1919 is, undoubtedly, the most virulent and lethal infectious disease that the human species has ever overcome. This essay was to evaluate the medical interpretation of this phenomenon and the response given by doctors in terms of diagnostic and therapeutic technology based on the data published in the medical literature of two of the most important journals of the time, BMJ (The British Medical Journal) and JAMA (The Journal of the American Medical Association). It was found that the arsenal of knowledge, diagnosis and therapeutics of the time offered very few tools to address clinical management and curb contagion and mortality. However, the difficulties that clinicians and health authorities had to overcome were a solid incentive to make significant progress in the understanding and management of infectious diseases, particularly of viral etiology, in a short period of time.