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Domain Name System (DNS) is an important system for the Internet communication. DNS is a system for distributed management and operation of domain names, and it is possible to associate with the resources such as IP address, instruct the destination host of the e-mail, and so on. On the one hand, it is very serious problem that the damage caused by the service of the DNS server being stopped, and stable operation of the DNS server is essential for stable operation of the Internet. DNS servers may be illegally accessed to make it target or springboard server for attacks such as Distributed Denial of Service (DDos) attacks and DNS reflector attacks. In this paper, we show the analysis of the queries received by our university DNS server. In addition, we propose the method to suppress attacks to DNS servers by deploying the system to monitor access from DNS clients and adaptively manipulating responses of queries from attackers in front of the DNS server based on the analysis. Moreover, we developed the prototype system and evaluated performance of it.

This article includes a description of the 5-Step Method. First, the origins and theoretical basis of the method are briefly described. This is followed by a discussion of the general principles that guide the delivery of the method. Each step is then described in more detail, including the content and focus of each of the five steps that include: listening non-judgementally; providing relevant information; exploring ways of coping; discussing social support and establishing the need for further help. Finally, issues of training, supervision and on-going support are discussed. It is concluded that the 5-Step Method offers a flexible response that can be delivered to family members affected by addiction problems by a range of helpers and in a range of settings and health systems.

This article augments and enlarges the process of framing a more systematic and holistic ethical approach to non-lethal weapons that also provides caveats and restrictions – along the lines of jus in bello principles in the just war tradition – on their use. Rejected as morally impermissible is the use of non-lethal weapons as: (1) a way to circumvent or make irrelevant classical moral distinctions; (2) an ‘easy’ technological fix to complex moral and strategic problems; and (3) a method to make war more palatable and easier to use as both a military and political option. Non-lethal weapons can be ethical, and in fact may be ethically preferable to conventional weapons, only if they are used consistently with the following criteria (in strict order of priority): (1) to provide the military with more flexible response time and options, allowing them more time and space to carefully make the strategic and ethical judgments necessary in war and to respond with appropriate and proportional force; (2)...

Builders in Korea are facing significant challenges in the midst of deteriorating market conditions resulting from recent financial crunch and slumping housing sales, etc. To address such changes in management landscape, enterprise organizations need to build an efficient corporate management organization than can ensure prompt and flexible response to changes in surroundings. However, most of them base their management organization on business type and volume due to insufficient understanding and analysis of organization. Top 30 construction companies in Korea have their own management organizations and business structures let alone different competitive edges and challenges. Therefore, this paper attempts to examine the current status of management and organization of construction companies to understand their operational achievements and organizational features in and effort to develop an efficient management strategy and provide inputs contributory to establishment of corporate management organization.

The often highly complex and fluid nature of displacement on the ground makes coverage of IDPs' needs a difficult task, and a flexible response is required to fit different contexts. The ICRC's humanitarian response is guided by the vulnerability and the needs of all people affected by armed conflict and violence – including, of course, IDPs, whose vulnerability is often (but not automatically) exacerbated by their particular situation. The protection and assistance of IDPs therefore naturally lies at the heart of the ICRC's mandate and activities. In identifying and responding to needs, the ICRC looks at the whole context in which internal displacement occurs, as well as all the people affected. The aim is to promote self-reliance among vulnerable communities so as to avoid displacement, or to strengthen their capacity to host IDPs. Nevertheless, where needed, the ICRC also fills gaps by providing emergency aid in IDP camps, coordinating with other international organizations in order to optimize response.

