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The present study conducted a critical discourse analysis and a visual analysis on 12 beginner-level Spanish textbooks. The goal of the study was to examine the representation of Afro-Latinxs and the ideologies behind these representations. The frameworks that guided the study were Fairclough's framework for Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Kress and Van Leeuwen's model for conducting a visual analysis. The results indicate that there is hardly any representation of Afro-Latinx in these textbooks. This finding is described as erasure. Interestingly, in the few instances in which Afro-Latinx are represented, we find instances of colorism, racial stereotypes, collectivization, and tourism discourse. In the light of these results, the study reechoes the importance of examining underlying ideologies in educational textbook materials.

The context for this study is the recommendation of the UK Government's Initial Teacher training (ITT) Market Review (2021) to require all, including historic English university partnerships, to apply for re-accreditation. There follows a detailed examination of current policy documents, culminating in the ITT Market Review, which demonstrates a clash of ideological values between current neo-liberal instrumentalism, aimed at aligning teacher education with school improvement and historic narratives which embed teacher education within the civic, social democratic values of the university. It is argued that such a clash of ideological values may provide hope for re-generating a Gramscian values-based dialectic in current teacher education which can contribute to the development of the moral and political values of trainee teachers. Application of the Gramscian Dialectic and Historical Consciousness to a textual analysis of the University of Manchester's archival teacher training documentation reveals a dialectic over the period 1963-1975 between the university delegacy's social democratic values and new managerialist values. The textual analyses of the current Manchester Ofsted report and current primary training documentation suggest that, just as the narrative of that 1963-1975 dialectic informs the development of student-teachers' moral and political values of the time, so too does it continue to inform the professional values and practice of current trainees underpinning their outstanding inclusive practice. The study concludes with a fundamental question about narrative and its implications for the development of the moral and political values of trainees in new teaching alliances.

While the manifestation of a revival of a collective revolutionary imaginary is more pronounced in social movements, we see it evidenced in a renewed interested in utopian curriculum and pedagogy. This article advances this trend by following José Esteban Muñoz's methodology, returning an early Paulo Freire formulation of utopian pedagogy as a dialectic of denouncing and announcing, and building on Darren Webb's project of reasserting the centrality of direction in utopian imaginations. Contending that our inability to imagine a radically different world results from the dominant temporality in our conjuncture, we mine cartographic processes as both archaeological and architectural to disrupt the perceptual and ideological restraints that muzzle our ability to not only image and sense alternative possibilities but to "organize" for the power required for their actualization. We thread this through a concrete example of an architectural utopian curriculum that demonstrates how archaeology and architecture can be blocked together or held in dialectical tension, which entails emphasizing that utopian pedagogy emerges from and as part of concrete struggles. We look at the Warsaw Palace, a still-existing socialist utopian architectural project, that can serve as a cartographic node in combining the openings of utopian longings with the political direction needed for their realization.

Analysed through the lens of language ideology, this qualitative study delved into the multilingual experiences of Chinese international students in English-medium instruction (EMI) studies in Germany. Drawing on semi-structured interview data from 16 Chinese postgraduate students in an international university, this study probed into these students' language ideologies related to English, German, and Mandarin Chinese. Data analysis showed that their language ideologies were complex and intertwined with academic success, social integration, future employment, solidarity within ethnic groups, and widening local networks. It was also found that the participants' multiple while often conflicting language ideologies were pivotal in shaping their investment in and usage of particular languages. The findings of this study contribute to a deeper understanding of the diversity inherent in international students' language ideologies in EMI and have significant implications for the internationalisation of multilingual environments in higher education (HE).

This paper will investigate how specific "narratives on the inclusion of minority language students" (MLSs) are constructed in Norwegian and Italian educational policy documents. We will employ the Narrative Policy Framework's (NPF) analytical categories with an interpretative narrative approach to reconstruct the two national policy narratives and compare their salient features. In response to international trends of inclusive education, Norway and Italy have developed two different educational policy models for the inclusion of MLSs. Norway operationalised inclusion through 'adapted education' for all students, while Italian policy defined an 'Italian path towards the intercultural school'. The results will show that the Norwegian approach to inclusive education is sustained by what we define as a "technocratic" (efficiency-oriented) narrative, while the Italian intercultural education employs a "normative" (ideologically-based) narrative. Despite the differences, the two policy narratives share an unresolved tension between a "universalistic" and "particularistic" stance. In the policy documents, the inclusive/intercultural education for all students is ambiguously complemented by integration measures designed explicitly for MLSs. The study will illustrate the travelling nature of inclusive and intercultural education in the policy domain and show that the policy shift towards inclusion needs to be understood as an ongoing and non-linear process.

