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Em face da política de distensão anunciada pela alta cúpula do poder executivo brasileiro a partir de 1974 e diante do fracasso da luta armada, ganhou urgência entre as organizações de esquerda a reavaliação das formas de enfrentamento da ditadura e, para a maioria delas, do significado da democracia para aqueles que continuavam a lutar pelo socialismo. Este artigo analisa o debate aberto no interior da Tendência Proletária (TP), uma articulação que organizações e militantes de esquerda brasileiros tentaram construir em meados da década de 1970 e que teve na revista Brasil Socialista sua expressão pública mais conhecida. A ácida polêmica, cuja intensidade levou à ruptura da composição inicial da TP, mobilizou um rico repertório de argumentos a partir dos quais é possível observar as distintas abordagens do tema da democracia na esquerda marxista, bem como algumas questões a respeito da fragilidade duradoura da democracia no Brasil.

Resenha do livro: CARVALHO, José Murilo de. Forças Armadas e Política no Brasil. Edição revista e ampliada. São Paulo: Todavia, 2019, 320 pp.

Objetivo: identificar as funções da fotografia nesses períodos, no Brasil, Chile e Argentina, a fim de reforçar a necessidade da compreensão do documento fotográfico como ferramenta para a justiça e do desenvolvimento de instrumentos de organização de acervos que garantam a manutenção das propriedades desse tipo de documento. Método: Foi realizado um levantamento de ocorrências de termos relacionados à fotografia nos relatórios produzidos pelo projeto Brasil Nunca Mais e por comissões da verdade dos países estudados e analisadas as transcrições de depoimentos. Ademais, foram inseridos outros exemplos de ocorrência de fotografias no contexto analisado para complementar a lista de funções, que foi classificada e apresentada como resultado não exaustivo dessas ocorrências. Resultado: As 26 funções identificadas demonstram que a fotografia foi utilizada como produto administrativo, foi arma de oposição política e ideológica que reforçou a posição da imprensa, foi um recurso na busca e na denúncia de organizações de familiares de vítimas, foi utilizado por militantes para identificação de torturadores e para a produção de documentação falsa, foi e segue sendo prova apresentada em comissões da verdade e julgamentos, registrou e registra o trabalho das instituições de defesa dos direitos humanos e atua como ferramenta política e artística. Conclusões: Espera-se que, cada vez mais, a fotografia seja compreendida como parte integrante dos acervos que contribuem para os processos de justiça de transição.

O artigo analisa a lógica das políticas repressivas aplicadas a militares após o golpe de 1964. O objetivo é demonstrar que as raízes desse processo mantém uma relação direta com os conflitos políticos-ideológicos pelo controle do Estado brasileiro, ocorridos no pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial, e que as justificativas para o seu emprego foram formuladas ao longo dos debates políticos ocorridos a partir de fins dos anos 1940. Em particular, objetiva-se comprovar que, nos cursos da Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG), tendo por base seus princípios básicos e as doutrinas de segurança nacional e de guerra revolucionária, encontramos as fundamentações ideológicas, políticas e econômicas para o “saneamento” executado no interior das Forças Armadas.

Este artigo tem por objetivo examinar a relevância de produções de contra-informação desenvolvidas durante a ditadura militar no Brasil por grupos religiosos. O objeto é a revista Paz e Terra, da Editora Civilização Brasileira nos anos 1960, como iniciativa ímpar no campo da comunicação religiosa, ecumênica e política. A fim de se responder à questão-problema “qual o lugar da revista Paz e Terra na memória das produções midiáticas religiosas no Brasil?” são tomados por base estudos sobre “suportes da memória” e “lugares de memória”. A articulação entre a narrativa da memória de Paz e Terra e a descrição do conteúdo dos dez exemplares publicados, que forma a metodologia da pesquisa empregada, foi feita com base no acervo da revista, em pesquisa documental, em depoimentos de personagens envolvidas, colhidos durante pesquisa para o Mestrado em Memória Social da autora, e em obras sobre a Editora Civilização Brasileira e seu editor Ênio Silveira, sobre as lideranças evangélicas envolvidas no projeto e sobre a própria revista. Busca-se, com este texto, contribuir com a ampliação das abordagens sobre os estudos em mídia, religião e política no Brasil, alargando o foco das análises críticas centradas em produções contemporâneas e aplicando a chave referencial da memória

