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This article investigates the language orientations in education policy documents for early childhood education and care (ECEC) in Finland and Norway. Finland, an officially bilingual country, and Norway, a predominantly monolingual country, share similar views on ECEC. However, the ECEC field in both countries has undergone major changes in recent years: more children are attending ECEC, and the increasing number of children with diverse backgrounds and minority languages. The document analysis includes seven policy documents related to ECEC in Finland and Norway. The analytical approach is based on Ruíz’ framework for language orientations, i.e. language as resource, language as right and language as problem. The analysis shows that the language orientation in ECEC policy is rather vague and open. On the one hand, multilingualism is seen as a resource. On the other hand, multilingualism is considered as challenging in terms of language diversity, facilitating multilingual and first language development. In both countries, there seems to be a a monolingual ideology underlying the policy. We discuss these findings in light of policy implementations and finally underline the importance of critical multilingual awareness in early childhood teacher education.

The article aims to present and discuss five theoretical models explaining the issue of ideological changes in Polish political parties. The paper is to shed light on an ideology’s dynamic nature and the process of building ideology in the political parties’ environment. The article features a discussion on the circumstances favoring the implementation of ideological changes and the methods used by parties to implement changes in their ideologies. The paper adopts two research hypotheses: 1) party ideologies are developed and modified by political parties in response to the changing (social, political, economic) circumstances in the inter-party rivalry. 2) The process of ideological changes serves political parties to lead an effective inter-party rivalry. The paper establishes that the factors with scientifically documented impact on party behavior in ideological terms are as follows: electoral result (parties that achieved a result below their expectations are more eager to revise their ideologies), political competition’s activity (parties react to ideological changes of their direct rivals), electorate preferences (political forces can change their approach in crucial issues to reflect the dominant views in their electorates) and acceptance of free-market principles by the main political actors. An analysis of Polish parties’ behaviors and the gathered source material also demonstrates that the parties’ inclination to implement ideological changes depends on organizational factors.

Aragonese is a threatened Romance language immersed in a historical process of substitution by Spanish, the official language. The number of speakers who maintained its transmission to younger generations, mainly in rural areas, has extremely declined over the last century. In the meantime, revitalisation efforts have incorporated new speakers, especially in urban areas. Due to a weak and conflicting standardisation and institutionalisation of the language, as in other threatened languages, the new speakers are located between three poles: the supremacist position of the official language; the authenticity position highlighting the native varieties; or the legitimisation of supralocal varieties in a context with a hierarchical and conflicted management of revitalisation. The analysis of the interviews allows us to categorise the discourses and establish profiles of new speakers, according to their ideologies and declared practices. The results show a polarisation of the urban new speakers' discourses, with disputes about the legitimacy of supralocal varieties, the contact with native speakers, or the forms of acquisition of the language. All these questions converge in the central academic debate about the Aragonese as a threatened language, and the new speakers and the proactivity not only as the future of the language, but also as its present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors explore sign language ideologies and attitudes within the concepts of language constellations and hierarchies. Topics discussed include the role of language in a society based on the Dominant Language Constellation (DLC) model, the distinction between ideologies such as the devaluating ideology, disability paradigm, and economic paradigm, and the dominant status which may be acquired by the Ethiopian Sign Language (EthSL) among deaf communities in Ethiopia.