Almost all discussions about the United States and the future of nuclear weapons policy refer to two now- famous editorials in the Wall Street Journal, in which the "four statesmen" - George Shultz, William Perry, Sam Nunn, and Henry Kissinger - lay out their vision for a nuclear-free world.1 The latest Adelplii paper, entitled "Abolishing nuclear weapons," even proposes a concrete plan for achieving this vision, an effort ambitiously undertaken by George Perkovich and James A. Acton.2 For a moment, one cannot help but feel a tingle of optimism as attitudes seem to be changing, even at the elite level.Offering a sobering contrast to the preceding vision are the words of Robert Gates, who remains secretary of defense under Barack Obama's presidency. Delivering a speech at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in October 2008, before the elections and the announcement of his appointment, Gates addressed the challenges of nuclear weapons in the 21st century.3 His vision is profoundly realist, calling for the development of the reliable replacement warhead and arguing that the United States cannot ensure the reliance of its deterrent without undergoing strategic modernization or nuclear testing in the near future.Is America's nuclear future so black and white? President Obama will have to face these dilemmas while confronting the ongoing nuclear modernization of other nuclear states like Russia and China and dealing with the nuclear ambitions of a couple of rogue states. We have a unique opportunity to assess Obama's commitments on several nuclear issues, as expressed during his campaign and in the months prior to his inauguration, leaving others free to speculate as to their feasibility. In this article, we start by briefly outlining President George W Bush's legacy in terms of nuclear weapons policy, a legacy that is heavily focused on counterproliferation initiatives. Then we outline Barack Obama's nuclear agenda as introduced during the presidential campaign. Finally, we assess the implications of these positions for American allies, and in particular Canada.Our main argument is that a move toward more traditional arms control is on the ascendancy and had been identified by both candidates as desirable. Indeed, this has the potential of providing a framework for the many initiatives undertaken during the Bush administration to address nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism.4 But more importantly, and more urgently, the focus is shifting toward the strategic arms reduction treaty (START), which is set to expire in December 2009.THE NUCLEAR LEGACY OF GEORGE W. BUSHNot unlike his predecessors, the most recent Republican president emphasized American nuclear superiority to uphold deterrence. However, with the introduction of the nuclear posture review in 2002, there was a conscious attempt to move beyond deterrence in an effort to address the top security threats of the post- September nth world - terrorists, rogue leaders, and their ability to develop weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear terrorism.5 Also significant in the review was the introduction of the "new triad," whose stated aim was the diversification of both nuclear and nonnuclear options to offer a more flexible response to threats. The triad comprises a strike leg that includes both nuclear and conventional forces, missile defences, and a responsive infrastructure to adapt its forces to the security environment.6 Accordingly, the nuclear posture review calls for a new emphasis on developing nuclear bunker busters and surgical warheads that could reduce collateral damage. Conventional precision weapons, on the other hand, could be assigned to targets that have in the past been reserved for nuclear weapons. Some have argued that such a tailored doctrine combining nuclear and conventional capabilities will not only blur the distinction between the two types of weapons but increases the likelihood of nuclear reaction and escalation. …

The entry of Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNWs) and Nasr missile into Pakistan military armoury and the development of military strategy thereafter have been considered a major breakthrough to counter India's Cold Start Doctrine or Proactive Military Strategy. The Cold Start Doctrine of India as a Limited Warfare Concept gestates on countering sub-conventional war emanating from Pakistan while remaining below the nuclear threshold. In an effort to regain the balance and offset the doctrinal as well conventional asymmetry available to India, Pakistan considers employment of TNWs to counter India's Cold Start Doctrine. However, the strategic thinking prevailing in India as well as in Pakistan considered to have effectively countered each other's strategies and have conceptual shortfalls. There is a stability/instability paradox and the presupposition that initiation of hostilities by one side may lead towards a nuclear exchange and destruction of both states. In this background, the study evaluates TNWs on a conceptual platform, examines the role of India's Cold Start Doctrine/Proactive Military Strategy and Pakistan's embryonic concept of TNWs in deterrence stability and instability in South Asia, in order to draw pertinent lessons for Pakistan to ensure deterrence stability in the region.

