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The twenty‐first century has been one of democratic backsliding. This has stimulated wide‐ranging scholarship on the causes of democratic erosion. Yet an overarching framework that identifies actors, behaviors, and decision processes has not been developed. I offer such a structure that includes elites (e.g., elected officials, the judiciary), societal actors (e.g., social movements, interest groups, media), and citizens. I discuss erosive threats stemming from each actor and the concomitant role of psychological mechanisms. The framework highlights the challenge of arriving at a holistic explanation of erosion within a given country during a finite period. It also accentuates why scholars should regularly consider the implications of their specific findings for democratic stability. I conclude by discussing various lessons and suggestions for how to study democratic backsliding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organic production has an important challenge in the supply of inputs. Bio-inputs for biological control, through reference specifications, are presented as promising solutions. Therefore, this article analyzes the participation of bioinputs for biological control in Brazilian organic agriculture. To this end, it characterized the scenario of organic agriculture and biological control and then carried out, in two stages of research, an analysis of the opinions of experts in organic production. The results were positioned in the expansion of organic production and market, as well as biological control, both activities permeated by public policies. They also pointed out bioinputs as technologies that are little known and little used by organic producers, mainly small and medium-sized ones, a situation also observed for the instruments provided for in the reference specifications. Finally, the results indicated that overcoming this scenario lies in the integration between the policies being implemented, social movements and business actions, associated with the promotion of research and rural extension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on Della Porta's work on social movement events, critical junctures, and legacies, this article studies the discursive practices, emotions and networks of the instant 48-hour mobilizations of the anti-European Super League (ESL) movement in English football in April 2021. In doing so, we show how this case reveals a new generation of conflict between the different supporter demographic and corporate constituencies that characterize elite football in England, and their politicized temporal structures. Showing how social movement 'legacy' operates as a multifaceted concept of power and time, we argue that the 'puzzling out' of a new post-ESL regulatory regime in football reveals the tensions between what are considered legitimate, and illegitimate, practices, which characterize the moral economy of the contemporary English football crowd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights often fall short of challenging oppression because they are enmeshed with conservative institutions, such as the law and the state. Despite these shortcomings, grassroots organisations contesting border regimes in Berlin often make use of human rights in their everyday mobilisation. They engage in autonomous forms of mobilisation outside the state and construct non-legal notions of human rights that are emancipatory for racialised migrants. However, these same organisations also address demands to state authorities by using legal notions of human rights. In this article, I draw on the framework focusing on abolition and non-reformist reforms, which have been developed by activists and scholars in their resistance to policing and the Prison-Industrial Complex. I innovatively extend its use to propose a nuanced understanding of grassroots approaches to human rights. Specifically, I argue that these approaches entail the concurrent pursuit of short-term reformist reforms and border abolition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disruptions to transport systems often significantly change travel behaviour. This is especially true when the disruption lasts over an extended period and is accompanied by the massive-scale dysfunction of transit operations. In addition, although attitude is critical for predicting travel behaviour, there is little documentation of changes in attitudes towards transit modes and the factors influencing such changes during a transit system disruption. Furthermore, few studies have investigated how social movements can exert a pronounced disrupting effect on a transit system. To fill these research gaps and provide policy recommendations for a more responsive contingency plan in response to future transit system disruptions, our study aims to investigate this issue based on the case of Hong Kong during the 2019 social movement. We collected a questionnaire survey representing the period from late June to early July 2020, a few months after the end of the protests. Using structural equation models, we have examined how people's attitudes towards different transit modes changed during the social movement. Our findings highlight that people's perception of the city's urban rail system – the Mass Transit Railway, which the government has a significant stake in and control over – worsened significantly during the transit disruption, but the effects were less pronounced for bus and mini-bus. In addition, attitudes towards the social movement were found to vary significantly across social groups, a finding linked to people's attitudes towards different transit modes. Importantly, our study reveals that people's views of social movements can significantly determine how they evaluate impacted and alternative transport modes during transit disruptions. These newly revealed attitudinal dimensions should be fully considered in predicting behavioural change and adjusting transit services under similar conditions. • Examined the attitudinal dimensions during transit disruption caused by social movement. • During the disruption, people' attitudes towards transit modes changed markedly. • Attitudes towards the social movement influenced people's attitudes of transit modes. • Political views should be considered when arranging transit service during social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thailand appeared to be under a tide of youthful revolutionary change. In 2020, in a rare moment in Thai history, university and secondary school students, particularly female and LGBTQ + schoolchildren, took the lead in national protests against an autocratic government. It was a period during which the seemingly impossible, such as the reform of Thailand's royal institutions, appeared possible. What were the historical origins of the country's revolutionary youth movement? This article argues that the Thai youth movement emerged from youth activist networks fostered by post-coup political entrepreneurs. It describes the foundational moments of these networks and analyses their inside brokerage processes, i.e. how these political entrepreneurs cultivated friendships and ties among segregated young activists by creating unique spaces – campsites and activist houses. These underground spaces allowed activists to connect, learn, brainstorm, organize mobilization, and build cross-issue and cross-regional