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Hobbes held the belief that his political philosophy would resolve political disagreements, rather his work has aroused series of criticisms and oppositions, and has given rise to unending controversies. Thus, this paper is a re-examination of Thomas Hobbes social contract theory and an analysis of his concept of motion. The driving philosophy behind every civil government is the concept of the social contract that spells out the responsibilities of government and duties of the governed. Hobbes was the first who wrote on the social contract where he clearly spelt out how man in the state of nature were life is short, nasty and brutish with no scientific development. Through the dictates of reason man in such a chaotic society was able to form a civil government relinquishing all his rights to this said man or assembly of men in place for law, order and protection. This study employed historic-analytical method. The historical dimension is to provide the knowledge of the political circumstances that prevailed during the time of Hobbes and the analytic aspect is to examine critically the concept of motion in relation to understanding the nature of man. The work concludes that, Hobbes understanding of human nature from the point of view of mechanical and mathematical precision without understanding man from the social human actions and as a conscious being is a major factor that has given rise to series of controversies surrounding his political philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on social contract theory, this study investigates the impact of business strategy on environmental information disclosure from an informal institutional perspective. Using empirical data from a panel of Chinese listed A‐share firms in Shanghai and Shenzhen from 2010 to 2020, we demonstrate that firms following prospector strategies have higher levels of environmental information disclosure compared to those following defender strategies. Our findings also reveal that Confucian culture positively moderates the relationship between business strategy and environmental information disclosure. Specifically, we find that when environmental uncertainty increases, the moderating effect of Confucian culture weakens, while effective legal supervision strengthens the positive moderating effect of Confucian culture. Additionally, our results show that business strategy affects environmental information disclosure through the dual channels of economic benefits contract and social recognition contract. Overall, this research provides valuable insights for corporate sustainable development and effective government environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The definition and ambit of criminal policy has been evolved since its birth and it is today regarded as knowledge and art of recognition and implementing several measures and backward or foreward responses invented to tackling criminal phenomenon, defending society and citizens and safeguarding individual rights and liberties by state and/or community. By different sorting out of its dual elements -criminal phenomenon and body of society-, variable relations and state-based or community-based models evolve. State-based models could belong to authoritarian or totalitarian states as well as to liberal states. On the other hand, the longlasting and fundamental problematic of criminal jurisprudence as to source of the right to punish has been enfronted with within two major categories of doctrines -psitivist doctrines and natural law doctrines. This research, using descriptive-analytical method, has been to a find the interrelation of these doctrines and the so-called models and has found out that state-based models, authoritarian and totalitarina models are mostly compatible with natural law doctrines, while liberal state models are more conformed with positivist doctrines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Property has a ubiquitous presence in international practice, but its implications for theorizing world order are not adequately explored. I remedy this by showing how property constitutes the core concepts of anarchy and sovereignty in international relations (IR) as overlapping spaces of right-based governance. I develop my account of a property-based world order in relation to the work of John Locke. Locke is generally overlooked as a core IR thinker, with the unfortunate consequence that anarchy and sovereignty are conceptualized as polar opposites under the enduring shadow of Hobbes. Even prominent critics of Hobbesian anarchy rely on Hobbesian notions of sovereignty, resulting in minimalist conceptions of international society and international ethics. To counter these Hobbesian legacies, I turn to Locke's limited, plural, and fluid accounts of anarchy and sovereignty and show how they are grounded in a normative notion of property that mutually constitutes them. This provides an alternative to the Hobbesian absolutist conceptions of anarchy and sovereignty that many IR theorists still operate with. The result is a distinctly normative vision for IR that condemns the twin evils of conquest and tyranny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alauddin Law Development Journal is the property of Alauddin Law Development Journal (ALDEV) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aimed to design a task in an everyday context to support high school students' exploration of the truth values of propositional conditionals and to understand their difficulties. The results showed that students could identify that the truth value of a propositional conditional is determined by two variables (the truth values of the antecedent