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Marat assassiné (Murdered Marat), one of the most famous masterpieces painted by Jacques-Louis David in 1793 has been investigated in situ by means of non-invasive and complementary analytical and imaging techniques. The overall material and technical information collected on this occasion led to important discoveries on the iconic picture of the French revolution. Following the identification of the palette used by David, we have shown the relationship between Marat assassiné and another David's painting. Features of David's artistic practice have been explained. Drastic changes in the final composition have been shown and explained based on scientific analysis and historical information. Finally we have formulated a hypothesis about how Marat assassiné could have been concealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Caglioti elaborates how WWI spotlighted loyalty, attachment, origins, and patriotism, all of which influenced legal frameworks for nationality, during and beyond WWI. (Cambridge University Press, 2020), isbn 9781108776493, 460 pp, AUD$ 62.95 Daniela L. Caglioti's comprehensive book, I War and Citizenship: Enemy Aliens and National Belonging from the French Revolution to the First World War i promises a 'world history of what it meant to be an alien, and in particular an enemy alien' during World War I (WWI) (p 1). [Extracted from the article]

The article addresses the issue of the attitude of the Catholic Church towards the doctrine of human rights. This doctrine was originally developed on the grounds of Catholic reflection accompanying the phenomenon of colonial conquests. Its use in the context of the Peace of Westphalia and the French Revolution caused the Church to distance itself from the doctrine. The return came with the person of John XXIII and the Second Vatican Council. Pope John Paul II proved to be a particularly important promoter of human rights. However, during the period in which the Church officially lent support to the doctrine of human rights, significant changes occurred in the Western world due largely to secularization. As a result, the way human rights were interpreted changed fundamentally. This has caused the secular understanding of human rights that dominates Western politics to be increasingly distant not only from the Catholic interpretation of them, but also from their original expression in the UN Universal Declaration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents comments made about the Helen McCab's "John Stuart Mill: A Socialist?". Topics include Mill's self-identification as a socialist and the variety of things which socialism has meant in history, moral pressure on people owned capital to change moral sentiments towards egalitarian and fraternal ones; and Mill's commitment to all three elements of the French Revolutionary, and self-definition as a socialist and fundamental commitments present a socialist political philosophy.

The shadow cast by National Socialism over the German academic world, and Koselleck's close relations with the Nazi lawyer Carl Schmitt, constitute a challenge for a historical inquiry of Koselleck's historiography. To address this challenge, I propose a 'close contextual reading' of an article published in 1965 ('Geschichtliche Prognose in Lorenz von Steins Schrift zur preussischen Verfassung') in which Koselleck puts forward one of his major diagnoses of how the conception of history had evolved since 1750. This article praises Lorenz von Stein (1815–1890), a German public administration scholar and lauds him as a model after the French Revolution. 15 years later, Koselleck showed how much he valued this article by including it in his historiographic manifesto: Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time (1979). To try to grasp the meaning and the historiographical, academic, and political issues raised by this diagnosis, I will start from the text, from the portrait that Koselleck draws of the historian in it, from its paratext, its references, its editorial history. As a result, this article proposes a specific way of contextualizing, and highlights the extent to which the label 'theory' represented a battleground in West Germany in the 1960s and 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there a political theology of revolution in Carl Schmitt or is his political theology only and exclusively autocratic? Schmitt sees the key to revolutionary politics in the construction of the idea of the people as a constituent power. This idea, and the first event it produced, namely, the French Revolution, not only establishes a concrete state of exception but also makes exceptionality both at the same time a constituent and a de-constituent element of the political order of the Modern State. The exception goes from coming from "outside" the political order to being integrated into it as an element of stasis, that is to say, of destabilization. Hence, all modern politics, under the mask of legality, become permanently revolutionary. This article analyses the juridical genealogy and the theological–political transfers involved in the construction of the modern revolutionary political era that follows from Schmitt's insights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changes in the conduct of military operations during the wars of the French Revolution were the basis for the theory of lines of operation formulated by Jomini in his Traité de grande tactique. The notion of lines of operation gained a new meaning that paved the way for the conceptualisation of the operational art and the transition from tactical debate to strategic thinking. Jomini's contribution to the development of strategic thought is considered from the dual perspective of the break with the military writers of the 18th century and the judgments made on the Traité by Napoleon and Clausewitz. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows how some androcentric representations affected Olympe de Gouges to the point that she was neither seen as the embodiment of the French Revolution, nor as one who ever embraced the revolutionary project. Through the work of Franco-Greek philosopher Cornélius Castoriadis on the imaginary institution of society, it will explore Gouges's dissidence regarding the democratic project of the Revolution. Between her explicit demand for women's autonomy and the desire to participate actively in the political institutions, the article shows how the Gouges's radical imagination made her create her own version of what a revolutionary woman is, thereby allowing her to create both a political and social fantasy deeply rooted in imagination and counter-revolution. Her radical imagination reveals how she never embodied the revolutionary praxis since she refused to accept the implicit and instituted power of society, at an important time in French history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article delves into the life of Claude Guillaume Lambert, a prominent figure in the Parliament of Paris, France, during the 18th century. It states that Lambert played a significant role in the "Great Remonstrances of 1753," which led to the exile of parliamentarians to Bourges. It discusses Lambert's subsequent trial and execution during the French Revolution.

An interview with Olivier Bétourné, a historian and writer, is presented. He said that his latest book, "L'Esprit de la Révolution française" takes an innovative approach, analyzing the French Revolution. He said that he seeks to provide readers with a fresh and nuanced perspective on the complexities of the French Revolution and its lasting impact on French culture and politics.

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Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article suggests that 'appreciation' as defined by Walter Pater is a genre of criticism distinguished from that of Matthew Arnold's critical practice and theory. I consider how appreciation functions as a critical mode in Pater's periodical reviews, testing Pater's resolve in how he manages it in respect to reviews of books on controversial subjects such as religion, aestheticism, and revolution. The article ends with a case study of Pater's signed review of W. S. Lilly's critique of the French Revolution in a book published during its centenary in 1889, a review that exemplifies the high stakes of reviewing and Pater's review at this time, just as Appreciations is published. The case study explores how the genre of appreciation meets the challenges of the timing of the review; the site of its publication; and Pater's relationship to the author, to the editor, and to his own publisher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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" Les Capitalistes " re-creates the gradual emergence in print of the word capitaliste during the second half of the eighteenth century. It retraces the word's transformation from a term used to refer vaguely to any wealthy individual to one with a meaning still familiar today, that of a high-stakes investor. As a result of this evolution, by the 1790s, men who made major investments in the hope of significant profits were first known as capitalistes. The original capitalistes participated in the financing of France's slave trade with its most lucrative colony, Saint-Domingue (Haiti), and subsequently in the financing of the debt created when the Haitian Revolution destroyed both Saint-Domingue's economy and the Haitian slave trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article engages with three commonly traversed social studies topics—depictions of violence and death from the French Revolution, during the Vietnam War, and regarding U.S. histories of racial segregation—through the lens of Achille Mbembe's necropolitics (i.e., political and social machinations of power that determine who lives and who dies). In particular, this article theorizes how specific necropolitical concepts (e.g., necropower, the living dead, and slow death) can be a generative and powerful form of analysis for social studies educators and their students that exposes intersecting complexities between life, death, political alliance, and power. While this article argues that social studies curriculum is replete with undertheorized moments of death and underutilized opportunities to engage with death, this scholarship is guided by the questions: "What place is