activist ties under an autocratic regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent can apolitical civic engagement cultivate resistance against authoritarian rule? Building upon the "community pantries" phenomenon which sprung up between April and May 2021 across the Philippines, I test whether this jolt of civic engagement – decentralized, donation-driven and volunteer-managed food pantry sites – impacted the May 2022 presidential election. I find that areas with more community pantries relative to population were more likely to vote for Robredo, the candidate that most closely represented the democratic opposition. These findings suggest that civic engagement, even that which is not explicitly political or partisan in nature, can be an effective form of democratic resistance in autocratizing settings. This article seeks to contribute to the literature on civic engagement and democratization, strategies of autocratic backlash, and social movement repertoires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban studies have shown that the affordances, constraints and forms of urban climate change mitigation often emerge from 'entrepreneurial' modes of governance that have developed in post-Fordist cities. However, comparative research stresses that concepts focused on the growing power of private capital under neoliberalisation are inadequate to comprehend developments in German cities. In this article, we argue that municipally owned corporations occupy critical positions in climate change mitigation governance. While municipal ownership of utilities in principle increases local governance capacities, municipally owned corporations' roles are shaped by fiscal relations and asymmetric organisational capacities between 'agents' and 'principals'. In the case of Cologne, we show that the city has failed to leverage ownership over its public energy utility to decarbonise energy provision. Managers were able to assert corporate interests in the face of fragmented political actors and entrenched fiscal crisis. In this context of political incapacity and fragmentation, environmental social movements become important actors for translating widely shared decarbonisation objectives into concrete political demands towards municipally owned corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We conventionally see pleading as liberalized, with leeway for inconsistent claims and expansive choice among theories of relief, or counts. Yet procedure scholars have shown how heightened pleading post-Twiqbal constricts liberality, turning us back toward 19th century fact-intensive code pleading. This Article theorizes a further constriction: proliferating and ossifying counts. While affording pleading latitude, doctrinal expansion forces hard strategy decisions and represents an inversion of the maxim that procedure shapes substance. Expansion increases system complexity, making localized strategy and discretion more impactful and amplifying opportunities for juridical manipulation. The result: doctrines complexifying toward a tipping point, beyond which we make frantic reforms to deal with inequities and other system failures Through this macroscale theory of doctrinal development, the Article makes several contributions. First, it parses the claim--the operative facts warranting judicial involvement in a dispute--from the count--the articulation of how a claim can be adjudicated. Second, the Article explains how over time substantive splits in doctrine become procedural hurdles requiring particularized allegations above and beyond a heightened factual showing and thus resembling traditional common law "forms of action." Third, the Article situates doctrinal expansion within a multi-generational undulation between complexity and simplicity; infers as eventualities both doctrinal contraction and system failure; and proposes more routine system maintenance with respect to doctrinal splits in lieu of infrequent but intensive renovation. To work out these ideas, the Article engages critical civil procedure, law and social movements, law of democracy, complexity theory, and professional responsibility literatures, among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we argue that the religious governance in Croatia was shaped by the specific position that was given to the Catholic Church in Croatia as the historical and moral guardian of the Croatian people. We describe how the fusion of religious and national identity occurred and how it was connected to the relationship between the Catholic Church and the political party that governed Croatia in the 1990s, as well as the relationship between the state and minority religious communities. The article also deals with the issue of whether religious nationalism, which is very strong at the levels of society and national self-consciousness, played any role in the governance of religious diversity and how it has influenced social movements that have reconfigured mutual recognition of different religious communities in Croatia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present a categorization of autonomies implemented by indigenous and peasant movements in Latin America into three types: a) juridical versus de facto autonomies; b) explicit versus implicit autonomies; and c) (mono)ethnic versus popular or class-based autonomies. We argue that the debate concerning these different conceptions is of strategic importance both in the dialogue between indigenous and peasant struggles for the defense of territories, and in the question of peasant autonomy, understood as a strategy of struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions are radical alternatives to state-led diplomacy feasible? Diplomatic studies have so far denied attention to those diplomatic practices taking place without national mediation. Building on the concept of diplomacy from below (DFB), the article aims to understand under what conditions this newly theorised form of alternative diplomacy is possible in contexts of armed violence. To do so, we present the case of the diplomatic action of the (post)autonomist Association Ya Basta! between 1997 and 2004. The study adopts an interpretivist approach, reconstructing activists' stories along four conflict scenarios (Mexico, Palestine, Colombia, and Iraq). The empirical analysis allowed for formulating a "working hypothesis" according to which DFB is feasible only among groups sharing an ideological background and under minimum-security conditions for freedom of movement and physical integrity. The paper innovates debates on (para)diplomacy and opens a new research agenda on diplomatic interactions between subaltern groups in (post)conflict scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the impact of the animal rights movement fifty years after the publication of Peter Singer's landmark book Animal Liberation in 1975. Examining the gains and losses of this vibrant social movement, the article takes a broad international perspective and makes the following key arguments: First, despite comprehensive animal welfare policies, state regulation has so far remained rather ineffective in reducing animal suffering, especially in those areas where most animals are being harmed. Second, consumer choices, lifestyles and markets have changed substantially, most importantly reflected in the recent rise of veganism—but only relatively small numbers of