O artigo versa sobre a produção cultural de Milton Nascimento, com vistas a uma compreensão das características da sociedade brasileira contemporânea, numa investigação de seu processo histórico e na perspectiva da sociedade do espetáculo, em especial no contexto musical e pol´ítico do Brasil em 1973, quando lançado o álbum "Milagre dos Peixes". Este álbum é uma obra de arte sobrevivente aos ataques da censura no período da ditadura militar.

O presente artigo analisa as práticas de investigação, desenvolvidas pela Comissão de Investigação Sumária, em Pernambuco, que visavam a processar, punir e condenar um conjunto de cidadãos civis considerados subversivos nos primeiros meses da ditadura militar de 1964. Além das entrevistas realizadas com os ex-presos políticos que foram investigados pela comissão, são analisados os inquéritos de investigação sumária por meio dos quais é possível compreender como funcionavam as estratégias de produção e seleção das provas, seus critérios de validação e os objetivos que moviam as ações da referida comissão. A documentação demonstra que o principal interesse dos inquéritos era promover a cassação política dos cidadãos contrários à ditadura militar instaurada em 1964.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo desenvolver uma análise histórica das alterações observadas no papel feminino na Polícia Militar de São Paulo durante os governos militares pós-golpe de 1964. Centrado, principalmente, na análise documental de registros jornalísticos, artigos, imagens e relatórios de serviço da atuação do efetivo feminino, o texto busca compreender os preceitos que marcaram o trabalho policial no período frente a importantes alterações no campo político e dos costumes. Pioneiro no emprego feminino nas ações de policiamento no país, o estado de São Paulo revela como na Polícia Militar as mulheres serviram como um importante instrumento para atuar no campo da assistência social, regulando o atendimento a imigrantes e no enfrentamento do problema do “menor”, assim como em outros campos destinados ao “combate” sutil ao avanço dos grupos políticos opositores. Assim, o trabalho das policiais femininas mostrou-se fundamental na construção do discurso de modernização da segurança pública no período.

O presente texto visa a descrever como o neoprotestantismo e a defesa do legado da ditadura militar atuaram na composição da nova face da extrema-direita no Brasil nas primeiras décadas do século XXI. Tendo como inspiração teórica o conceito de necropolítica desenvolvido pelo filósofo camaronês Achille Mbembe, talvez seja possível reconhecer a emergência do fenômeno chamado Bolsonarismo e sua ênfase na mobilização da linguagem da violência, do ódio e da morte como ativos políticos Between guns and pulpits: the necropolitics of Bolsonarism Abstract: This text aims to describe how neoprotestantism and defense of the military dictatorship legacy shaped the new face from the Brazilian far-right in the first decades of the twenty-first century. Based on the concept of necropolitics developed by the Cameroonian philosopher Achille Mbembe, it is possible to recognize the emergence of the Bolsonarism and its emphasis on the language of violence, hate and death as political assets. Keywords: neoprotestantism, military dictatorship, necropolitics, Bolsonarism, Brasil Entre armes et chaires : la nécropolitique du Bolsonarisme Résumé: L’article suivant veut décrire comment le néoprotestantisme et l’apologie de l’héritage de la dictature militaire ont agi sur la composition de la nouvelle face de l’extrême-droite au Brésil dans les premières décennies du XXIème siècle. A partir du concept de nécropolitique développé par le philosophe Camerounais Achille Mbembe, on peut identifier l’émergence du phénomène appelé Bolsonarisme et sa mobilisation du langage de la violence, la haine et la mort en tant qu’expédients politiques. Mots-clés: néoprotestantisme, dictature militaire, nécropolitique, Bolsonarisme, Brésil

Resenha do livro: SETEMY, Adrianna. Entre a revolução dos costumes e a ditadura militar: as dores e as cores de um país em convulsão. São Paulo: Letra e Voz, 2019.