Textbooks remain a privileged place for multiple ideological issues and for transmitting the values of a society. The Algerian education system, which is also attached to the transmission of certain values, uses a manual for teaching French in the 6th year of basic schooling that mainly consists of extracts from literary works. The last two decades, marked by the reform of education programs and contents since 2003, have also seen the release of a 5th year textbook with an exclusive focus on didactic texts. In this context, the study questions the impact of this shift from literary to didactic support with regard to the transmission of ideologies conveyed through the themes of the reading comprehension texts in the two manuals. It is particularly a question of examining the ways in which certain ideas are transmitted by means of the two supports by first examining the relation between the structuring of the manuals and the types of support, which turns out to conceal ideological projects related to socialism and democracy. Secondly, categorization is carried out with a view to identifying the themes of the texts and their relative proportions at the level of the two textbooks. Thirdly, the qualitative analysis, based on case studies, attempts to identify the ideologies that these themes convey through their textual manifestations. This examination brought out certain ideological points in relation to religion, identity and universal values, through explicit and implicit themes in connection with Islam, the history of Algeria and the liberation struggle, the virtues and human faults and the protection of flora and fauna. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the press is a perfect lens that can explain the social struggles, power relations, construction of identities and ideologies, the drawing of physical and mental boundaries in the course of modernization, and the historical evolution and perception of journalism. These developments were, for instance, profoundly shaped by the very rich Arabic press of the last period of the Ottoman Empire. With the end of the Ottoman Empire after the First World War, and with the emergence and construction of nationalist identities, the relations between the "two sides", the Republic of Turkey and the Arab successor states of the Ottoman Empire in the Eastern Mediterranean, developed in a framework of political and cultural "doubt", a framework relevant until today. Particularly, together with the "Arab Spring", since 2010, Turkey and the Arab World have once again found themselves in a powerful political and social interaction. Turkish-Arab relations are, for instance today, perceived in Turkey specifically from the perspective of politics and "Arab" refugees in Turkey. The present journal section on Arabic newspapers in the Ottoman period will therefore both illuminate the above-mentioned themes from a historical perspective and shed light on the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores one nation-one language ideology, which holds that a language is the glue and marker of an identity that fosters national unity and linguistic assimilation ideologies in the context of Latin-American migration to the United Kingdom. From ethnographic and sociocognitive approaches within critical discourse studies, the linguistic experiences of two Latin American immigrant mothers seeking health services and legal advice are analyzed. The study of their linguistic experiences sheds light on the social and political effects that language ideologies have by bringing about such consequences as physical aggression and family separation in underexplored institutions articulated by neoliberal policies. In this context, a nationalist ideology emerges that constructs borders and marginal social identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the framework of historical inquiries into the specific features of "feminisms" in Argentina, this article aims to address this issue on the basis of a new study of feminist journals (Nuestra causa, Vida Femenina, Criterio), published in the mid-20th century. In keeping with previous lines of research, we intend to delve into the debates between feminist women, which, with the purpose of defending rights, reveal diverse ideological groups supported by institutions that were often at odds with each other. The discussions reflected by the reading of first-hand sources will give us the possibility of reaching some preliminary conclusions about the ideological-political affiliation of the women's groups that underpins the publication of the magazines and the reasons for the debates. Given the possibilities of space, we will limit ourselves to three currents that emerge from the analysis of the sources: the feminist trend in the socialist tradition, the groups representing liberal ideologies and, finally, the Catholic women. With regard to the latter group, for the purposes of the discussion, we will be concerned here with the Revista Sur, directed by Victoria Ocampo (1890-1986), which will allow us to examine the debates and ideological discrepancies between Catholic and liberal women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Coalitions form both for tactical and ideological reasons; but strategically unified coalitions that settle or discount their ideological di↵erences are more likely to change the regime. • Ideological coordination facilitates collective action but is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for regime change. • The level and type of disagreements among actors affect coalition shape both at the graph and subgraph levels. • Polarization is associated with the rise of ideologically-oriented disconnected blocs at the graph level. Absent polarization, actors come together based on strategic or ideological affinities and form (loose or dense) single components. • At the subgraph level, agreement levels a↵ect coalition shape. When they have few disagreements, actors form tight coalitions. At medium agreement levels, actors form an umbrella coalition, wherein cooperation is broad loose at the community level and may deepen within factions. At low agreement levels, few coalitions form; a state of disunity is expected. This paper examines collective action (CA) capacity and shape of coalitions. By applying temporal exponential random graph models on original datasets of Ottoman and French contenders, it finds that coalitions form both for strategic and ideological reasons; but strategically unified coalitions are more likely to take CA. Also, coalition shape depends on the type of disagreements among partners. Ideological polarization induces side taking; actors build ideologically