and the consequent) while organizing the propositional conditionals generated from the open sentence and that a social contract situation can help students understand why the truth value of a conditional with a false antecedent is true. The study also revealed that students' difficulties in determining the truth values of conditionals are closely related to the time variable in an everyday context and the confusion between conditionals and causality. The findings from this study on the strategy and difficulties exhibited by students when determining the truth value of everyday conditional sentences can inform future efforts to teach formal mathematics in real-world contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our generation lives in an age of polycrisis. Polycrisis is a phenomenon where various single crises interact in ways that lead to an overall negative impact that is more significant than the sum of each issue. The age of polycrisis poses a considerable threat to humanity. Since the age of polycrisis results from human actions, humans are responsible for addressing it. As such, an ultimate roadmap and in-depth sustainability transformations are needed across all sectors. This raises a quest for a unified social contract that can engage everybody to promote the well-being of people and the planet locally, regionally, and globally. Our paper explores a holistic picture of a social transformation process to address the challenges of the age of polycrisis. We put together a new social contract, different actors (civic society, private sector, public sector, decision-makers), and specific focus areas of actors to implement the goals of Agenda 2030. Each societal sector has a unique role to play in this transformation. The private sector can drive innovation and investment, the public sector can provide governance and regulation, civic society can advocate for change and hold other sectors accountable, and decision-makers can provide leadership and coordination. A new social contract called “Society’s Commitment to Sustainable Development” can foster societal transformation towards sustainability with the involvement of these different societal sectors. The widespread commitment of public and private sectors as well as civil society can be an effective driver when implementing Agenda 2030 goals to build a more sustainable future. We, the current generation, have power to make a difference regarding international collaboration, national decision-making, industries, households – even down to the choices we make in our everyday lives. The future is shaped by the decisions we make today.

This paper applies John Locke’s political philosophy to analyze the 2018 Facebook-Cambridge Analytica data scandal, highlighting the harms of spreading misinformation in the digital sphere. Locke’s Two Treatises of Government serves as a theoretical lens to explore how social media sites represent a facade of an impartial third party, when in reality they inflict harm upon the user by violating their liberty, and subsequently natural law as a whole. Using the Facebook-CambridgeAnalytica data scandal as a case study, this essay argues that social media sites knowingly allow the spread of misinformation, which ultimately harms users in realms that extend beyond the digital. This paper urges users to be aware of social media sites’ complacency in spreading misinformation and of the threats that misinformation poses to social and political life. The paper urges users of social media sites to play an active role in shaping digital spheres into spaces that can used to craft positive change in social and political life.

Social atomism is a view that informs much contemporary social thinking. Drawing on arguments from Marxism and Buddhism, I will argue that it is false, and explore the consequences of this for a number of issues, notably those related to the ideology of capitalism.

Drawing from a content analysis of publicly traded companies' privacy notices, a survey of managers, a field study, and five online experiments, this research investigates how consumers respond to privacy notices. A privacy notice, by placing legally enforceable limits on a firm's data practices, communicating safeguards, and signaling transparency, might be expected to promote confidence that personal data will not be misused. Indeed, most managers expected a privacy notice to make customers feel more secure (Study 1). Yet, consistent with the analogy that bulletproof glass can increase feelings of vulnerability despite the protection offered, formal privacy notices undermined consumer trust and decreased purchase interest even when they emphasized objective protection (Studies 2, 3, and 5) or omitted any mention of potentially concerning data practices (Study 6). These unintended consequences did not occur, however, when consumers had an a priori reason to be distrustful (Study 4) or when benevolence cues were added to privacy notices (Studies 5 and 6). Finally, Study 7 showed that both the presence and conspicuous absence of privacy information are sufficient to trigger decreased purchase intent. Together, these results provide actionable guidance to managers on how to effectively convey privacy information (without hurting purchase interest). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can private companies legitimately regulate sharing markets, and if yes, how? Whereas scholars have either criticized sharing platforms for expanding into private and public arenas or welcomed them to counterbalance encroaching government regulations, studies document their unbridled popularity. On the basis of a special version of social contracts theory pioneered by James Buchanan, we develop a heuristics that helps guide reasoning about the legitimacy of the sharing economy's regulatory function. First, we discuss the conditions under which free and responsible individuals deliberately subject themselves to rules without their prior direct participation, that is, exit, voice, and constitutional limits. Second, we suggest sharing platforms can use novel ordo-responsibilities to establish a sharing constitution that takes these conditions into account. Third, we argue that sharing platforms can legitimately do so within an enabling institutional environment in society, the provision of which relies on the joint efforts of sharing platforms, political actors, and civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extent to which the masses have a say in matters concerning their lives is crucial in governance. It makes a significant amount of knowledge to say that people vote for elected policymakers to make policies that will make their lives better off and not the opposite. However, in the making of policies, the views of the people who either benefit or suffer the ramifications of policies are not taken into consideration. Therefore, the content analysis methodology has been employed in this study to systematically analyze secondary sources about the recent adoption of the E-Levy policy and Debt Exchange Program to ascertain whether the people mattered in adopting and implementing these policies. The adoption of these policies has raised a lot of controversies, with the public agitating and calling for its termination. The government of Ghana, being keen on continuing with the implementation of these policies as the only way out of the country's economic hardship, raises a lot of questions. After a systematic analysis of the literature, the paper argues that both policies were passed without the involvement of the people. The implication of the government’s failure to adopt a participatory policymaking approach accounts for the citizenry's loss of trust in the government.

The article traces the trajectory of the struggle for woman's rights in Poland from 1989 to the present. It argues that the democratic transition successfully shaped the foundations of a liberal regime, but was accompanied from the outset by an agreement between the government and the Catholic Church that limited reproductive rights and led to a re-traditionalization of gender roles. This context is crucial to understanding the Constitutional Tribunal's interpretation of the constitution, which reinforced a kind of sexual contract, seeking to domesticate women. The change of government in 2015 significantly weakened guarantees of the rule of law and further curtailed reproductive rights, prompting mass protests and the mobilization of democratic opposition. This article posits that the overthrow of the illiberal regime in the recent parliamentary elections marks the beginning of a new social contract in Poland, in which woman's rights are taken seriously

This article discusses the religious innatism debate in early modern Britain, specifically focusing on the intellectual change beyond John Locke's influence. The author argues that the decline in interest in religious innatism was not solely due to Locke's Essay concerning Human Understanding, but rather a complex shift in religious and philosophical thought. The debate about innatism was motivated by the fear of atheism and the need to establish the naturalness of religious belief. Over time, the focus shifted from innatism to deism, and the role of tradition and revelation became more prominent. The author emphasizes that the decline of innatism was not solely attributed to Locke and that there is more to understanding his impact on philosophical and religious culture. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Plan Canada is the property of Canadian Institute of Planners and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Plan Canada is the property of Canadian Institute of Planners and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction to the issue which is dedicated to UNESCO's flagship report "Reimagining Our Futures Together: A New Social Contract for Education" developed by the International Commission on the Futures of Education is presented.

Agreements or familiarly known as contracts is the basis for various aspects of business activities. Contracts in the Indonesian Civil Code (ICC) are called agreements, which is one of the sources of engagement whose provisions are the subject of Book III concerning Contracts of ICC. The experts on contract law, diametrically have divided their views on the term ‘agreement’ with ‘contracts’. According to Peter Mahmud Marzuki as quoted by Agus Yudha Hernoko, he provided a critical view of the differences between these terms, namely: In the Anglo-American mindset, an agreement in Dutch is known as overeenkomst and in English it is known as an agreement which has a broader meaning than a contract, due to the fact that it includes matters relating to business or non-business. Therefore, Agreements related to business are called contracts, while those that are not related to business are only called agreements. Based on the results of the comparative study, it is known that the contract law arrangements in the ICC are not as complete and not as up-to-date as Singapore's contract law. This is because since the ICC was first promulgated in Indonesia, it has never been modernized. In order to minimize legal problems, both due to empty and vague norms, the results of the comparison of contract law can help construct additional arrangements both for a holistic-comprehensive study of contract law and for making business contracts that are required to be updated.