Minnesota is known for its large concentrations of Hmong, Somali and Karen refugee-background students (RBSs). Drawing on an equity/heritage framework that centres educational equity and the sustaining of the cultural and linguistic practices of minoritized communities, this study examined how district/school websites with the highest enrolment of each student group described equity/heritage focused educational opportunities for RBSs and discursively represented and positioned these students. Our findings show that these school websites largely lacked indications of equity/heritage-based educational opportunities for RBSs, especially for Somali and Karen RBSs. While the websites had a strong visual representation of their RBSs, equity/heritage-focused textual discourses were limited. Instead, discourses of neoliberalism, meritocracy and accountability driven by the global human capital framework were prevalent. We argue that RBSs should be supported with equity/heritage-focused educational opportunities and discourses at schools instead of solely on the basis of global human capital focused discourses. A limitation of our study is that the implementation and impact of these website policies on RBSs' educational experiences were not explored. However, we also note that examining discourses embedded within these critical online spaces is crucial because they communicate certain ideologies and motives to the public that can influence their perspectives about RBSs and their educational opportunities.

This article examines how Chinese international students perceive the racial identity of Asian Americans and how they position this pan-national, pan-ethnic, phenotypical-based group in relation to other oppressed minorities. Drawing upon theoretical frameworks of the world racial system and racial triangulation, this article argues that Chinese students' ideological socialization in their home country and college experiences in the host country jointly contribute to their knowledge of Asian Americans. To be specific, Chinese students subscribe to the racial stereotype of Asian Americans as 'perpetual foreigners,' and insist that they are difficult to unite but they have more racial consciousness as a minority than Asians from Asian countries. The finding further indicates, different from perceived racial stratification that Asian Americans are positioned as a 'racial middle' group in relation to White and Black Americans, that Chinese students subjectively think Asian Americans are (politically) positioned at the bottom in the U.S. racial hierarchy.

The purpose of this manuscript is to examine the implications of the current ideological underpinnings of sport education programs (SEPs) in the United States (U.S.) and present a new equity-minded and anti-ism sport education (EASE) framework that reflects a paradigm shift towards equity-mindedness, anti-ism, cultural responsiveness, inclusive excellence, and transformational leadership. The sport industry has transformed from modest recreational activities for leisure entertainment at the local levels into a multi-billion-dollar global corporatized industry with far-reaching economic, political and sociocultural impacts. Despite the growth in popularity of SEPs, a major area of concern is the lack of critical reflection on their sociopolitical and cultural origins of the curriculum and corresponding metrics of success. Thus, we argue current SEPs (e.g. sport management, sport administration, sport leadership, sport business, parks and recreation, and sport entertainment, hospitality, and tourism) perpetuate colorblind racism, sexism, and classism based on their philosophical foundations. In an effort to reflect a responsiveness to an increasingly global and multicultural sport industry, we present a new EASE framework for preparing professionals to ignite transformational change in and through sport in the twenty-first century.

We examine the ideal twenty-first century learner as discursively produced in recent future-oriented documents published by the OECD and UNESCO. Drawing inspiration from Bacchi's question 'What is the problem represented to be?', we identify a constellation of interrelated discourses that together craft an image of a post-political, resilient, empathic, bio-perfected, transhuman learner. This learner is conditioned to endure, adapt and adjust to ongoing socio-political conditions and crises, rather than to contest, resist, or alter them. We argue that this portrayal is reflective of a deepening ideological alignment between the OECD and UNESCO -- organisations that have traditionally held divergent views on the purpose and value of education. We conclude by advocating for the reinvigoration of subjectivities that prioritise political agency, defined as the capacity to act upon and transform the existing social order and power structures.

The rise in populism and movements that threaten trust in science and expertise has been labeled a post-truth world. What challenges does this environment present for higher education, and how should it respond? This article examines the characteristics of a post-truth world and how that challenges the fundamental purposes of higher education. It then examines how higher education might respond, what risks come with that response, and how effectively it might resist attempts to attack and undermine its different purposes. These movements undermine possibilities for truth or objective knowledge, presenting a clear threat to higher education. Its response focuses around improving research and communication with the public, but the nature of cognitive processes in a polarized world leads people to discount information that does not fit with their existing worldviews and values. Simply providing better research will not solve the problem, and actively engaging with these movements can make higher education seem more partisan, further reducing trust. In the face of such intractable problems, it is important for higher education to also nurture communities with its students that foster trust and "critical loyalty" to knowledge and truth over falsehoods and conspiracy.