Growth of distributed generations (DG) in actual distribution networks will bring voltage issues that cannot be fixed by conventional voltage control means. For the sake of network safety, the size of DG and load in a distribution network is limited by the network parameters. The research described in this thesis aims to propose a voltage control strategy on distribution networks using the flexibility of demand. The voltage control means will consist of the on load tap changer (OLTC), the regulation of DG, and flexible demand. A centralized optimization of MINLP type is proposed to coordinate these voltage control means. It shows if it is not able to remove the voltage constraint with OLTC and reactive power regulation, then it must reduce the active power of DG. In order not to reduce active power of DG, the flexible demand is considered as an active source to take part in voltage control. The demand response (DR) modulation using thermal loads is thus proposed for voltage control. For the thermal load, the cold load pick-up (CLPU) effect must be taken into account in order not to affect the voltage profile after DR action. This work allows us to consider a voltage control strategy more active in smart distribution network and improve the flexibility of network., L’intégration des producteurs décentralisés (DG) dans un réseau de distribution peut modifier le profil de tension et influencer le réglage de tension conventionnel. Pour le bon fonctionnement du réseau, le raccordement des DG ainsi que les charges grosses sont limités par le dimensionnement du réseau. Les travaux de cette thèse ont pour but de proposer une approche du réglage de tension dans un réseau de distribution avec producteur, en appuyant sur la flexibilité de la demande. Les moyens de réglage de tension seront constitués du régleur en charge (OLTC), la régulation de DG ainsi que la demande flexible. Une optimisation centralisée de type MINLP est proposée pour coordonner ces moyens de réglage. Il est montré que si les moyens de l’OLTC et de la puissance réactive ne suffissent pas de lever la contrainte de tension, il faut réduire la puissance active de producteur. Pour le gain de producteur, la demande flexible peut être considérée comme une source active. La modulation de « demand response » (DR) utilisant les charges thermiques est alors proposée au réglage de tension. L’effet de rebond est pris en compte pour les charges thermiques afin de ne pas affecter le profil de tension après l’action de DR. Ces travaux permettent d’envisager un réglage de tension plus active dans le réseau intelligent et augmenter la flexibilité du réseau.

This article examines the impact of Hurricane Katrina on the infrastructure of the City of New Orleans. Hurricane Katrina set in motion a devastating series of failures in the critical infrastructure of the City of New Orleans and the surrounding region. The authors argue that Katrina can be viewed as a “normal” disaster, involving the complex interaction of interdependent infrastructures resulting in the unanticipated failure of multiple infrastructure systems. Key characteristics of infrastructure interdependencies are explored in relation to the case of Hurricane Katrina and New Orleans. Understanding the nature of normal disasters and the tight coupling of infrastructure systems provides infrastructure managers with important lessons. These lessons involve the need for risk and vulnerability assessment; coordination, cooperation, and communication; and the need for flexible response to disasters.

The idea of ‘clean’ bombs, nuclear weapons with a reduced amount of radioactive fallout resulting from their fission part, has met much ridicule since its public inauguration in 1956. Many scholars have regarded the bombs as a propaganda tool, stopping short of analyzing their role in the transformative phase of US nuclear strategy in the 1950s. This paper reexamines the clean bomb episode through 1958, shedding light upon the dynamic relationship between the development of nuclear weapons technology and the evolution of nuclear strategy from massive retaliation to flexible response. It also discusses the mechanism and momentum of nuclear weapons technology innovation until the US suspended nuclear testing in late 1958.

Nuclear proliferation, lax security standards in the storage of fissile materials, and international apathy in the prosecution of terrorists make nuclear terror a serious threat to the United States and its allies, yet no doctrine of retaliation has been established. To decrease the probability of terrorist use of nuclear weapons, a doctrine of retaliation—a negligence doctrine—should be considered. If the United States can distinguish whose fissile material was used for a nuclear terror event, a negligence doctrine would prescribe retaliation against that state. Where the proximate cause—terrorists—is unavailable for deterrent retaliation, deterring an accessible mediate cause—a state that has failed to adequately secure its fissile material—is one of a few effective alternatives. In the absence of such a negligence doctrine, the United States and its allies are increasingly vulnerable to a nuclear terror attack and the ensuing negative consequences.