The secular social contract as the basis of democracy gives birth to policies and laws that are far from religious principles and norms. For example, the legalisation of same-sex marriage and the legalisation of prostitution in most Western countries. This is certainly not in line with Islamic values and needs Islamisation. For this reason, this article aims to explain al-Attas' idea of Islamisation and social contract theory as an example, in order to become an alternative way of Islamic politics. Through literature research with a content analysis approach, it can be concluded that first, the Western social contract is based on an anthropocentric and secular paradigm. Second, the agreement between people with the general will becomes the determinant of policy, third, there is a need for Islamisation of social contract theory with the concept of bai'ah which has a theocentric or tawhidi paradigm, as an alternative way of Islamic politics

This paper addresses three features that characterise the authoritarian restoration following what is known as the Arab springs of 2011: a) the recourse to technocratic governments, b) the proliferation of discourses on the depoliticisation of governance and c) the postponement of the renegotiation of the old social contracts. Added to this is the importance of the international nexus, given that strategic allied states at a global level and international financial institutions embrace a formula that ensures stability and facilitates the implementation of neoliberal reforms. However, this authoritarian technopopulism fails to address the economic demands of the population, nor does it provide avenues of political inclusion or a framework for drawing up a new social contract; at best, it serves momentarily as a structure to contain the protests.

My paper 'Hobbes and the Motivations of Social Contract Theory' was published in this journal in 1994. In this contribution I explain the background that led me to write that paper at an early stage of my career, relating the explanation to my education as a student at UCL, and, briefly, at Harvard and contrasting the methodological approaches I experienced in the two departments. The Hobbes paper itself offers a type of 'rational reconstruction' of Hobbes, drawing on the logic of different social contract arguments, and while there is much in the paper I still agree with, it assumes an approach to Philosophy that I would not adopt now. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the constitution of a moral economy of welfare through acts of benefit fraud. The structural conditions of contemporary labour, citizenship, and migration regimes in Europe exclude large shares of workers from access to social citizenship and place them in a position of undeserving trespassers of the social contract. Drawing on the case of Bulgarian Roma engaged in precarious labour and short-term intensive mobility between Bulgaria and the Netherlands, I show how labour conditions in both countries and the structures of the welfare regimes effectively exclude them from access to social citizenship and confine them to the realms of informal work, thus putting them in a position of differential inclusion. The benefit fraud in this context has multiple interpretations—ranging from crime through a survival strategy to a claim to social justice. By mobilizing the idea of the moral economy of welfare, I seek to explain how migrants justify their actions not as transgression, but as a claim to social citizenship and a critique of an unjust social and economic order. In a moral economy of welfare, the migrants see themselves as deserving state support both by virtue of being citizens and of being good workers. Being excluded from proper welfare support is interpreted as a failure of both states. In this context, the fraud is framed in moral terms as an act of citizenship aiming to restore justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rent-free farmland transfer that exists widely in China's rural areas is a topic worthy of attention. Particularly, the regional heterogeneity of its occurrences implies regional cultural heterogeneities. Using local dialects to proxy regional cultural features, this study applies econometric methods to examine the impacts of dialect diversity on rent-free farmland transfers. It also considers possible mechanisms through a mediation analysis, based on a combined two-year rural household survey dataset from the Guangdong and Jiangxi Provinces in 2015 and 2016. Robust estimation results reveal that dialect diversity increases the probability of rent-free farmland transfers at the household and village levels. According to the mediation analysis, dialect diversity influences villages' farmland abandonment, rural farmland market development, and the flexibility of farmland transfer contracts, which further affects rent-free farmland transfer. Rent-free farmland transfer depends on social trust and contracts' self-fulfilling advantages. Therefore, cultural and traditional factors should be taken into consideration, which would form beneficial interactions between the selections of rural farmland institutional arrangement and land rights policy implementations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text explores the work of philosopher Charles Mills and his book "The Racial Contract," which examines white supremacist ideology and its influence on social and political theories. The author emphasizes the importance of considering the historical context of racial domination and incorporating the perspectives of the oppressed in developing comprehensive normative theories. The text also critiques existing theories and calls for a reevaluation of the ideals guiding social justice reform. It raises questions about whether current ideals are adequate for achieving justice in the face of white supremacist power structures. [Extracted from the article]