In Ireland access to instrumental music education (IME) largely operates through the private market. Unlike other European countries Ireland does not have a music school law or policy position. The purpose of this article is to examine how a long-established history of subsidiarity which is enshrined in the Irish Constitution together with the ideology of choice, has underpinned the provision of IME. This has led to the growth of a market-led system of provision that promotes inequalities. The data suggests that parents seeking IME for their children are compelled to act as customers and competitive citizens and that the private choices of those who can pay to play, masks the dearth of state-supported universal IME provision. In conclusion, it is argued that by continuing to adopt the principles of subsidiarity, the State is both exonerated from being fully responsible and accountable for the adequate provision of IME and is complicit in perpetuating structural inequalities that favour access to capitals-rich families, be in the state-supported IME, or IME in the private education market.

The Meiji Restoration (1868) ended the Tokugawa Shogunate regime (1603-1867) and proclaimed the emperor as the supreme power of Japan. The Meiji emperor's reign began abruptly, requiring restoration leaders to construct an emperor-centred ideology of whole cloth. This ideology posited an eternal imperial Japan: a unique, tight-knit community of loyal subjects. To disseminate this ideology, the Meiji government introduced "shushin" (moral teaching) into the elementary school curriculum, aiming to transform all Japanese children into imperial subjects. Drawing upon Louis Althusser's theory of interpellation via Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs), this study reads textbook stories as an interpellation practice and shows how the government portrayed characters in the stories as "Unique and Absolute Subjects" of the ideology to persuade children to willingly subjugate themselves to national ideals. This study conducts direct textual and contextual analyses of "kokutei shushin-sho" (government-produced moral training textbooks) produced between 1903 and 1942, with a special focus on the teaching unit of the kokka (state). Two themes -- loyalty and the imperial family -- dominate this unit. The analysis reveals that the stories created "targeted truth" by pruning away details of characters' real lives, putting a beautiful mask on them, and sometimes even re-inventing or mythologising them.

This paper analyses the development of UNESCO's Mahatma Gandhi Institute on Education for Peace and Sustainable Development (MGIEP), examining its record from global, national and institutional perspectives. The global perspective encompasses challenges to UNESCO's attempts to articulate a distinctive, humanistic vision in competition with other multilateral bodies. The national perspective relates to India, which hosts MGIEP, provides the bulk of its funding and exerts significant influence over its governance. Consideration is also given to the relationship between MGIEP's work and Mahatma Gandhi's ideas. Finally, the institutional perspective relates both to the author's own experience with MGIEP, and to information gained through interviews with others involved with the institute. It is argued that MGIEP's story illuminates challenges to attempts, within India and internationally, to sustain a humanistic vision of education in the face of powerful countervailing interests.

Since 2015, UNESCO has developed a variety of programmes for preventing violent extremism through education (PVE-E), under the framework of Global Citizenship Education and Target 4.7 of Agenda 2030. There have been formal board decisions to promote PVE-E, regional and international conferences and three key publications: a Teacher's Guide (2016), a Guide for Policy-makers (2017), and a Youth-Led Guide (2017 and 2018). Through a discourse analysis of these key documents and a critical engagement with the institutional politics of UNESCO, the paper delineates the discursive constructs of PVE-E that are mobilised and sheds light on the under-researched politics of production that affect the nature of these texts. Taking a comparative perspective, the paper shows how PVE-E is represented within and between these different texts, exposes the normative values and ideological assumptions underpinning these representations and argues that we are ultimately witnessing a declining legitimacy of UNESCO's normative power.

Equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI)--or sometimes styled EDID by including decolonization--is an institutionalized response to demands for access, inclusion, recognition, and redistribution by communities of people excluded from traditional centres of power. Under the banner of EDI(D), educational institutions have launched an extensive program of adult education, seeking to "train" institutional actors to adhere to policies and root out bias in practice. In this paper, Bannerji situates the relations of EDI work within the broader framing of multiculturalism, racism, and ideologies of education in Canada. Drawing from Dorothy Smith's unique articulations of ontology and ideology, Bannerji confronts the ideological praxis of EDI work and asks us to consider the politics of identity and pedagogy that constitute this particular conjuncture.