A partir dos índices do clima repressivo político-policial no Brasil do final dos anos 1960, enunciados nas letras das canções tropicalistas, identifica-se e analisa-se o caráter engajado-insurrecional do discurso musical produzido pelo chamado Grupo Baiano como mecanismo de enfrentamento político e de resistência cultural à barbárie institucionalizada com a consolidação do projeto de modernização autoritária-conservadora da ditadura militar instalada com o golpe de abril de 1964. Destoando do padrão formal do alinhamento dogmático entre arte e política, expresso na temática nacional-popular da canção engajada do período, o Grupo Baiano mediante a intervenção tropicalista, incorporou o imaginário internacional da juventude - rock n’roll (Beatles, Jimi Hendrix, Bob Dylan), drogas, liberdade sexual e rebeldia - à canção urbana, tematizou aspectos da sociedade de consumo (a dimensão mercadológica da música popular) e valorizou a diversidade musical/rítmica brasileira, numa atitude devoradora que retomava o radicalismo da vanguarda antropofágica do Modernismo de 1928.

Este texto analisa um jornal produzido e destinado em grande medida ao público homossexual, o Lampião da Esquina (1978-1981), que se tornou um dos mais conhecidos periódicos homossexuais do país. O objetivo do artigo é mostrar suas condições de emergência, características, os objetivos a que se destinou e que temas elegeu para abordar em um momento particularmente difícil na história democrática do Brasil, a ditadura militar.

A entrevista que se segue registra uma das mais importantes iniciativas para a preservação da memória dos trabalhadores brasileiros. Ao abrigar, no período pós-1964, um rico acervo contendo material de trabalhadores e sobre trabalhadores, salvando-o da destruição e coordenando sua atribulada transferência para a Itália, onde foi acolhido pela Fundação Feltrinelli, de Milão, o historiador José Luiz del Roio deu uma contribuição inestimável à história de nossa classe trabalhadora e de suas iniciativas de organização e resistência desde o início do século XX.

This article analyzes the memoirs of some women that have been incarcerated during military dictatorship in Brazil by means of their narratives obtained in interviews and testimonials in order to understand which ways that they found to resist what they lived at that time, not allowing that the terror imposed by the repressive apparatus paralyzed them. It also aims to assay how the attitude of talk about what happened is a way to structure their subjectivity and seek an identity. These women had and still have their lives and intimacy exposed to the public, as well as learned to care for others and to create relations of solidarity within the prisons, which helped them to survive. Therefore, as survivors they need to have their places and stories treated by historiography for the purpose of being remembered as an important part of the resistance fight in the period.

This paper presents the research results of the documentary "Reserved Dictatorship", which exhibits the memories of communist militant subjects in Joinville – SC, Brazil during the military regime (1964-1984). The main objective of this work is to look for possible readings of what the documentary shows us specifically about relations between movie and researchers/viewers, paying attention to the work aesthetic dimension. The methodological composition was based on Vygotsky's discussions about the aesthetic and on Carlos Ginzburg's principles of the index paradigm. We watched the work initially without worrying and without researching for details to be analyzed; later they were seen with the intention of "less listening and more seeing" as a way of engaging with the documentary beyond verbal language. Thus, it is stated that the details observed in between scenes compose the aesthetic dimension of the designated work, and they can generate inexhaustible and variable readings and receptions to every viewer