Recosiderations of Charles Mills' The Racial Contract a quarter-century after its initial publication and my first reading trouble previous assessments as my reengagement with the text brings to the fore several items of Mills' authorial and critical agendas that are not easily reconciled, in the text or by my still sympathic reading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among mainstream political philosophers, Charles Mills is probably best known, not as the author of The Racial Contract, but for his long-running critique of ideal theory and Rawls for his association with it. Yet the critique of ideal theory that followed the publication of The Racial Contract is prefigured in that very work, where we find in inchoate form what would be further developed later on. In the book, this early formulation of the critique occupies a small part of a larger, more general argument condemning mainstream political philosophy for the way that it has ignored race. In this paper, I explore the relation of the critique to this more general argument. It might be thought that the general argument leads inevitably to the critique of ideal theory. I will argue that this is not so. I will show how Mills' more general argument can be made without taking the further step of critiquing ideal theorizing. The blame for why mainstream political philosophy has ignored race, and continues to ignore race, I will argue, should be placed elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reasons supporting the 'Racial Contract' are reasons supporting the 'metanarrative,' which explains the Racial Contract. They are not reasons supportive of actions pertinent to undoing the Racial Contract, but reasons supportive of behavior pertinent to objectively confirming the 'metanarrative' of the 'Racial Contract' and rightfully establishing its place in political philosophy. This paper shall attempt to address these matters and their consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greenhouse gases do not generate heat. Bare ground is the furnace: vegetation and the water cycle provide the air-conditioning. Heat is emitted as infrared radiation; greenhouse gases in the atmosphere absorb some of this outgoing radiation which then heats the atmosphere or is reabsorbed by the land and, mainly, the oceans. So, control of greenhouse gas emissions is necessary and urgent – but it will not be enough to arrest global heating and does nothing for the water cycle. Clearance of natural landscapes for agriculture has driven global heating and disrupted the water cycle. Regenerative agriculture combats these hazards by avoiding bare soil, not ploughing, adopting a diverse crop rotation including perennial grasses and legumes, and creating windbreaks and wetlands. Speedier uptake of these society-saving practices requires a new social contract. The war in Ukraine provides an opportunity as well as urgent need. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extent to which the masses have a say in matters concerning their lives is crucial in governance. It makes a significant amount of knowledge to say that people vote for elected policymakers to make policies that will make their lives better off and not the opposite. However, in the making of policies, the views of the people who either benefit or suffer the ramifications of policies are not taken into consideration. Therefore, the content analysis methodology has been employed in this study to systematically analyze secondary sources about the recent adoption of the E-Levy policy and Debt Exchange Program to ascertain whether the people mattered in adopting and implementing these policies. The adoption of these policies has raised a lot of controversies, with the public agitating and calling for its termination. The government of Ghana, being keen on continuing with the implementation of these policies as the only way out of the country's economic hardship, raises a lot of questions. After a systematic analysis of the literature, the paper argues that both policies were passed without the involvement of the people. The implication of the government’s failure to adopt a participatory policymaking approach accounts for the citizenry's loss of trust in the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of 'Amotekun,' the newly inaugurated security outfit of the southwest region of Nigeria. It investigates the various constructions of this initiative which have raised debates on the security potentials of the initiative. It examines the constitutional implications of this development and how it resonates with the clamour for regional police and community policing and the overall restructuring of the country. It assesses the security architecture of Nigeria in the light of pervading insecurity across the country and the inability of the federal government to provide security for its citizens. Using the Social Contract theory, the article argues that the failure of government to secure lives and properties which is a breach of its social contract with Nigerians gave rise to the 'self help' initiatives such as Amotekun. It contends that correcting this breach of the contract by government through a constitutional