By the time political independence was achieved in the 1920s in Ireland, its national education system over the previous century had been underpinned by imperial ideology and values. In the early 1920s, curriculum planning was influenced by the post-revolutionary and post-war context and, unsurprisingly, placed an emphasis on building nationhood and a distinct Irish identity for the Irish Free State. Central to this curriculum planning was Rev. Professor Timothy Corcoran who acted as an external advisor to the 1922 and 1926 conferences that developed primary curriculum policy. This article explores and assesses the influence, impact and legacy of Corcoran through an analysis of his prolific writings as they related to the primary school curriculum. The analysis reveals that Corcoran's thinking, more than that of any other stakeholder in the era, was uniquely influential in determining the philosophy, content and pedagogies prevalent in primary schools in Ireland until the 1970s.

What is an ethical instructional goal for students who position themselves in opposition to the key tenets of a discipline they are required to learn? Is it fair to judge students unfavorably in a circumstance where their ideological disagreements with course materials bump up against their abilities to take seriously these materials, let alone advance to states of knowledge where they can think progressively and deeply with others about them? Is it fair that less resistant students--less resistant because of their preexisting ideological alignments with instructors and course content--should benefit in ways others do not? And, if an instructor's interests lie in helping students achieve their highest expressions of learning in relation to the subject matter, does this mean that the unconscious goal for resistant students is to bring them into a discipline's various ways of thinking as preferred avenues for achieving these expressions? In this article, the author contemplates the tensions evoked by these questions before providing "pedagogies of common ground" that have been effective in his own practice.

This paper examines teachers' understandings of affective indoctrination in a conflict-affected society, focusing on how teachers' political orientations are entangled with these understandings. The exploration is conducted through a qualitative study of Greek-Cypriot primary and secondary school teachers who are identified as either conservative or progressive. The findings highlight that regardless of political orientation, teachers interpret the term indoctrination through a negative lens. However, teachers of progressive orientation view affective indoctrination as a part of everyday educational practices, whereas teachers of conservative orientation understand affective indoctrination as an exceptional case. The paper discusses the implications for teaching and teacher education. The relevance of teachers' political orientation makes it all the more necessary that teachers and teacher educators delve deeper into the political and pedagogical implications of the entanglement between political orientations and understandings of affective indoctrination in schools.

In recent years right-extremist ideologies, parties and regimes are gaining popularity and power all over the globe, and as days go by, hope for equality, freedom and peace seems more and more unrealistic, delusionary, perhaps even dangerous. To what goals and in which ways should one educate in a reality that offers no end in sight to oppression? And should educators be satisfied with the hope to merely slow down or temporarily pause what seems to be inevitable? In this essay, I show that educators and their students might get caught up in state of "stuckedness" (Hage, 2009), to which fascist hope and fascist unique temporalities offer relief. I argue that from this situation, a particular and strong kind of hope can arise -- radical hope that is immanently transcendent and whose objectives are incomprehensible and cannot be imagined at present. Paradoxically and while difficult to attain, this almost desperate hope can free educators from the discursive and temporal constraints set by both fascist ideologies and by the feeling of historical blockage, and instead infuse education with an emancipatory horizon. First, interested in both the experience of limited future, I draw insights from ethnographies that depict such historical periods and their relationship to fascism. Then, I present an analysis of fascist temporalities and draw principles for the "fascist hope" extracted from them. I also analyze the temptation of fascist hope through reading in the work of German Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch, and follow his transcendent approach to the future which I bring into discussion with the concept of radical hope and with a call for learning observance. To conclude, I draw preliminary directions for an antifascist education.

Consumerism and its associated discourses have long been associated with schooling. Indeed, the curriculum of schooling has been said to produce a consumer citizen. In this paper, we consider the production of the consumer "teacher" by examining the role social media education influencers play in facilitating the relationship between market ideology and education. Through inquiry into publicly available Instagram posts shared by 18 education influencers comprising the popular United States-based P-12 educator collaborative, Teach Your Heart Out™, we explore how the discourses used in the figured world of P-12 teaching created by education influencers on Instagram ultimately produce a consumer teacher by emphasizing three key elements of consumerist ideology. We conclude with points of concern for the teaching profession that may arise from these consumer discourses, including the transformation of public education into a neoliberal, private investment.