people have made the choice to abstain from most or even all animal products. Third, long‐term economic and demographic trends in human society constitute crucial challenges for reducing animal suffering globally. Fourth and lastly, cultured meat may offer significant potential for animal advocates to make future gains if some important obstacles can be overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In some speech-related disputes, censors do not gauge their success by whether the challenged cultural product or practice has been suppressed in accordance with their explicit demands. This article proposes a theory of performative censorship that can help explain this paradox. Building on the concepts of expressive laws and symbolic crusades from legal studies and social movement studies respectively, performative censorship disputes are defined as contentious episodes in which demands for or against speech regulation are expressed partly for the broader objective of gaining recognition for a group's way of life, dignity or status. Case studies of two highly contentious conflicts are offered: over Confederate statues in the United States and cartoons of Islam's Prophet Mohammed. The case studies show that movements' goals and tactics are neither uniform nor static, making them more complex but also presenting opportunities for de-escalation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes how participants within the community fridge movement use social media to facilitate informal learning and organize improvisational food justice through mutual aid. I offer a qualitative analysis of 20 community fridge Instagram accounts from the US and Canada over three years, with attention to how they disrupt dominant food charity discourses – scarcity, saviorism, and surveillance – and disclose tensions with sustaining their work such as uneven labor burdens and the limits of online activism alone. As such, these accounts offer entry points into critical reflexivity about neoliberal stigma and learning alternative ways to practice radical care amid compounding crises and conditions of food apartheid. Bringing together research on mutual aid organizing, food justice communication, and public pedagogies online, I offer theoretical and applied insights into the role of mediated public pedagogy in food justice activism and the contingent everyday labor of sustaining decentralized mutual aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual harassment has received recent attention related to the #MeToo Movement. Due to public focus on perceptions of accusers and accused, we explored predictors of derogation of both. Participants (n = 146) completed measures of moral values, empathy, derogation, sociosexuality, political ideology, belief in a just world, religiosity, sex guilt and responded to an open-ended question about the #MeToo Movement. Multiple regression indicated that the best predictor of derogating either the accuser or accused is lower empathy toward that person and greater empathy toward the other. Qualitative analysis suggested that those with less empathy toward the accused were more likely to discuss victim empowerment. Our findings suggest that interventions focused on increasing empathy could be an avenue to decrease victim derogation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a historical moment defined by massive economic and political inequality, legal scholars are exploring ways that law can contribute to the project of building a more equal society. Central to this effort is the attempt to design laws that enable the poor and working class to organize and build power with which they can countervail the influence of corporations and the wealthy. Previous work has identified ways in which law can, in fact, enable social-movement organizing by poor and working-class people. But there’s a problem. Enacting laws to facilitate social-movement organizing requires social movements already powerful enough to secure enactment of those laws. Hence, a chicken-and-egg dilemma plagues the relationship between law and organizing: power- building laws may be needed to facilitate social-movement growth, but social-movement growth seems a prerequisite to enactment of power- building laws. This Essay examines the chicken-and-egg puzzle and then offers three potential solutions. By engaging in disruption, shifting political jurisdictions, and shifting from one branch of government to another, organizations of poor and working-class people can enact laws to enable the construction of countervailing power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reconsiders contemporary internationalist experiences in relation to the multiple temporalities that characterized key cycles of struggles in the 2010s. Although these cycles are heterogeneous in social and political composition, they have resulted in significant synchronizations. The article's specificity lies in linking a reinterpretation of internationalism to an examination of the role that multitemporalities play both in longue durée capital development and in the various phases that characterized the post-2008 world. The series of crises that have marked the past decade have in fact led to contradictory outcomes, on the one hand opening the door to the rise of post-fascist forces, while on the other hand triggering unusual and powerful struggles. These outcomes have contradictory political orientations but are united by the fact they all have temporalities that are discordant with those initially imposed by capitalist processes. With regard to social movements, the article shows how the diversity of the geographies, practices, and claims animating them can be understood as unfolding "within and against" the post-2008 global scenario. It illustrates how contemporary social movements exhibit complex and contradictory rhythms and temporalities, arguing that the tuning between these multitemporalities is vital for rethinking the renewal of internationalism today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This discussion piece between Elaine Swan and Sukhmani Khorana contextualises Khorana's new book in her research trajectories in refugee and media studies, and also unpacks new directions in exploring social movements and how they intersect with the study of emotions and practices of anti-racism. Swan and Khorana share many similar interests in food and intercultural studies, and in critiques of organisational equity and diversity – this interview, therefore draws on their mutual areas of expertise to demonstrate what decentring whiteness could look like in material and mediated practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article explores, from the perspective of cultural history, the social representations produced by the press about homosexuality in Antioquia (Colombia) during the second half of the twentieth century. In doing so, it aims to approach the figure of the sexual monster, the ridiculous homosexual, the infectious "faggot", the individual explainable by science, and the subject who conquers its citizenship and disputes its rights. Methodology: The discourses and representations of homosexuality in the newspapers Sucesos Sensacionales, El Colombiano and the radio newspaper El Clarín were identified; an interpretative matrix was constructed by cross-referencing cultural elements of the context with journalistic representations. Originality: The period 1960-2000 corresponds to an unexplored period on the subject. Its revision is articulated with the observation of previous and parallel representations of the processes of homosexual liberation and the conquest of rights: the decades of 1960-1970, the emergence of hiv/aids in 1980, and the appearance of a series of social organizations around the anti-aids struggle in the 1990s accompanied by the juridical-political path traced by social movements. Conclusion: During this period, a homosexual subject emerges who, in addition to being outlined by the media, begins to postulate an image of himself that tensions the field of representations. Despite pointing to changes associated with freedoms and rights, the novelties in the press - influenced by international and local contexts and contested by everyday practices that claimed sex/gender dissidence - also pose a conservative counter-response that reinstates old ghosts and prejudices. Thus, this is not a linear and progressive history that moves from darkness to light, that is, from a dark past of violence and denial to the conquest of rights, but reflects diverse continuities and simultaneities in the representation of homosexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context-sensitive expressions appear ill suited to the purpose of sharing content across contexts. Yet we regularly use them to that end (in regulations, textbooks, memos, guidelines, laws, minutes, etc.). This paper describes the utility of the concept of a metacontext for understanding cross-contextual content-sharing with context-sensitive expressions. A metacontext is the context of a group of contexts: an infrastructure that can channel non-linguistic incentives on content ascription so as to homogenize the content ascribed to context-sensitive expressions in each context in the group. Documents composed of context-sensitive expressions can share content across contexts when supported by an appropriate metacontext. The bible has its church, the textbook its education system, the form its bureaucracy, and the manifesto its social movement. Some metacontexts support cross-contextual content-sharing. Some don't. A promising research programme (one with practical importance) would take metacontexts as its unit of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on labour conflict in the field of paid care work deals primarily with highly feminized occupations that fit in with the International Labour Organization's (ILO) characterization of the care workforce, such as nurses, domestic workers and childcare providers. We focus instead on room attendants: a highly feminized occupational group that lies beyond the scope of the care economy defined by the ILO. Our analysis draws upon Briskin's 'politicization of caring' through which care workers demand professional recognition, decent working conditions and fair wages, as well as call for the acknowledgement of caring as a collective responsibility. Following this thread, we look into the politicization of hotel housekeeping by Las Kellys, a Spanish movement of room attendants that frames hotel housekeeping as care work with the aim of subverting low social standing and improving precarious working conditions. Such a framing relies on two axes of meaning-making: (1) room attendant as provider of customer well-being, and (2) (hotel) cleaning as undervalued feminized basic care. This article expands the scope of the 'politicization of caring' beyond the limits of the care economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Woody Guthrie built a strong reputation after 1942 as an artist and activist opposed to racism. From that time, he had a consistent ideology that promoted racial justice and economic equality for all. This essay examines pivotal earlier events when he was effectively confronted by two Black people for singing racist lyrics on the radio in 1937 and 1939 and also examines the roles of the "long Civil Rights Movement," the Communist Party USA, and the Black press in aiding Guthrie's development of a new racial consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following recent events involving racism and violence in policing, the current study sought to understand factors associated with support for related social movements and worries about personal, family, and peer safety. Data were from 78 currently incarcerated young people (M = 16.5 years; 31% Black) and 20 juvenile prison staff (M = 40.3 years; 72% Black) via online surveys. A comparable proportion of young people (47.3%) and staff (47.4%) reported participating in the Black Lives Matter movement. Among young people, prior experiences with police were significantly associated with support for social movements and worries about safety concerning racism and violence in policing. Among staff, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and racial and ethnic identity were significantly associated with social movement support and worries about safety. Civic education and interventions to promote racial and ethnic identity may promote support for systemic change and buffer against worries about racism and violence in policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical suicide studies is a relatively new area of research, practice, and activism, which we believe can offer creative new vantage points with which to 'think' suicide into the future. We present findings from a qualitative research study undertaken to understand how critical suicide studies is being conceptualized by those who draw from this orientation. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with nine scholars, practitioners, activists, and/or those with lived and living experience of suicidality. To analyze the data, we used reflexive thematic analysis and drew on a social constructionist orientation. We discovered that metaphors were an important way of conceptualizing and reflecting upon critical suicide studies. Four themes were generated: critical suicide studies is a site of respite and fortification; critical suicide studies is a felt experience; critical suicide studies is a desire line; critical suicide studies is yearning. We contend that the dominant language available to describe suicide and suicide prevention might not be adequate for expressing the complexities and contradictions of suicide prevention practice or suicide's ultimate unknowability. We call for more diverse, inclusive, and expansive frameworks for understanding and responding to suicide and show the potential of joining other critical scholars and social movements to build a more just, caring, and inclusive world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bolivia prohibits discrimination based on gender identity and passed a ground-breaking gender identity law. These laws had little support among voters and passed along with heteronormative measures. Why did activists succeed in proposing and passing legislation that most voters did not support? Why were Bolivia's advances in LGBTQ+ rights accompanied by heteronormative laws? We argue that parties with deep ties to social movements are more likely to advance legislation that expands LGBTQ+ rights than other parties and that contradictory laws emerge where both organized religion and LGBTQ+ activists are party constituents. We describe how Bolivian trans activists leveraged their access to ruling party legislators, using interviews