amendment or a new constitution which removes police issues from the exclusive list to the concurrent lists in the federal constitution as well as give more powers to the federating units is fundamental not only in solving the security issues in the country but also in tackling other issues confronting the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article briefly traces newer kinship studies at the edges of kinship formations and argues that a feminist, decolonial examination of kinship interrupts cultural relatedness as a capital set of social relations meant to satiate the ache to belong to or progenerate a group. Examining the coordinated relationship between kinning and de‐kinning, the author exposes the suffering the social contract fails to register but reinscribes. Central to this analysis is kinship's global colonizing matrix dominated by white‐heteronormative ableism that shapes and prices commodified belonging and generation. This global colonizing matrix is the focus of this inquiry, examined through a cursory consideration of the author's lived experience as a transnational and transracial adoptee and racial minority scholar who teaches majority BIPOC students. This account theorizes a specific experience of kinship to broaden the analysis for others to locate their narratives and ongoing contributions to the deformation and reformation of kinship studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study discusses the distribution of investigative powers in the context of law enforcement on corruption crime. The urgency in this research that is to be achieved is to know the concept of distribution of investigative power in the field of corruption crime and to know the law with a closer distance to the ratio legis. The Prosecutor is given the authority to investigate corruption crimes. The preparation of this research uses legal research by analyzing legislation as well as treatises on discussing the draft act which arrange institutions are authorized to investigate corruption crime. The results of this study indicate that in a lex specialis manner, those authorized to investigate corruption crime are investigators at the Prosecutor and the Corruption Crime Eradication Commission, in addition to investigators at the Police institution who are also authorized to investigate corruption crime in a lex generalis manner. The three institutions are equally authorized to investigate corruption crime based on the concept of cooperating with each other. The ratio legis forming the act when discussing the draft act number 16 of 2004 concerning the Prosecutor's Office gives the Prosecutor authority to investigate corruption crime, namely that people have high hopes for the prosecutor's office as one of the important pillars in upholding the supremacy of law and being pro-actively involved in eradicating rampant corruption crime in all areas of life, bearing in mind that corruptors in Indonesia at that time were experts in breaking into banks, taking state money abroad for the sole reason of seeking treatment abroad, destroying evidence, manipulating data, and being able to trick prosecutors into going abroad freely. The people's high hopes for the Prosecutor are based on Rousseau's social contract theory in the making of the act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the last decade, the goal of acknowledging and alleviating energy poverty has made its way to the core of energy policies across the world, including the high‐standing SDG7 as a benchmark. While much debate is still devoted to conceptual and empirical clarifications, its measurement through indicators, or the appropriate policies aimed at tackling it, there is widespread acceptance that energy poverty impacts tens of millions of lives across Europe and beyond. More recently, energy poverty has been deepened by a succession of international crises. We argue that the responses currently enacted to address energy poverty, in the context of these overlapping crises, point to a more profound problem that pre‐existed the crises and reflects the current paradigm for household energy access. In this article, we aim to tie some of the loose ends in debates around the right to energy. We address some essential underpinnings of a rights‐based approach to energy, by connecting existing narratives to the broader scope of the social contract, used as a concept which bears implications on the social and economic arrangements emphasized by the fundamental pillars of SDGs. We argue that, because energy markets are highly sensitive to instability and crisis contexts, there is a need to shift the paradigm from energy as a commodity purchased by consumers from markets towards energy as a right of people living in modern political communities, and tailoring energy policies around the right to energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent funding calls, the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences has shifted its focus from "translational research," which applies to studies in specific therapeutic areas, toward "translational science" interventions which aim to modify the system of translational discovery in the health sciences. To date, the social responsibilities of translational science have not been adequately articulated. In this paper, we argue that the ethical practice of translational science should include explicit social responsibilities that contribute to improved health outcomes and decreased disparities. Articulating social responsibilities specific to translational science is justified