The Panorama newspaper circulated in Londrina, northern Paraná, between April 1975 and October 1976, during the presidency of General Ernesto Geisel. Initiated by a large communication conglomerate, but designed by journalists from the alternative press, the periodical occupies a peculiar place in the press historiography. The group of reporters, composed of award-winning professionals, made an inland agricultural city the center of a political and editorial experience, which illustrates the democratic "mirage" that marked that period of the dictatorship. The purpose of this article is to explore the perceptions of doing journalism in the 1970s, based on a series of seven in-depth interviews with veterans of the journal, for a scientific initiation project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Imagens e sons do passado tornam-se atuais pela articulação própria à montagem cinematográfica, revelando a dimensão imagética da história enquanto rememoração. Filmes de arquivo possuem lugar de destaque para esse entendimento, sendo o longa-metragem Revolução de 30 - dirigido por Sylvio Back (1980) - um caso emblemático. Lançado no declínio da Ditadura Militar, o filme aborda a transição autoritária entre o final da primeira fase republicana e o início do primeiro ciclo de governo Vargas. A partir da seleção de determinadas sequências, analisamos como o longa-metragem sugere correlações entre aquele período autoritário e a redemocratização, considerando três aspectos: os trabalhadores e as evocações do autoritarismo; o tenentismo revisitado; a transição oligárquica e o continuísmo autoritário. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article seeks to discuss the lengthy trajectory taken by Brazil's political-legal systems leading up to the State's effective commitment to its duty of memory and its role in guaranteeing the right to information, memory, and the truth in terms of the legacy of the military dictatorship. At the outset, it aims to outline the difficulties of the process interlinked with the Amnesty Law and the policy of silence and forgetting forged by the Armed Forces. Next, it aims to discuss the permanent effects of the Amnesty and of the policy on the earliest democratic governments of the 1990s, as well as the limited advances that were possible. Finally, it seeks to demonstrate the transformation to the profile of the Brazilian Federal Executive Power as a political actor, based on the governments of the 2000s, when the effective commitment to the rupture in the Amnesty Law and the deepening of human rights was incorporated into the presidential agenda. To do so, the deductive method is employed alongside the historical monograph strand of procedural methodology, with a basis in the documentary and bibliographical research technique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1972 to 1978, Catholic weekly newspaper O São Paulo was subjected to prior censorship. With its private archive of material vetoed by the military dictatorship (1964-1985) now available online, it has been possible to analyze the perspective of Catholicism linked to Liberation Theology in a new light. Based on contributions from the Mannheimian sociology of knowledge and a sociohistorical analysis of documents, the aim was to study the political concepts of Libertarian Catholicism in the censured pages, in order to determine its style of thought. A link was perceived between the Catholic media and a strand of liberal thought limited by the vision of the religious world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the importance of land for the development discussion, the aim of this work is to understand the challenges related to recognition and guarantee of indigenous territories in a specific space and time - the Brazilian Amazon during the Military Dictatorship period. In this period traditional populations' lands were seen as obstacles to progress and to the economic development goals, because of this the objective was "integrate not to hand over", seeking to occupy Amazonian territories considered as unproductive. Some of the main consequences were 1- impairment of these traditional populations' livelihood maintenance; and 2- negative implications to cultural diversity and universal rights. Thereby, it is understood that indigenous lands' recognition is a historic right of these people, representing the maintenance of their behaviors, traditions, organization and culture in general. Land gives identity to the Indians, representing a social role that ensures the continuity of these populations' way of life. Thus, this work is justified by the need to bring to debate the historical land governance challenges concerning the indigenous people of the Brazilian Amazon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article seeks to understand the construction process of the BR-210 Highway, better known as Perimetral Norte, which was never completed. The analysis of newspapers and decrees shows that the great projects of the dictatorship for the Amazon, planned under the developmentalist logic of the 1970s, under the governments of general presidents Emílio Garrastazu Médici (1969-1974) and Ernesto Geisel (1974-1979) like the Perimetral Norte highway, they thought of progress as coming from outside the region. The national and regional press that experienced repression and selfcensorship during the governments of generals and who thought of themselves as agents of a mission from the perspective of national developmentalism, widely reported on great projects. When analyzing the sources and the historiography, we can see that the construction contributes to understanding important aspects of the policies adopted during the governments of generals to the Amazon region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Traditionally, studies referring to the Human Rights Movement in Argentina focused on a group of organizations that resisted the last military dictatorship (1976-1983), detached from the political struggles of the past. In general, an issue that has been scarcely addressed is the link between contemporary political parties and the issue of human rights. In this article I examine the links generated by one of these parties with the Human Rights Movement as a political space of reference: the Partido Comunista Revolucionario, in the regional space of the province of Santa Fe, paying special attention to the city of Rosario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to examine the relevance of counter-information productions developed during the military dictatorship in Brazil by religious groups. The object is the journal Paz e Terra, by Editora Civilização Brasileira in the 1960s, as a unique initiative in the field of religious, ecumenical and political communication. In order to respond to the Research problem "what is the place of the journal Paz e Terra in the memory of religious media productions in Brazil?" the article refers its basis in studies on "memory supports" and "sites (realms) of memory" are based. The articulation between the narrative of the memory of Paz e Terra and the description of the content of the ten published issues, which form the methodology of the research employed, was made based on the collection of the magazine, in documentary research, in statements of characters involved, collected during the research project for a Master's Degree in Social Memory by the author, and in works about Editora Civilização Brasileira and its editor Ênio Silveira, about the Protestant leaders involved in the project and about the journal itself. This text seeks to contribute to the expansion of approaches to studies in media and religion in Brazil, broadening the focus of critical analysis centered on contemporary productions and applying the referential key of memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article we analyze the interaction between the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo and the transnational advocacy networks for human rights during the years of the last military dictatorship in Argentina. In the first place, we analyze the main characteristics and actors of these networks and reconstruct the process and the modalities of insertion of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo in them. Secondly, we inquire into the repertoire of action and the different forms of collaboration of international human rights organizations with the Argentinian group. Finally, we discuss the medium and long-term effects that these relationships had for the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, both for the dissemination of its cause and for its consolidation as an independent organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is devoted to the discursive analysis, by the French line (PÊCHEUX, 2008; ORLANDI, 2010), of the textual production constructed by press of Porto União, Santa Catarina, and União da Vitória, Paraná, in the first year of the brazilian military dictatorship. The choice to work with both newspapers, O Comércio and Caiçara, is because they constitute the local press during the period, in addition to being intertwined and, to some extent, presenting the same discursive formations. It is intended, therefore, to reflect on the discourses that circle around the category "religion", also, from a historical perspective that include the construction of events in the social memory, (SAID, 2014). The results point to representations already crystallized in the social history of Brazil, with the use of words that reactivate memories and yearn for a world where religious belief is understood as a necessary salvation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The memories from the dictatorship have been widened and got space throughout the last decades, highlighting several ranges which have been affected by such event and its effects either inside public or private scopes. From such perspective, the present work aims to discuss the representation of the military dictatorship on Tropical sol da liberdade, by Ana Maria Machado, published in 1988. The main objective is to analyze how this event was inserted in the characters' family life. The clampdown, the violence, and the exile lived by the main character are remembered in the light of a conflicted relationship between mother and daughter, the main characters in this novel, depicting a female point of view concerning the dictatorship, mainly considering the mother figure. In this sense, memory becomes a linchpin to this representation and the country's historical past reordering intertwines with the reconstruction of the family's memories. This process shows the dictatorship's influence on the private universe of those characters, defining their paths. Throughout this process, the writing comes up as a strategy chosen by the protagonist to disclose her experience and recreate the pain she and many others suffered in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This interview features the Brazilian writer Joca Reiners Terron with a discussion about the reverberations of Military Dictatorship in his life and his literature, particularly in the novel Noite dentro da noite: uma autobiografia, published in 2017. In the conversation here transcribed and adapted, the repression of this political system is approached, besides the representation of this historical event and other ones, authoritarian or totalitarian, in Noite dentro da noite. Also, there's a discussion about narrative and identity issues that cross this novel, such as the second-person narrative focus and the composition of mysterious or dual characters that animate a complex plot, in which dark events interpenetrate themselves just like a night into the night. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an analysis of the novel K. Relato de uma busca by Bernardo Kucinski. Its purpose is that Literature is a recall of an event for which there's no memory: death. Thus, it makes it possible to bring the novel's narrative closer to the Brazilian military dictatorship period, when the state of exception, even after the torture and disappearance of hundreds of Brazilian citizens, denied to their relatives and parents the historical truth about their deaths. Therefore, death becomes impossible for those victimized by the state's terrorism. In Kucinski's novel, the narrative becomes a territory of an infinite dying, which conducts to the limit the impossible death of the people who disappeared for political reasons. So, this work analyses the ongoing discussion of post-Auschwitz theorists on writing and it highlights the impossibility of testimony and of fiction in the light of an event in which History astonishes and burns itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1964 a dictatorship has been established by a Military Coup in Brazil. This regime would last for 21 years in which the country would know a state of absolute horror. Freedom retrenchment, tyrannical authoritarianism and torture as a way of punishment had engraved sad moments in our recent History. However, some kind of hope sparkled and survived trough art. Even with the imposed silence by the establishment of the Institutional Act number 5 (AI-5) and the prior censorship, some artists decided not to hush and keep producing, yet taking risks. In this scenario, we can name Chico Buarque de Hollanda, a singer and songwriter from Rio de Janeiro, whose work has been persecuted, restricted and censored. In order to outlive the military government abuse and continue producing, Chico had to resort to skilled means of deceiving the Federal Censorship, singing and telling his version of the story, by the gap of MPB. This article aims to analyze Chico Buarque's album Construção (1971) as a resistance strategy. This album use a counter-speech to reveal the darkness imposed by the military to the country (censorship and personal repression) and also the real truth hidden by the government propaganda of a good country, socially and economically stable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Tucuruí hydroelectric dam was built on the Tocantins River in Pará between 1974 and 1984. This article deals with the establishment of the society of the dam through the installation of a company town, to house the various workers involved in this construction. Focusing on the institutional and entrepreneurial point of view, we will deal with the implantation, organization and functioning of this particular space, trying on the one hand to characterize who are the workers who participate in the construction of this dam. And on the other hand, to reflect upon the way in which this type of space controlled by a company participates in the discipline of bodies and workers' lives inside and outside the construction site, aiming at maximizing productivity. As a space of control, there are inevitably reactions that will also be part of this analysis. This research follows the course of the institutional and technical sources of the construction of dams to try to characterize the implementation and management of a construction site during the military dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The novel Alegres memórias de um cadáver (which translates to "Jolly Memoirs of a Cadaver") was written and set in the Military Dictatorship, and allows us to reflect on and interpret what this period meant politically to education. A private university features in the work, and its priority is the economic calculation (aiming to survive in the education market) -- to the extent that the annual balance figures become "academic" criteria for maintaining subjects in, or eliminating them from the curriculum. The multiplicity of narrative foci used by Roberto Gomes, establishes a point of view that transcends any individual perspective, so as to establish the university itself as protagonist. Thus, the novel affords the reader the opportunity to cross the fanciful satire of academic spaces over to a much deeper critique of the broader social dynamics of the customary practices within and around the university. And the volatility of the market that circumscribes this university's activities is analogous to the volatility of the cadaver librarian, whose body wanders like a ghost throughout the spaces of the campus. In the novel, this ghost-to-be represents the Brazilian university, with its hierarchical inversions, ever provisional and superficial reforms, corporatist and quantifying evaluations, advanced discourses and regressive practices, overblown bureaucracy, political illusions and their instrumentalization, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the logic of repressive policy applied to the militaries after 1964’ coup. The objective is to demonstrate that the roots of this process have a direct relation with the contests of policy-ideological process for control by the Brazilian State, which occurred in the post-Second World War, and that the justifications for its use were formulated during the political debates that took place in the late 1940s. In particular, the objective is to prove that, in the courses of the Superior School of War (ESG), based on its basic principles and doctrines of national security and revolutionary war, we find the ideological, political and economic grounds for the “sanitation” carried out within the Armed Forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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GIANNAZI, Carlos. Marcha contra o saber: o golpe militar de 1964 e o AI-5 na Universidade de São Paulo. São Paulo: Global, 2014.