oriented disconnected blocs. Absent ideological disagreements, strategically like-minded actors form cliques. Otherwise, umbrella coalitions emerge. This study o↵ers a novel theory to explain the kind of coalitions that are more likely to take CA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista @mbienteeducação is the property of Nucleo de Publicacoes Institucionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Same-sex relationships have, over time, stirred serious debates worldwide. Studies on same-sex sexualities in the Nigerian context have focused on its representation in Nollywood movies and other arguments centred on ethics, culture and religion, with little attention paid to how queer people are framed by the Nigerian media. This study, therefore, explores agency and processes in the representation of gay people in news reports of selected Nigerian newspapers, in order to unearth how this social group is discursively constructed in the Nigerian context. Drawing on insights from Fairclough's approach to critical discourse analysis and Halliday's Systemic Functional Linguistics, this study considers three popular Nigerian newspapers (Vanguard, Nigerian Tribune and The Punch) within three years (2013–2015, being the period of intense debate on the legalisation of the anti-gay bill in Nigeria). Results reveal that gay people are negatively evaluated as actors of negative material processes such as 'murder' and other violent actions, and goals of the actions of 'arrests' and 'remands', ideologically portraying them as criminals and dangerous. The study provides insight into the biased posturing of the Nigerian media on important social/national issues such as same-sex relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Koszalinsko-Kolobrzeskie is the property of University of Szczecin Press / Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecinskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudos Literários is the property of Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Political speeches delivered by state heads or politicians may stir controversies sometimes, especially, when speakers give arguments for or against some issues. To investigate so-called political discourses, critical discourse studies are conducted in different contexts. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), for instance, explores connection between different uses of discourse structures and socio-political contexts in which these structures occur. It also highlights issues such as power, dominance, ideology, and manipulation. The current study investigated Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan's maiden speech to the 74th Session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) on September 27, 2019 -- watched by over four million viewers on YouTube. This study used van Dijk's (1980) framework to analyze macro and micro structures in the speech and the underlying agenda behind employing such discourse structures. The qualitative data consisted of speech transcript, delivered in English, which contained about 2577 words. Findings reveal that macro propositions in the speech summarized global, regional, and national issues such as climate change, money laundering, corruption, Islamophobia, Pakistan's war on terror, the Kashmir conflict, and Pakistan's relations with India. The use of microstructural elements (pronouns, rhetorical question, references, number game, presupposition, modality, lexis and conjunctions) enabled the speaker to voice his ideological and political beliefs on aforementioned issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Basrah is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contemporary ideologies surrounding motherhood do not appear to reflect the experiences of many women. Motherhood is often idealised as a joyful experience, however a large proportion of women experience psychological distress, often receiving a diagnosis of postnatal depression. Current psychiatric systems may not adequately represent mothers' experiences or reflect the range and complexity of emotions experienced. Most psychological research explores mothers' emotions through the lens of a medical model, with a focus on depression; the exploration of emotions beyond depression has been under-researched. This study explored the range of emotions mothers experience during early motherhood. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with six women who experienced post-natal distress; data were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). Results showed a conflict between the mothers' aspired and idyllic representations of motherhood and their lived experiences; three themes were identified: when idyllic notions of motherhood are not realised; when motherhood is not instinctive; and when prioritising childcare is not easy. Mothers who were unable to live up to the identified notions of motherhood, experienced emotional distress, from resentment and guilt, to feeling broken and insecure. The amalgamation of emotions experienced created a complex emotional landscape they had to negotiate, and their experiences were not represented in the psychiatric categorical systems; they did not identify with having postnatal depression and were left unsupported. This study explored ways counselling psychologists could offer support to this sub-clinical group and viewing their experiences as a normal response to motherhood as opposed to pathologising them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sports discourse is one of the most common types of discourses today. It is regarded to be one of the types of media discourses which is supposed to display mainly features of description and commentary, with a unique, specialized vocabulary. This study focuses on sports news headlines published online. One of the objectives of the study is to establish some of the markers with respect to lexical choices, events, and formulation of content. Another objective is to see what ideologies these headlines may reveal.

The Irish context informs the process of composition of A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man and Joyce’s use of historical allusions is an essential literary device when recontextualising the novel in its original cultural dynamics. Varied in form and elusive to the eye, allusions function as textual signs that introduce multiple layers of contextual meaning, unveiling the main characters’ contradictions and the workings of coercive ideologies. Joycean allusions thus act as metonymic portmanteau signs; they become the true “portals” of discovery of a less apparent portrait: that of Ireland as a British colony.