with activists and officials, and briefly discuss the cases of Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-1994 South African government has seen a rise in grassroots social movements in the form of social protests, mostly related to service delivery. Such protests are directed at the local government’s inability to deliver basic services such as housing, clean running water, and proper sanitation to its constituencies. The literature highlights that local people believe that protesting gives them an opportunity for their voices to be heard, influence decisionmaking processes, and contribute toward the progressive agenda of social change from below. Despite that protesting has a significant influence on policy review, the violent tactics that are usually deployed have been identified as counter-productive to community development. Therefore, my paper explores violent service delivery protests as a double-edged sword—empowerment or disempowerment—in the lives of the people in post-1994 Cato Manor. My paper was guided by the qualitative research method. I used Arnstein’s ladder of citizen participation as a lens and framework to interpret the findings. I used purposive and snowball sampling methods to recruit the 33 participants. For analysis purposes, I employed a thematic analysis facilitated by Nvivo. The findings reaffirm that protesting is one of the significant tools that empower alienated citizens to stimulate social change from below. Nonetheless, the violent tactics during service delivery protests that are accompanied by the destruction of infrastructure leaving communities in a state of despair, are a form of self-inflicted disempowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Movements on the Right and Left have long contested EU politics and policy choices. By analysing public opinion data and the positions of right- and left-wing movements, the article highlights increasing criticism of European integration on the Right, and a persistent critical vision on the Left which challenges the content of EU policies rather than the existence of a European polity. Far-Right movements have moved from Euroscepticism to radical EU-refusal, while the Left has remained anchored in critical Europeanism. We present how these debates are linked with public opinion before looking in some depth at frames in Left and far-Right social movements. We then reflect on how these frames have targeted or reconfigured the meanings attributed to EU responsibility. While addressing how social movements voice and bring citizens' opinions into the policy-making process (responsiveness), our research illustrates the contested nature and construction of the idea of 'responsible government'. We find a clear line of demarcation between the Left and the Right concerning the legitimate territorial scale of the EU's responsibility: while the Left calls for responsibility to expand beyond the continent to the global scale, the Right criticises the intrusion of the EU into national policy making as illegitimate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on the "protest paradigm" have long explored how a society's mass media system frames the social movements occurring within that society. This study adopts a social movement diffusion perspective to sharpen the transborder dimension of the protest paradigm. Specifically, we introduce the concept of the "diffusion-proofing" protest paradigm, given that an understudied and undertheorized function of the protest paradigm is the prevention of the import of exogenous social movements. Taking the Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement as an example, we investigate how mainland China's mass media acted to prevent movement diffusion. Four transborder components of the diffusion-proofing protest paradigm are proposed: reactions, attributions, consequences, and solutions. Through content analysis, we argue that by highlighting these transborder components, China's newspapers attributed the movement's rise to foreign intervention, emphasized the movement's negative effects on both Hong Kong and mainland China, and revealed the uncompromising nature of China's reaction and the urgency of cross-border cooperation for containing the movement and its diffusion. Further, we identify two modes of reporting: a mainly descriptive mode that relied on a local framework to depict the movement and its local context and an evaluative mode that emphasized the level of deviance and foreign intervention, thus amplifying the movement's transborder effects and the need to prevent its diffusion. Notably, the level of deviance acts as a mediating channel between the two modes, transforming the local framework into a transborder one. The diffusion-proofing protest paradigm is also found to vary across media types and periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I analyze the C4C campaign for insights about the multiscalar and multidirectional human rights activism and their consequences for gender justice. I find that the C4C campaigns have contributed to gender justice in two important ways. First, the campaigns have succeeded in passing CEDAW resolutions and ordinances at the city, county, and even the state level in the case of California and Oregon, showing the power of legalism from below to promote gender equity; second, it has developed, in collaboration with other local social justice movements, what I call a trans-local, intersectional human rights infrastructure that includes education and socialization of grassroots movements and local elected officials, using CEDAW principles and mechanisms for local and global activism, and coalition building. The campaigns, however, have also faced issues of sustainability, following the passage of the ordinance or resolution, and the lack of funding and follow through by cities that are confronted with budget cuts and other challenges such as the pandemic. Nonetheless, the trans-local, intersectional human rights infrastructure provides hope for the continued glocalization of human rights—that is, local implementation of global human rights standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract COVID-19 has revealed and intensified economic and health disparities, prompting a profound national and global examination of racist systems perpetuating such disadvantage. The historic confluence of COVID-19 with movements for social justice offers a window, which COVID fatigue may already be closing, for us to enact true change in the process and content of a graduate social work education. This moment calls for re-envisioned process and content that addresses issues of oppression, social justice, trauma, mental illness, and health. As social work educators with a specialization in trauma, we are thinking deeply about how to harness this juncture to shape a more rigorous and responsive social work educational process. We believe trauma-informed principles must be applied across the social work curriculum, beyond trauma-focused or clinical courses, and to our social work educational institutions. We offer examples of how we have revisioned social work training for ourselves and our students, from our multiple standpoints as faculty, administrator, and field advisor, for the complex challenges and opportunities of chronic syndemic times. We conclude with an invitation to shift away from the social work education status quo and truly