Purpose: In recent years, issues related to body image, fat shaming, and societal perceptions of weight have gained more attention in educational discourse (Carmona-Márquez, "et al.," 2023; Dark and Aphramor, 2023; Nutter, Ireland, Alberga, "et al.," 2019; Schorb, 2022). The purpose of this paper is to explore the importance of engaging students and educators to critically examine fat ideology in teacher education and P-12 classrooms through the lens of multicultural education. Design/methodology/approach: Using a multicultural lens to examine fat phobia in education. Findings: This paper explores the importance of engaging students and educators to critically examine fat ideology in teacher education and P-12 classrooms through the lens of multicultural education. Practical implications: By acknowledging the intersection of body image bias with cultural diversity, educators can foster inclusive environments that challenge harmful stereotypes and promote body positivity. This paper also provides strategies for integrating discussions on fat ideology within the multicultural education framework, aiming to empower both teachers and students from a multicultural education perspective to think critically and advocate for social justice. Social implications: This paper also provides strategies for integrating discussions on fat ideology within the multicultural education framework, aiming to empower both teachers and students from a multicultural education perspective to think critically and advocate for social justice. Originality/value: The issue of fat phobia is rarely discussed in education.

Dictatorships are established and strengthened by imposing themselves on society. One of the tools they use to do this is school, along with textbooks as a means of information and mass spiritual nourishment. This paper aims to analyse the period of communist dictatorship in Albania and its way to influence the individual with an ideology in the function of politics yet to the detriment of the individual as a personality. The research is focused on the primary school reading books of 1946-1986. The passages connected directly with the political content, the parts that had genuine political concepts in the title or in content, were selected to complete this research. A significant number of these short stories, the types, the tendencies of their extension, the object, the nature, and their possibilities of influence were examined as the main materials of the study. During the research, the way textbook readings can influence to paralyze the quest for inner freedom and finding individuality were outlined. Thus, the school as an educational institution can be used to depersonalize the individual in function of the interests of social and political groups. The results showed that any society, including contemporary, could carry ideological influences, so the following article might increase the awareness on the texts used in school and on their interpretation.

This article demonstrates how the use of affect in literature education invokes trajectories of nationalism and/or solidarity using the case of postcolonial Cyprus as example. For this, we analyse secondary school literature curricula and textbooks in both Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot educational systems. We do so by making use of affect theory -- mainly 'affective nationalism' and 'affective solidarity' -- met with Henri Lefebvre's 'rhythms' and 'truth of space,' and Raymond Williams' dominant, emergence, residual positions. Our focus questions are: What social, cultural, political meanings about the ethnic self and 'Other' are produced by literature curricula and textbooks? How can affect be used to regulate students and meanings in literature education, and what kind of 'alternative' affective meanings emerge? Our analysis shows that literature can be used in educational settings to evoke simultaneously conflicting affective ideologies and feelings. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed for literature education in postcolonial settings.

This paper provides an overview of a Critical Race Feminista praxis-oriented methodological framework in development called FilmCrit, and a critical race method expanded into filmic form called Cinematic Critical Race Counterstorytelling. Critical Race Feminisita Praxis informs this work by drawing on a Critical Race Theory in Education framework and Chicana Feminist theories and epistemologies. In discussing two FilmCrit studies, a qualitative documentary study, No Somos Famosos (We Are Not Famous), and my dissertation study, From the Classroom to the Screen: Experiences of Women of Color MFA Film Students, I detail the theoretical, methodological, and analytical development, as well as the scholarly significance, of FilmCrit and (auto)biographical and composite Cinematic Critical Race Counterstorytelling.

This paper has as its focus the life and thinking of the educational theorist and schoolmaster J. H. Simpson (1883-1959), who was not only a reforming teacher at Rugby School but was also the first headmaster of the progressive Rendcomb College. His ideas around education were outlined in a number of books. At the heart of his thinking lay concerns around democracy and self-government and the article explores how these were enacted at various points of Simpson's life with a particular focus upon his work until 1932. Attention will be paid to how his thinking evolved, moving from simple democracy in the classroom to wider decision-making within an entire school. Linked to these concerns were a number of curricular initiatives that sought to offer a point of contrast to more traditional public schools. The article will conclude by attempting to offer consideration of the legacy of Simpson's ideas.