O presente artigo busca compreender como a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil elaborou sua política externa para o continente africano entre 1964 e 1985. Através principalmente de fontes bibliográficas, a intenção do texto é mostrar as ações do governo ditatorial e do Ministério das Relações Internacionais perante os desafios de estabelecer relacionamentos políticos e econômicos com diversos países da África ao sul do Saara.

O trabalho tem por objetivo discutir a montagem, o funcionamento e a atuação da polícia política em Pernambuco- DOPS, enquanto órgão integrante da complexa e eficiente rede de informações instalada no país no período de 1964-1985. O papel da produção, apreensão, disseminação e manipulação da informação é vista como elemento fundamental ao funcionamento dos órgãos de segurança e informação, consolidando uma nova modalidade de poder, útil na perpetuação de práticas autoritárias de vigilância, investigação, censura e repressão, base do estado de exceção implantado no Brasil por 21 anos, promovendo uma aura de suspeição e estímulo à delação, alteridades nas formas de convivência na sociedade e permanente violação das leis, dos direitos fundamentais, do cotidiano e da vida das pessoas. A ideia é demonstrar como a noção de Segurança Nacional, base ideológica do governo militar, produziu saberes que operaram no social, sendo apropriado, ressignificado, criticado ou combatido pelos diversos atores, fazendo circular micropoderes, de forma plural, dialética e contraditória, em toda a engrenagem do tecido social.