based on three of the field's foundational elements: (1) the social contract regarding public funding of research, (2) the goals of translational science, and (3) the increased risk of direct, indirect, and systemic harms from translational science, which involve system-level changes. We integrate social responsibilities into a framework which prioritizes developing relevant, usable, and sustainable innovations in translational science and provide three illustrative examples to demonstrate the practical application of this framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether or not Rousseau's Social Contract is a utopian text is a matter of longstanding debate. This article suggests that the answer to this question is not a simple one. Rousseau's text contains different levels of meaning, and while some of them are utopian, others are not. Specifically, the article focuses on three levels of meaning in the book and concludes that while there is a utopian level in the text, it is not where most interpreters find it, and it is not simply political. Instead, it is a multifaceted utopia pointing at the same time back to Socrates and forward to Kant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article raises some of the philosophical relations between Spain and Latin America from the 16th century to the 20th century. Against the narrative of current philosophical historiography, according to which Spain contributed nothing to modern philosophy, the article argues that the debates around the humanity of the American Indians and the just war contributed to expanding the idea of humankind to the time contributions were made to international law; Likewise, that the political philosophy of Francisco Suárez contributed to founding the idea of contractualism and social contract in modernity. Finally, it is argued that seen from America, the Spanish Enlightenment, Krausism and the contributions of Ortega y Gasset allowed the entry of Our America into European philosophical modernity and its tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of disaster politics debate how far natural hazards cause or catalyse political change. This paper builds on recent scholarship on tipping points and social contracts to argue that two case studies of historical earthquakes in 1930s British‐colonised India invite a focus on the dynamics of cooperation and conflict between state and non‐state actors. Officials of the colonial state and its nationalist rivals cooperated after one earthquake even though they otherwise bitterly opposed each other. Cooperation broke down after the second event, just one year later. Yet, in both cases, officials and nationalist leaders shared a broad vision for Indian society, which pushed both sides actively to seek to recover the social and economic status quo ante, preventing potential tipping points from crystallising. These case studies reveal how and why highly fraught social contracts can survive major disasters. The colonial state's transient and reactive approach to disaster governance continued to impact on post‐independence India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between Immanuel Kant and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, focusing on their perspectives on human nature and its implications for politics. The author argues that Kant's engagement with Rousseau, particularly in his lectures on anthropology, is crucial for understanding his political theory. The article also examines the role of evil and providence in Kant's interpretation of Rousseau, challenging the notion that Kant can be solely characterized as a liberal. Overall, the article provides a comprehensive analysis of Kant's Rousseauian conception of human nature and its significance for politics. It also discusses the purpose of human life and the concept of human vocation according to both philosophers, highlighting the importance of moral self-determination. The author raises doubts about a particular interpretation of Kant's concept of human vocation and emphasizes Kant's emphasis on free will and the rational ability of humans to shape their own destiny. The article concludes by raising questions about the modernity of Kant's views and the relevance of his philosophy in addressing the crisis of liberalism. [Extracted from the article]

This article titled "Introduction: Political Theology 1922–2022?" explores the concept of political theology, particularly in relation to the work of Carl Schmitt. The authors discuss the relevance of Schmitt's ideas in the context of the 21st century, acknowledging both the similarities and differences between his time and the present. They highlight the diverse interpretations and debates surrounding Schmitt's work and propose a reevaluation of political theology, considering contemporary issues such as neoliberal capitalism, climate change, and identity politics. The article aims to examine the meaning and significance of political theology in the world today and whether it still has relevance or should be considered obsolete. [Extracted from the article]

In the present essay I question the essential foundations of the criminal law of the enemy, such as the expulsion of the potentially dangerous individual to a natural factual state, the lack of consideration of the existence of more than one kind of social contract, the absence of analysis of the potentially unlawful inclination through a cognitive structure of the enemy, and punishment as a legal mechanism of appearances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]