given to life, death, and the human body (in particular the wounded or slain body)? How are they inscribed in the order of power?" The overall aim of a necropolitical engagement is to foster a deeper understanding of why/how death continues to disproportionately come into being again and again for specific, targeted peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a Polish translation of a chapter from a book titled Rediscoveries in Art. Some Aspects of Taste, Fashion and Collecting in England and France. The Wrightsman Lectures delivered under the auspices of the New York University Institute of Fine Arts (Cornell University Press: Ithaca, New York 1980; first edition: Phaidon Press Limited 1976) by Francis Haskell (1928–2000), a renowned art historian, the author of classic studies on artistic patronage, the history of taste, and collecting. The subject of the essay is changes in tastes, particularly the increased interest in Italian and Northern European painting at the turn of 18th and 19th centuries and the consequences of this phenomenon for the British and French collections of painting created at that time (as well as the diverse political and social turbulences that occurred in the wake of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the concepts of and proposals for constitutional reforms put forward by one of the Polish democratic political groups, which was established in exile after the fall of the November Uprising (1830-1831). Young Poland, which was a part of an international conspiratorial organisation founded by Giuseppe Mazzini (Young Europe), an organisation marked by revolutionary democratism, which, according to Polish emigrants, meant primarily striving for national character, seeing its goal in regaining national independence lost by Poland as a result of partitions. In addition, however, the concepts of members of Young Poland strongly emphasized both Christian and Utopian socialist themes. The foundation of these concepts referred to republican ideas that arose from the Great French Revolution and were based on the principles of freedom, equality and fraternity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bulgarian national liberation movement from mid-19th century was closely connected to Romania and to the Romanian political and cultural personalities who welcomed all neighbouring revolutionary migrants with open arms. The entire Romanian society, who shared the aspirations for national liberation of our southern neighbours, helped the Bulgarian revolutionaries, who were provided accommodation, financial aid, school premises and possibilities to print in the native language newspapers, magazines, school textbooks, theatre scripts, manifestos, etc. The leaders of this movement, including Vasil Levski, were in close contact with their Bulgarian compatriots from Romania, but also with Romanian revolutionaries and people of culture. He became famous for his attempts to organize on the territory of Bulgaria secret revolutionary bodies with a high level of ideological and political training, which would take over and direct the entire internal revolutionary activity and stir up a general uprising. His plans were largely carried out, but his early death caused the disintegration of the entire political platform he had built. The democratic, liberal ideas influenced by the French revolution, as well as its political and strategic conceptions, inspired the next generation of revolutionaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of principal aims of Alfred Rosenberg’s theory of political myth was the creation of a racial interpretation of History. It was a very important issue for National Socialism, as the movement presented itself as leading force opposing Marxism and Leninism. The great strength of communist propaganda lies in its overarching teleological vision of the world, especially Marx’s singular interpretation of the aim of history as great process of human emancipation from class society to communism, which is seen as the end point of history. It was Rosenberg’s understanding that National Socialism, as the great adversary of Marxism, must produce an alternative vision of the sense and goals of history. Rosenberg himself authored one such alternative vision. His meaning of history is a great discourse of the chronology of races struggles. It’s a perpetual war between the Nordic and Semitic races, which encompassed the fabled fall of Atlantis, Antiquity, birth of Christianity, the Middle Ages, the Reformation, the French Revolution, and the beginning of the fi nal war between Marxism and Nazism. This article is an attempt at presenting this vision, with a brief analysis and evaluation of his scientific value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article examines the tombs of the dukes of Burgundy at the Musée des Beaux-Arts de Dijon, France, focusing on those of Philip the Bold and John the Fearless, and Margaret of Bavaria. It states that these tombs feature intricate sculptures, with figures representing both clerical and lay individuals in states of mourning. It delves into the history of these tombs, discussing their displacement during the French Revolution and subsequent restoration efforts.