During the fourth pilgrimage to Poland in 1991, John Paul II based his teaching on the Decalogue, on the “ten simple words”. In his homily delivered in Koszalin, he referred to the first commandment that provides the foundations to understand all of them. God who presents the Decalogue to His people, is the same God who liberated them from Egypt. Therefore, Decalogue cannot limit human freedom, on the contrary, it helps the people to grow strong. The One who speaks to Moses on the Mount Sinai is God the Father who – as revealed in the New Testament – generates the Son from Eternity and sends us the Spirit. Thus, we could say that the Trinitarian dimension does not weaken the invocation: “You shall have no other gods before me”, but it enlightens and strengthens it. Decalogue allures not only to its goodness and truth, but also to its beauty. The first commandment presents the initial confrontation with the world which, in the name of deceptive humanism, places a human being before God. This false humanism will manifest itself in all sorts of ideologies. In the twentieth century it was Nazism, but above all, it was Communism, while today they are different versions of neo-Marxism that especially attack the biblical anthropology, closely related to the first commandment.

Drawing on research from digital media studies, political theory and rhetoric, this article explores online radical conservative and reactionary 'ideological entrepreneurs'. It argues that online media are uniting an 'ideological family' around concepts of natural inequality and hostility to those who deny them. Placing this phenomenon in context, the article shows how online culture reinvigorates well-established discourses of opposition to bureaucrats, intellectuals and experts of all kinds, rejecting one version of the neoliberal state and of its personnel, a 'new class' understood to dominate through discursive, cultural power and imagined through the figures of the 'Social Justice Warrior' and the 'Cultural Marxist'. In competing for a share of the marketplace of ideas, these ideological entrepreneurs promise insights – the revelations of the 'red pill' – critiquing 'actually-existing' neoliberalism yet insisting on the 'rationality' of governance through markets and promising adherents techniques for achieving success as liberated entrepreneurial selves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The articles in this special issue explore approaches to research and action in language education that have the potential to transform subjectivities and practices in relation to linguistic diversity. They seek ways within education and teacher education to overcome what Gogolin ([1994]. Der monolinguale 'habitus' der multilingualen Schule. Waxmann Verlag) called the 'mononlingual habitus', i.e. the deep-seated habit of assuming monolingualism as the norm for all individuals and thus for schooling. In doing so, the contributors aim to (re)inscribe multi/plurilingual education in Europe as a socially engaged pedagogical approach and field of research grounded in ideals of social justice. In this introduction, we provide a brief overview of multi/plurilingual education in Europe, linking to current critical work on neoliberalism, language, education and social justice. We then introduce and discuss some of the key theoretical concepts used by the different authors for studying subjectivities (e.g. attitudes, beliefs, ideologies, mind-sets) as well as the methodological approaches employed in the articles. We close with an overview of the different articles that make up the special issue and by highlighting some of the enduring issues in the field of multi/plurilingual education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beliefs of pre-service teachers in initial teacher education (ITE) in Catalonia about plurilingualism and teaching in diverse classrooms are analysed and tensions in their discourse are observed. Following the analysis of discourse in interaction (e.g. Heller [2005]. Discourse and interaction. In D. Schiffrin, D. Tannen, & H. E. Hamilton (Eds.), The handbook of discourse analysis (pp. 250–264). Blackwell Publishers Ltd), we analyse data from an individual reflection task and subsequent focus group discussion in which pre-service teachers discuss their ideas about linguistically sensitive teaching. Our findings suggest that pre-service teachers have very positive ideas regarding being plurilingual speakers. However, when positioning themselves as teachers, the feelings they express about linguistic diversity in schools become negative. These ideas are linked to ideological constructions that circulate, for example, in European institutional discourses about multi/plurilingualism and in neoliberal conceptions of languages and learning. We suggest that more spaces for discussion and reflection are needed in ITE in order to promote linguistically sensitive teaching among future practitioners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the power relations that unfold when Indigenous-led struggles invoke settler-colonial law toward protection from industry's impacts. Building on Critical Race Theory, I posit a 'triple-helical' relationship between law, power, and ideology, which coproduce one another, mediated by nudges from individual agents. I argue that the triple-helix of Indigenous rights to protection from industry's impacts has stagnated, due to industrial capitalism's pushback through social regularization processes as well as its capture of formal and informal regulators and of discourses and ideologies. I conclude with a research agenda for applying the triple-helix framework to Indigenous-led engagements with industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Surra Man Raa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years there have been several calls in professional and academic journals for healthcare personnel in Canada to raise the profile of postcolonial theory as a theoretical and explanatory framework for their practice with Indigenous people. In this paper I explore some of the challenges that are likely to confront those healthcare personnel in engaging with postcolonial theory