practice what we teach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2017 Catalan Independence Referendum prompted a historic resurgence of Spanish ‘centre’ nationalism. Such resurgence is indicative of a change in Spanish national identity as overt nationalism and is connotationally related to the Franco regime. This research focuses on the power and dissemination of newspaper narratives in the promotion and descriptions of such nationalism. Newspapers are discursively analysed to understand the decreasing reticence towards ‘centre’ nationalism in Spain, as evidenced by nationalist rhetoric and symbolism, and the significance of this change for the Spanish transition to democracy. It is found that the Catalan referendum inspired a strong counter‐reaction of dissociating centre‐periphery relations suggestive of pre‐democratic transition sentiments in the maintenance of the ‘centre’ as dominant and relegating the ‘periphery’ to its Franco‐era ‘threat’ status. Newspapers facilitated this shift in the nationalist narrative through their descriptions of the independence movement and the use of references and allusions to Spain's history and ‘near past.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies into nonviolent resistance have led to a broad but scattered understanding of why some of these movements erupt and succeed, while others do not. This article offers a multilevel framework of analysis to explain trajectories of nonviolent resistance in repressive regimes and illustrates this framework by analysing the potential of Russian domestic nonviolent resistance to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The proposed framework incorporates seven overarching factors identified in previous studies, namely the political and economic system, the international relations, the level of modernization, the distribution of power within society, and the grievances, resources and organizational capacity of the resistance group. Based on this framework, it is tentatively concluded that Russia’s political and economic system, the limited power dispersion and the lack of organization among the opposition help to explain why no successful resistance has emerged. Additional case studies are required to further assess the framework’s utility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements and their respective countermovements have evolved to use online social media platforms to recruit followers, share pertinent information, discuss relevant issues, and draw the attention of political figures. Movements' strategic use of Twitter has increasingly been studied, though there are relatively few studies that compare social movements and their corresponding countermovements simultaneously. We examine engagement in the #DefundthePolice social movement and #DefendthePolice countermovement in a Twitter network comprised of retweets using both hashtags from August 2020 to January 2021. Text and sentiment analysis as well as a content analysis of a random sample of retweets in the network's 20 largest subgroups reveal four key patterns. First, information commonly communicated in historical social movements is communicated in the online, Twitter network. Second, the use of movement and countermovement hashtags to criticize is common, suggesting Twitter engagement with the movement/countermovement is not a sufficient indicator of support for the movement. Third, social movements are inextricably embedded in politics, with political discourse present in all the 20 largest subgroups. Finally, though we do not include geo-tagged tweets in the analysis, physical geography is key theme in multiple subgroups. Broadly, our findings demonstrate the breadth of topics communicated within movement networks and highlight the importance of qualitatively examining Twitter data in the study of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conceptualizes the phenomenon of historizing the present, defined as emphasizing the historical significance of present events and treating the present from the perspective of history. The authors identify four modes of historizing the present (emphasizing that: (1) the present will shape history; (2) the present is a unique moment in history; (3) the present will be remembered in history; (4) the present echoes history) and demonstrate how historizing can be employed by marketers of for‐profit and nonprofit organizations in a variety of contexts. The paper examines the psychological implications of appreciating the historical significance of the present and outlines a research agenda for studying the downstream behavioral consequences of historizing the present across diverse substantive consumer domains. It concludes with an examination of the broader societal implications of historizing the present as well as its implications for consumer well‐being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I critically theorize my lived experiences with cofounding The People's Pantry (TPP), a Toronto-based mutual aid project formed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic by racialized queer, trans, and women organizers. Drawing attention to how TPP was slowly cooptated from within, I apply the concepts of Non-Profitization, Social Death, and Grievable Death to explain TPP's trajectory as both racialized and systematic. I argue that COVID-19 originally created a fluidified climate of deracialized social death that enabled mutual aid to not only punctuate, but dominate, the whitestream. This, in turn, prompted an unprecedented influx of monied white Canadians to join the counterpublic praxis. These volunteers joined mutual aid groups, such as TPP, and fought for our ethos of transformative justice right after COVID-19 struck but ultimately abandoned the ethic when presented with the opportunity to go back to "normal". Yet at the same time, many of these volunteers remained active in mutual aid and continued to participate in the movement. As such, they slowly infused mutual aid with the hierarchical logics of charity practices, thus promoting its non-profitization from within. Observing the harmful impacts that this has had on TPP, I conclude by cautioning other racialized queer, trans, and women organizers against uncritically welcoming monied white people into our transformative justice spaces immediately following the onset of a severe crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resource mobilization (RM) theory has long discovered the significance of money for protests; yet can this insight be applied to nowadays' decentralized movements, characterized by the absence of organizational leadership and more creative and spontaneous participation from below? While the RM perspective is anchored in a political economy of organizational fundraising, it is time to bring in Viviana Zelizer's economic sociology to understand how participants utilize the role of donors, consumers, savers, and investors for the movement purpose. Focusing on Hong Kong's prodemocracy movement, this article theorizes the full panoply of 'monetary mobilization' to revise RM's narrow conception. By offering a safer and anonymous channel of expression, monetary mobilization emerges as a substitute for in-person participation for risk-averse citizens with financial means. Money is always loaded with symbolic meanings and ethical considerations so that it also functions as a vehicle of the moral outrage and utopian aspirations. Participants are keen to establish a proper relationship between sponsors and beneficiaries by exercising diligent oversight to prevent its corruption. Contrary to the instrumentalist conception, money is per se not a fully fungible and all-purpose resource. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates the mutually constitutive nature of activism and family life in the context of a high-risk protest movement, by focusing on the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong. Drawing on data collected through in-depth interviews with individuals who participated in the 2019 Movement, this article captures how politics penetrated individuals' private lives through everyday family practices, and depicts the ways in which the protest movement undermined or fostered family cohesion. The findings illustrate the heterogeneity of family political interactions during political upheaval: while families were often sites of conflict and repression, which amplified political dissonance and reinforced hegemonic power relations within the domestic sphere, they could also become spaces of activism where individuals exchange political ideas and muster resources for collective actions. This study bridges the literature of family and social movement, by demonstrating how family lives and political participation are interwoven, and simultaneously structure protest participants' biographical and social movement trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This letter is an expression of gratitude, from two students of social movements in India who are currently working in the USA, to the thousands of unknown Indian kisans (peasants). In 2020-21, peasants from across the country protested and participated in a movement widely known as anti-farm law movement--which was, in turn, triggered by the passage of three laws, together known as the farm laws, that aimed to liberalize agricultural commodity production and marketing. But what started out as a movement with a limited purpose soon morphed into a statement against the high-handedness of the Indian state. Through this letter, we pay a tribute to the farmers who drew inspiration from diverse intellectual strands including Gandhiism and Ambedkarite philosophy to craft a profound statement to highlight the precarity experienced by the farmers and in defense of India's democratic ethos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on Hayden White's understanding of the subject and explores how best to move forward discussions in theory of history after his arguments about narrativity. To do so, I reconsider his arguments in light of more recent feminist and queer theorizations. Through a reconstruction of the current international new wave of feminism and LGBTQ+ activism as a rich and complex social movement that involves a narration of its own (practical) past, I will recontextualize and revaluate White's insight from the perspective of Judith Butler's theory of subject formation. The argument will unfold in four parts. First, I will recall White's ironic and existential stance on language and narrativity in the representation of reality and in relation to social beliefs. Second, I will again raise the question of the value of narrativity, as framed by White, in the context of the publication of a recent feminist manifesto. It is here that another issue will emerge as crucial: the relationship between the limits of linguistic self‐consciousness and the question of the subject. In the third part, my argument will take a partial turn "against White" and toward Butler's subject formation theory. My claim will be that there is a residue of the belief in the sovereign individual in White's insistence on self‐consciousness. However, I will also show that his suspicion regarding the psychological impulse toward narrative closure can be re‐elaborated as the challenge Butler is facing with their theory of subject formation: that of critically resisting the belief in our being coherent and self‐sufficient individuals. In the fourth part, I will present Butler's refiguration of the thesis of the subject's opacity in terms of the primary relationality that binds human beings to one another, and I will offer a new understanding of the individual, norms, agency, infancy, and ethics. Finally, I will conclude that we are bodies in history and that theory of history can find a promising line of research through this conception of the subject, a conception that reframes how we understand the intimate links between political consciousness, historicity, and embodiment. I also claim that this line of research constitutes an ethics for our historical undoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the openings for educational change enabled by framing inequality through the concept of rights, considering how variations of this framing have emerged historically and in current debates. Taking as our starting point the 1970 publication Rights and Inequality in Australian Education, we suggest that it is important to pay attention to the ways in which rights gain force within social action and through demands made by differently constituted publics. In the 1960s and 1970s, a right to educational equality garnered greater recognition, prompting moves towards needs-based funding and curriculum diversification, led by the Commonwealth Schools Commission. These moves were responsive to social movements that helped to shape new publics. In a second and more politically conservative moment, rights and inequality were increasingly separated in policies influenced by neoliberalism. We argue that the strategies currently adopted by Indigenous scholar-activists are promoting a return to a rights-based perspective, which is distinctive in casting inequality as ontological and epistemic violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do the media cover far-right protests? News coverage matters for the entrenchment of the far right in contemporary democracies, but little comparative research has looked at what drives news attention to far-right mobilization. We apply a classic input–output process model of news selection bias to test the hypothesis that the visibility of far-right protests events depends on the characteristics of protest initiators, type of action, and reactions. We appraise this via logistic regressions on an original dataset of 5972 protest events retrieved from online press releases by far-right groups (input) and national quality newspapers (output) in 11 European countries (2008–2018). The analysis confirms that news media are particularly responsive to contentious action, protest around migration issues, and action–reaction chains between political opponents. Our findings shed light on the role of news organizations in the success of the far-right and on the pathways by which these movements shape public agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study offers an outlook on the current situation of civil society organizations (CSOs) in the field of harm reduction in Mexico. Analyzing Mexican harm reduction civil society organizations (HRCSOs) is necessary for three reasons: because they have historically represented a sensible alternative to drug policy proposals that emanate from the logic of the State; because they have the organizational and cognitive potential and the legitimacy to protect illicit substance users (with or without