During the military dictatorship, one of the political and cultural currents that contested the regime and the dominant values of Brazilian society was known as the counterculture. In the anticommunist imaginary, it was seen as a ruse created by Soviet communism, which purpose would be corrupting the youth, destroying basic values and institutions of Western society. Thus, some sectors responsible for the repression imbued from the control of certain practices of the counterculture. This work analyzes the relationship between repression of countercultural practices and anticommunist imaginary.

Book review: CORRÊA, Larissa Rosa. Disseram que voltei americanizado. Relações sindicais Brasil-Estados Unidos na ditadura militar. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2017.

A resistência à ditadura civil-militar ocorrida no Brasil entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980 tem sido contada especialmente como uma ação de homens que se mobilizaram contra o golpe e que arriscaram e, em muitos casos, perderam a vida nessa luta. A história política desse período disse muito pouco das mulheres, por isso as estudiosas feministas têm se empenhado na visibilização daquelas que participaram da resistência, que contestaram e foram reprimidas pelo regime ditatorial. Todavia, ainda existe uma dívida histórica para com as mulheres protestantes da resistência. Desafiando o senso comum de que as igrejas protestantes foram apoiadoras da ditadura, mulheres e homens de diferentes denominações se mobilizaram contra ela. Mais uma vez a história não fez jus às mulheres, e os registros sobre a resistência protestante contam tão somente da agência dos homens. O presente artigo objetiva apresentar a agência de mulheres metodistas na resistência à ditadura no Brasil. O que apresentamos aqui se construiu a partir da coleta de fragmentos históricos sobre a atuação de mulheres na resistência, e entrevistas com um homem e duas mulheres metodistas que experienciaram e sobreviveram às torturas do governo militar.