in a training context. I consider these challenges in relation to three areas of conflict. First I consider conflicts around paradigms of knowledge, wherein postcolonial theory operates from a different base from most professional knowledge in health care. Second I consider conflicts of ideology, wherein postcolonial theory is largely at odds with Canada's political and popular cultures. And finally I consider issues around the question of Canada's legitimacy, which postcolonial theory puts in doubt. I suggest ways in which these conflicts might be addressed and managed in the training context, and also identify potential positive outcomes that would be enabling for healthcare personnel, and might also contribute to an improvement in Canada's relationship with its indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the global outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, different religious-immune conspiracy theories emerged to explain the increasing scary situation in Nigeria. Emerging multifarious narratives of the contagion, which are embedded in peculiar Nigerian socio-religiosity and religious economy, reconstructed the discourses into two complexities: corona disease is an invention of the devil and other dark evil forces, and corona disease is a sign of the end of times. The obvious fabrications escalated uncertainties surrounding the pandemic as well as generated anxiety and fears among potential believers who sermonize spiritual vigilance for the 'final battle and journey'. Drawing insights from critical discourse analysis, moral panic and frame theory, this study explores discursive means through which the pandemic is represented and reconstructed as long-awaited 'doomsday' warning in Nigerian online communities. Findings reveal instances of varying descriptive names, lexical derivations and discursive frames that reflect counter belief and quasi-religious ideologies. The study argues that complex religious doctrines rooted in antichrist or mark of the beast view, socio-religious ideologies of dominionism and overcommernism, cultural and personal linguistic processes have all contributed in shaping and institutionalizing the viral 'apocalyptic' world-view of the outbreak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is no unified format of application in critical discourse analysis because it is a multidisciplinary discipline. Hacken deals with the text systematically from a structural point of view, as he sees that each text has its own formula and form. According to his belief, the text should be examined to include identifying its type, framing its statement, and identifying the characteristics of its phrases and sentences. The adoption of these methods helps in revealing the ideological assumptions of the text. The current research carefully examines the discursive deliberations and practices in Virginia Woolf's essay "A Letter for Women" through the linguistic features and discursive system that contribute to reshaping the question of identity and tracing the underlying ideologies. The analysis begins with a questionnaire of the type of discourse used, then moves to the stage of interpreting beliefs and experiences and interpreting them from the perspective of Hacken's framework.

In My research paper I explain the relationship between Logic and Language in Al-Allamah al-Ḥillī's believes, so the research divided as follow: First of all, the Introduction of the research, that it focuses on the important of the Subject and reason of choosing the subject and the details of the research. The first topic of the research, explain the definition of the Logic in language and Meaning from the different points of Logicians. The second topic of research, it focuses on the emergence of the Logic, and the results show that the Logic is found before Aristotle. In the third topic of research it focuses on the definition of the linguistics in the language and meaning. The fourth topic deals with some of the essential ideologies that mentioned about the essential the language. The fifth topic it concerns to the function of the language. The sixth topic it concerns on the relationship between Logic and language, the differences and the power of concern between them. At the end the research concerns with the results that the researcher found them in his investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Academic literature on blockchains has focused on Bitcoin, which is traditionally associated with right-wing libertarianism. This article looks at Ethereum, an alternative that emerged in Canada and is now the second most used blockchain technology after Bitcoin. Analysis: Using participatory observation supplemented with publicly available material, this article examines the ideologies and imaginaries surrounding Ethereum and how they are articulated with its technical design. Conclusion and implications: Ethereum's design ostensibly widens the ideological spectrum of cryptocurrency while "masking" certain currency ideologies still prominent within it. This complicates the distinction seen in the literature between blockchain as currency and blockchain as media and points to the increasing need to study non-currency-based blockchain technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with Islamic Socialism and the rise of Pakistan People's Party. This research gives better understanding for the rise of PPP on the basis of its slogan "Islamic Socialism" and tries to explain that how the regime of Bhutto manipulated Islam in order to rule for as long as he can. PPP tried to amalgamate Islam with western philosophy of Socialism which was only cosmetic as it was in theory but not in practice. Islam is the only shadow and umbrella of politics in Pakistan and it harmed the political culture in Pakistan. The wrong implementation of that philosophy led the country towards many crises after 1977 and the slogan of Islamic socialism by Bhutto was one of the major causes of his downfall. The manipulation of religion in Pakistani politics for the purpose of gaining popularity has discussed in this research, especially with reference to PPP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]