On 18 Frimaire of the Year II (8 December 1793), the Committee of Public Safety in Paris issued an arrest warrant for Charles Dulac, a young officer in the revolutionary armies. During the arrest, revolutionary guards seized over 200 papers in Dulac's possession, many of which were written by his older brother Gregory, who was also a military officer. Curiously, they also impounded 120 playing cards, on the backs of which Gregory had scribbled observations on moral philosophy, politics, and civic duty. These cards represent a self-curated snapshot of a cultural heritage that resonated with these two young men, a type of evidence that is more revealing of their intellectual and emotional predispositions than if the guards had found the collected works of Rousseau or Voltaire or the complete Encyclopédie in their Parisian apartment. The writings on these 120 playing cards help to illuminate the unexpected experiences of the brothers during the French Revolution. In their ability to evoke the mundane as well as the profound, used playing cards like the ones found in the possession of Gregory and Charles Dulac offer insight into the material and intellectual worlds of individuals who lived through revolutionary upheaval at the end of the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article follows the trajectory of a young Frenchman who volunteered to join the army in 1792 and who fought to defend the French Revolution from foreign invasion. Using his extraordinary correspondence with his family, I trace the process whereby Gabriel Noël became a citizen-soldier and a revolutionary protagonist. By analyzing his experience as one akin to racial passing, or to what the French call being a transfuge , I show the difficulties he had fitting into a new civic community in the making and the half-hearted, contingent radicalization that ensued. I suggest that this case, though unique in many ways, provides a new way to understand the mechanics of social transformation and ordinary radicalism in a time of war and revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

German Romantic Period covers the years between 1798-1835. Around these dates two significant events took place: The French Revolution in 1789 and Goethe's death in 1832. Politically, the French Revolution profoundly influenced the Romantic ideas on the state and the people. Goethe, on the other hand, was especially influential on the Romantics with his works during the Sturm und Drang period. German Romanticism is divided into two periods as the Jenaer Romantic and the Heidelberger Romantic. The first type is more philosophical and the latter is more nationalistic and religious. Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorff (1788-1857) is a writer associated with the Heidelberger Romantics, and his efforts to combine religion and art are evident in his works. Dealing with the themes such as travel to distant places, longing for homeland and love for an unknown person, which are among the motifs in romantic art, Eichendorrf, in a way, expressed his own longings. Eichendorff's novella bearing the title "Eine Meerfahrt" was written in 1836 but was published posthumously in 1864. In "Eine Meerfahrt", in which religious motifs are predominant, the traces of colonialism are also apparent. This study aims to, after touching upon important aspects of the Romantic Period, put forward romantic and colonialist elements in Eichendorrf's novella. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the French Revolution, both advocates of a constitutional monarchy and proponents of a representative republic firmly rejected "democracy," considering it not merely as an impractical but also as an undesirable form of governance for modern France. However, the rationale and methods employed in opposing and evading "democracy" remain insufficiently elucidated. Historical understanding of this rejection of democracy can be refined significantly if careful attention is paid to preventing the conflation of past terminology with that of our current era. Instead of lamenting the mystic empty core of democracy and the absence of representative principles therein, this article endeavors to approach the eighteenth-century and revolutionary dichotomy of democracy and representation through a historical lens, incorporating insights from the history of historiography. This analysis of representative government theorists seeks to illuminate their apprehensions and aversion to democracy, as well as their conceptualization of a viable path toward liberty under modern conditions. Two strands of thought in revolutionary France will be sketched out that locate the hope for liberty either in the model of British monarchy or in the French revolutionary republic neither monarchical nor democratic. This study thereby attempts to show why and how the notion of representative government was pitted against that of democracy in the French Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a self-reflective introduction to what was, sadly, his last publication, an essay collection, John Merriman lamented that the nineteenth century has been forgotten among historians of France. Noting the absence of books on this period in the Fnac bookstore at Les Halles in Paris, he wrote the following: In thinking about French history from 1815 to the present, one thing now seems perfectly clear to me. As time moves relentlessly along, the century between 1815 and World War I is in some ways far less visible than it was when I became a historian....For years the shelves [of such bookstores] had been organized chronologically: the French Revolution and Napoleon, then the nineteenth century, subdivided, and then the Great War. But the sections now jumped from Napoleon to the Great War! What had happened to the long nineteenth century? (What happened to my books?)...The revolutions of 1830 and 1848, which had so engaged folks like me for quite some time, seemed to have had their day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges the widespread assumption that terrorist ideology was invented in the mid-nineteenth century by figures such as Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Mikhail Bakunin. Instead, the article argues, the foundations of terrorism were laid at the end of the eighteenth century by the Enlightenment philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte and his disciples, who in turn exerted a strong influence on later radical thinkers. In showing how the intellectual reverberations of the French Revolution gave rise to anarchist ideology as well as actual acts of terrorism in Germany, the article traces the link between the state terror of the French Revolution and the emergence of insurgent terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]