Purpose: This comparative study explored the perceptions of educational stakeholders in Oman and the Philippines concerning children with disabilities and the goals of special education. Stakeholders' perspectives can influence their professional behaviours and attitudes, which, in turn, can profoundly impact children with disabilities who already face numerous challenges. Hence, comprehending the viewpoints of these stakeholders is vital for fostering socially just education for individuals with disabilities. Design/methodology/approach: This study employed a qualitative comparative case study approach with a horizontal comparison strategy, and both convenience and purposeful sampling techniques were used for participant selection. The study involved 53 participants from both countries, including policymakers, teacher educators, in-service teachers and student teachers from general and special education domains. Data were gathered through individual interviews and themes were subsequently discerned via data analysis. Findings: Despite the different cultural and historical contexts and distinct roles of stakeholders in both countries, the results indicate more parallels than disparities in their perceptions. The primary congruence underscored in this research was imperative to critically assess the language and ideology surrounding the goals of special education, such as mainstreaming and normalisation. Originality/value: Although numerous studies have probed the perceptions of various educational stakeholders concerning children with disabilities and educational goals, there is limited research that encompasses the perspectives of the seven distinct stakeholder groups. The consistency of language usage across both countries and among all stakeholders underscores the need for a rigorous cross-country examination involving all educational participants.

As teacher educators on the U.S.-Mexico borderlands, our goal is to (re)conceptualize a pedagogical approach for bilingual teacher development informed by teacher education research in the borderlands and anchored in the myriad of historical, sociopolitical, cultural, and linguistic realities of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands -- a border pedagogy. Our (re)conceptualization is based on a metasynthesis of bilingual teacher education research from the four U.S.-Mexico border states and additionally draws from critical race theory in education and border theory scholarship to examine the geopolitical context of the borderlands as impacted by colonization and whiteness. Principles for (bilingual) teacher development and design are discussed.

Ideological diversity, or the "honest consideration of multiple views, often competing for claims that privileges a vigorous or spirited debate of ideologically different ideas which are to be judged on their logical soundness and intellectual merit" (Von Bergen & Bressler, 2017, p. 26), is a growing research interest in the higher education field in recent years. However, minimal research has explored ideological diversity within peer interactions and friend groups, or within the Christian college setting. This exploratory, qualitative, symbolic interactionist study therefore sought to address the following research questions: (1) "How do college students at a Christian university develop and maintain ideologically diverse friend groups?" and (2) "What are the perceived outcomes of such friendships?" Findings from interviews with 11 undergraduate students from shared friend groups at a single Christian university revealed how college students become members of ideologically diverse friend groups (IDFGs), how students engaged in conflict within such friend groups, and whether students in IDFGs can influence the student experience in a manner that promotes the field's aspirations for holistic education (Chambliss & Takacs, 2014; Denson et al., 2017). Our analysis ultimately affirms that IDFGs are meaningful for student development and the overall student experience. Consequently, we conclude this article by providing insights for how Christian higher education professionals might support initiatives and spaces that promote IDFGs on their own campuses.

In this paper, we critically discuss the impact of policy documents on the construction of national narratives on the provision of support for cultural-linguistic diversity in education systems in two European countries. The analysis focuses upon a selection of national policy documents that deal with the planning and provision of HLE since the 1990s. We take critical pedagogy and sociomateriality as theoretical lenses to investigate educational policies on HLE. Thus, this study critically traces the ways in which language ideologies are enmeshed with legislative, political and educational discourses by following an inductive and retroductive process, wherein key-concepts, themes and critical configurations of HLE are mapped, compared, re-assembled and discussed in terms of a complex system. The analysis shows that the (non-)provision of HLE shapes the educational space and the value references and world views that prevail and are (re)produced in it. Emerging deficit perspectives, linguistic assimilation and marginalisation processes limit the path towards more inclusive and equitable educational institutions and practices.

This paper is an exercise in reflection on my role as a researcher-teacher, while designing and implementing a qualitative study in a secondary school in Singapore. The first study of its kind locally, I designed and taught a bidialectal programme with Singlish as a resource to facilitate the teaching of Standard English. The 8-week programme was delivered to two classes of Secondary One students (13 year olds) in a mainstream secondary school, between July to August 2019. In this reflection, I first conceptualize gaining access as part of the research project, resulting in a research design that involved myself as a researcher-teacher. The nature of Singlish then posed particular issues when it came to designing teaching materials for students, even as certain aspects of classroom teaching went well. I discuss my dual position as researcher-teacher in the data collection process, before addressing the importance of and how I shifted between analytic familiarity and distance from the data. It is hoped that being transparent about the research process in this fashion will strengthen the field and be useful to fellow researchers embarking on similar studies.