problematic use) from the risks and harms that drug policies may pose to this population; and because they are in a crisis that not only threatens the viability of their healthcare projects aimed at vulnerable populations but also, potentially, their own existence. The present article seeks to answer two questions—one descriptive and one explanatory: (a) What are the characteristics of Mexican CSOs that work in the field of harm reduction? (b) How do these organizations operate in a complex and dangerous environment? To answer these questions, the study uses data on the organizations' structures and dynamics that were obtained through 20 semistructured interviews that were conducted with members of these organizations. The article describes HRCSOs on three levels: (a) the individual that establishes a radical habitus and acquires the identity of a harm reduction activist through identity construction; (b) the collective of activists that, through the creation of trust, becomes an HRCSO with its structures, programs, and resources; and (c) the harm reduction social movement that, through cooperation and conflict, becomes a field of activism. The study seeks to have two contributions to literature: (a) providing a preliminary mapping of the anatomy of HRCSOs and the field in which they operate; and (b) sensitizing society and decision-makers on the transcendence of these organizations for social and political life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Scales of Resistance: Indigenous Women’s Transborder Activism" by Maylei Blackwell is a comprehensive analysis of Indigenous women's activism and their navigation of power structures related to patriarchy, race, ethnicity, gender, the state, and capitalism. The book explores the concept of scale and how Indigenous activists strategically interweave within and between multiple scales of power. It also examines the complexities of Indigenous autonomy, the challenges faced by Indigenous women within feminist discourse, and the translocal geographies of indigeneity. The book sheds light on the often unseen and long-term activism of Indigenous women and will be valuable for scholars in various fields. [Extracted from the article]

This study explored Black and Latinx youth organizers' experiences of racism within national gun violence prevention organizing spaces. Interview data were analyzed from 17 Black and/or Latinx youth (Mage = 20.17, 47% women) across the United States who organized against gun violence. The findings identified three forms of racism that Black and Latinx organizers experienced in national organizations: (1) being tokenized for their racial identities and experiences without having real decision making power; (2) feeling a burden to educate their white peers about the structural causes of gun violence and how to improve organizing spaces for other youth of color; and (3) being silenced in their racially conscious organizing efforts to address the structural causes of gun violence in their communities. This research highlights how Black and Latinx youth gun violence prevention organizers contend both with structural racism in their everyday lives and racism in organizing spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous social movement organizations are increasingly using social media to engage in strategic framing, a dynamic discursive process that seeks to attribute meaning to events and circumstances. But there remains a gap in our knowledge with respect to the impact of social media on the capacity of Indigenous actors to engage in frame competition in the virtual world. Based on a comparative frame analysis of online content in three Latin American countries where Indigenous organizations have recently engaged in large-scale protest, we ask to what extent the frames generated by Indigenous actors on social media are reflected in the online public sphere. We examine how their protest action is framed by Indigenous organizations themselves, the media, and government agencies. We find that social media do provide an outlet for Indigenous actors to disseminate counter-hegemonic frames. But state and media actors do not engage with Indigenous frames disseminated over social media, and their messages do not change the tone or direction of online discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, the first presidential debate of 2020 featured a discussion about Antifa. While Biden argued that Antifa is "an idea, not an organization," Trump portrayed it as a "dangerous, radical group." The nature of Antifa sparks disagreements not only in politics but also in scholarly circles. Some view it as a loosely defined label for a fragmented collective. Others perceive it as a gang or a radical social movement. This article identifies four key factors that make it difficult to define Antifa: the anonymity of its members, the lack of identifiable representatives, the ambiguous affiliation boundaries, and the influence of external agents (including reporters, pundits, and detractors) shaping its identity. Faced with this challenge, I propose stepping back to reevaluate the underlying assumptions of the debate. I seek to complement current theories of social ontology and collective action by introducing an alternative approach centered around the concept of personification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent does local LGBT+ activism have impacts beyond its immediate surroundings? We offer a theoretical framework emphasizing how a combination of local movement visibility and LGBT+ cultural receptivity can account for disseminating influences of LGBT+ activism. We illustrate our framework in part through an analysis of the potential diffusion of LGBT+ support in Bosnia in the aftermath of the country's first-ever Pride. Our model explains why the 2019 Sarajevo Pride increased LGBT+ support locally but had no immediate effects on attitudes in greater Bosnia. It also explains why LGBT+ support has since expanded beyond the capital to Bosnia's surrounding regions in a follow-up 2021 study. Even when local LGBT+ visibility is low or nonexistent, underlying cultural receptivity can be conducive to the gradual diffusion of LGBT+ support. Moreover, the challenging circumstances of the pandemic did not undermine the expansion of LGBT+ tolerance across Bosnia. Our findings illustrate the persistent power as well as limitations of LGBT+ activism to usher in downstream cultural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which explores the opposition of White conservative evangelicals to environmental protection efforts in the U.S. Topics discussed include the way the late evangelical leader Jerry Falwell portrayed environmentalists as competitors, the possible reasons behind the anti-environmental stance of the Religious Right movement, and the views of the White conservative evangelical community on climate change and other environmental issues.

An essay is presented which explores the possible reform of American evangelicalism with regard to the #ChurchToo movement which aims to address clergy sexual abuse. Topics discussed include the connection between #ChurchToo and the #MeToo campaign against sexual abuse, the sexual abuse experienced by writer Emily Joy Allison as a teenager which led to the launch of the said movement, and the signs of spiritual abuse such as manipulation, enforced accountability, and coercion to conform.