Employing ethnography and the theoretical paradigm of "language ideology" (Silverstein, M. 1979. "Language structure and linguistic ideology." In "The Elements: A Parasession on Linguistic Units and Levels," edited by P. Clyne, W. Hanks, and H. Carol, 193-247. Chicago Linguistic Society), this article examines how ideologies of language inform language practices among migrant workers in a Vietnamese restaurant in South Texas. Data is drawn from participant observations, audio-recorded interactions, semi-structured interviews with participants, and collection of artifacts. Findings suggest that the participants hold certain ideologies, namely: (1) standardised English as an impediment or a resource; (2) polite language as access to community membership and career opportunities; and (3) multilingualism as a marketable commodity. Those beliefs, in turn, shape their trajectory of language practices and socialisation patterns. The participants' language ideologies, therefore, do not exist separately as a theoretical divide, nor a static social construct, but constantly evolve, mutually inform, and contest each other, dynamically transformed during their socialisation process. The paper concludes with the emphasis on exploring linguistic dynamics, such as language ideologies and multilingual turn in language socialisation, across similar transnational communities.

This review tracks the last 50 years of the journey towards the inclusion of disabled students in Higher Education (H.E.). It provides a critical overview of the impact of evolving U.K. policy aimed at widening participation for disabled H.E. students. The overview spotlights the historical, ideological and political influences on policy and practice and illuminates the underlying causes of the social injustices still experienced by disabled H.E. students. Despite a government commitment to inclusive practices, data reveals disabled H.E. students are among those most at risk of withdrawing from university and have lower degree outcomes than non-disabled students (OfS. 2021. Access and Participation Resources: Findings from the Data. https://www.officeforstudents.org.uk/media/4dcf0f63-4ff0-4df2-ba52-3b2ef0a8a28d/access-and-participation-data-resources-sector-summary-2021.pdf, 19). The article illustrates how the prevailing models of disability have influenced definitions of disability and inclusion. It highlights tensions between the Government's accountability agenda and inclusive practice ideals. The paper reviews U.K. studies of inclusion of disabled H.E. students. It unearths barriers, particularly concerning stigma, disclosure, and social inclusion, rooted in historical misrepresentations of disability remaining intact in contemporary society. Implications for H.E. institutions and policymakers are highlighted. Recommendations for researchers include research aligned with disabled people's lived experiences and further investigation of barriers relating to attitudes of non-disabled students.

In this essay we explore how pernicious social narratives affect schooling and suggest rethinking leadership may ameliorate issues of injustice in education. We reject the idea that school leaders must necessarily be politicians who serve as bureaucratic management-oriented functionaries. We claim instead they are intellectual leaders who might facilitate complex learning possibilities through which students and teachers work toward justice in and beyond the classroom. Moreover, leaders may support justice work with and for students, teachers, and communities by providing vision, materials, relationships, and contexts through which community-oriented partnerships may be formed.

This article examines the campaign of schooling and education reforms for non-Sunni or "heterodox" groups, particularly the Nusayri community, during the reign of Abdulhamid II (1876-1908) in the late Ottoman Empire in Syria and Southern Turkey. Through a detailed examination of Ottoman archival documents, missionary reports, and accounts, this article sheds light on Ottoman strategies to correct the beliefs of Nusayri children through education to develop a decent and loyal Sunni generation and to prevent missionary activities among community members. The article links the educational policies of the Hamidian regime to its governance and hegemony strategies in the periphery, where Ottoman authority was relatively weak and challenged. In this regard, this article argues that the Ottoman State attempted to normalise and eradicate cultural, religious, and social distinctions by converting the Nusayris to Sunni Islam and educating them to create a homogenous social structure on the periphery, thereby transforming them into loyal subjects and preventing them from attending missionary schools. The campaign of schooling, which was instrumentalised in attaining ideological, political, and religious objectives, was a significant pillar of these policies. However, the late Ottoman administration did not apply uniform schooling and education policies towards the Nusayris at schools in Antakya and Latakia, as the central administration took into consideration regional geographic, demographic, political, and socioeconomic conditions, priorities, and risks. The ultimate goal of Hamidian educational initiatives was the preservation of the empire by the adoption of diverse approaches to accomplish its own goals, but the outcomes of the educational policies reflected the weaknesses of an empire that had been in turmoil for over a century.

Purpose: This paper will identify and further explore the ideals versus realities of learning poverty and the consequential effects on our moral obligations and responsibilities. The wealthy nations are now under further pressure to recognise and realise their moral obligations to enabling social justice in the context of access, and distribution, of vaccines for the poorer nations. Learning poverty has always been a feature of our global economic, and institutional order, and has become an increasingly important factor in achieving justice. Design/methodology/approach: The study focusses on a human rights approach to learning poverty and the ideals versus the realities of what we are beginning to see in the times of a global pandemic. The major challenges to justice is inherent to the recognition that wealthy nations continue to have a pivotal role in the reduction of poverty. The identified major challenges in the context of learning poverty are: "nation states and the global pandemic", "international interactions and learning poverty" and "global institutions and learning inequalities". In particular, the authors explore the concept of ideals versus realities through three "challenges", which continues to challenge any semblance of justice in the current global vaccine distribution. Nation states and borders, international interactions and global institutions remain barriers in overcoming what is becoming a reality of learning poverty. Findings: This paper seeks to look beyond the economics of vaccine trade and seek a way to accept a moral claim of justice for all. The authors consider how wealthy nations are active participants in the emergence of learning poverty for many nations. Originality/value: By exploring the ideals versus realities of learning poverty, and human rights, the authors highlight some of the challenges, and wealthy nations moral obligations, through the emergence of a new dimensional indicator of poverty, learning poverty.

As a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which has been incorporated into domestic policy, Iceland has a legal obligation to respond to children's linguistic human rights in schools. Increasing language diversity is addressed in both policy and practice, informed by the inclusive education principles that underpin the ideology of the Icelandic school system. A thematic analysis of the perspectives of four school principals and four directors of school support services, working in four different municipalities, reveals tensions between stakeholders' understandings of children's rights, school responses to diverse languages, and state accountability towards children's linguistic human rights. Application of Tomaševski's 4As framework (availability, accessibility, acceptability, adaptability) suggests the need for increased human rights education and funding for local rights-based initiatives and monitoring. The study contributes to policy and practice aimed at addressing language diversity as a human rights concern.

This article examines how participants enrolled in teacher education and childhood studies courses represented their understandings of childhood through a selection of artefacts discussed in focus groups at four sites: Montréal, New York City, Ottawa, and Toronto. To situate our inquiry, we theorise nostalgia in relationship to the construction of childhood innocence, with a focus on children's everyday objects and playthings in upholding this ideal. We further trace the construction of innocence to discourses of social exclusion and defences against difficulty. While participants used their artefacts to represent personal memories and social contexts that disrupted an idealised category of childhood, they also returned to a nostalgic trope of innocence, which was particularly pronounced in their understandings of childhood under COVID-19. We advocate for the creation of time and space for prospective and practicing teachers to mourn the idealisation of innocence and to examine the unequal conditions of vulnerability that both children and teachers live.

This study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of diverse moral and value-based frameworks within the context of peace education. The selected schools represent three distinct ideological orientations: secular and faith-neutral (Roots Millennium School System/RMS), faith-inspired (International Islamic University School-IIUI School System), and faith-based Deobandi Madrassa (Jamia' Faridiyya Islamabad). Employing a comparative case study approach, the research endeavors to address several key research questions: What religious or moral-ethical philosophies underlie the distinct moral frameworks of each school system? How have these schools developed formal and informal strategies to translate these philosophies into practical implementation? To what extent are these frameworks influenced by specific religious worldviews and responsive to challenges in political, economic, or cultural spheres? What dimensions of peace education are encompassed within these values-based frameworks? The findings of the study reveal that all three types of schools possess the potential to foster peace education. However, each school employs a unique approach based on its underlying ethical framework. This study underscores the importance of considering the ethical frameworks of educational institutions when devising peace education programs and policies. Furthermore, it emphasizes the significance of cultivating an inclusive and diverse learning environment that nurtures respect for varying moral frameworks and cultivates critical thinking concerning ethical dilemmas.

Globalisation has led to increasingly more languages being commodified to boost profit; this is particularly evident in museums in areas with a regional or minority language. There is, however, limited research on the implications of language use in multilingual museums for visitors and the (minority) cultures being represented. Based on a critical discourse analysis of 124 photographs, this study explores the linguistic landscape of a museum in a minority context (The "Fries Museum," Friesland, The Netherlands) and how the language choices and functions observed may result in tension regarding diversity and inclusion. The findings revealed that the minority language Frisian has a largely symbolic function, whereas the majority language Dutch and the lingua franca English are used to facilitate wider communication and highlight the museum's modernity. Although the linguistic landscape reflects diversity and inclusion, it reinforces (inter)national language ideologies that may negatively impact the museum experience and vitality of Frisian. Further research that employs a mixed-methods comparative approach, which explores, among others, museum visitors' and staff's awareness and views of multilingualism and minority languages, is needed to provide deeper insights into other possible areas of tension arising from language use that may hinder the development of more inclusive, multilingual museums.