During the Cold War, NATO planners created the Allied Command Europe Mobile Force (Land) to implement proto-flexible response strategies. Originally conceived as a means to plug gaps in the NATO Central Region "Shield" forces with portable tactical nuclear weapons, ACE Mobile Force evolved into a signalling device intended to forestall an escalatory situation with Soviet and Warsaw Pact forces on NATO's northern and southern flanks. The story of ACE Mobile Force is a lens from which to view the implementation of Flexible Response, particularly in the mature period of the 1970s and 1980s.

Michel Fortmann is professor of political science at the Universite de Montreal. Martin Larose is a doctoral student in the history department of the same institution. The authors express their gratitude to SSHRC for the support that made this study possible.INTRODUCTIONAs Stephane Roussel reminds us in this special issue, government leaders must from time to time make hard choices in security matters. Pierre Elliott Trudeau, who became prime minister in 1968, is a case in point. After ordering, in the spring of 1968, a general review of Canada's foreign and defence policies, the government announced, on 3 April 1969, its intention to gradually reduce, in consultation with allies, the country's military presence in Europe. The Atlantic alliance thereby effectively lost the pre-eminent position that it had occupied in Canadian foreign policy since 1949. Although the actual troop reductions turned out to be less drastic than envisioned, the Liberal government's choice in 1969 represented a clear break with previous policy.What explains this departure from well-established policies? Structural-realist theory would argue that a new configuration of power in the international system, or a decline of Canada's position therein, might have been the cause of the decision. A strengthening of Europe or a weakening of the Soviet threat might have thrown into question Canada's role in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Alternatively, a significant reduction in the resources that Canada could commit to its defence policy might have motivated the choice. Neither factor, however, provides a convincing explanation in the context of the late 1960s. To the contrary, the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia reinforced the reality of the threat posed by the Warsaw Pact in Europe, and NATO's 1967 adoption of the doctrine of flexible response reactivated the debate over conventional defence. Europe's political division on defence issues was aggravated by France's decision, the previous year, to withdraw its forces from NATO's integrated command. Finally, Canada's decision to reduce its military presence came at the very time that the east and west were preparing for negotiations over reciprocal reductions in their military forces in Europe. How to explain this decision, which is in apparent contradiction to the strategic reality of the time?The cultural approach provides a partial answer. According to this approach, strategic choices are not merely the reflection of a rigorous and objective analysis of the international environment; they also result from the interpretation of that environment in the light of the prevailing strategic culture. This "culture," as defined by Alastair Iain Johnston, has two components: the first consists of basic assumptions about the international order, its stability and the usefulness of military force; the second reflects the operational preferences of the decision-makers (i.e., those choices that appear most rational given one's perception of the international system).(1) Thus, strategic culture is a filter through which reality is perceived, limiting, in the eyes of the decision-makers, the available options. The Liberal government's decision to reduce the Canadian military presence in Europe is thus a reflection of its vision of the world and its resulting preferences. One must therefore refer to the source of the government's perceptions in order to explain the 1968-1970 change in defence policy.The cultural approach also helps us understand how policies change. In the case under consideration, two Weltanschauungen came into conflict, one reflecting the dominant values and preferences of the internationalist or Pearsonian tradition (1945-1968), the other the emerging worldview of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and intellectuals from his generation. The revision of Canada's NATO policy thus provides an opportunity to examine the conditions under which a new approach to security questions (a strategic counterculture) can arise and challenge the dominant culture. …

Currently, international research on the nonprofit sector is paying increasing attention to institutional as well as organizational analysis. Drawing on both approaches, this article seeks an understanding of the changing configuration of the sector by investigating the dimension of flexibility in the relation between nonprofits and their various dynamic environments. The approach is developed for the German case. The analysis not only permits identification of the underpinnings of the old “corporatist model,” shaping the German third sector as a social sphere between the state and the market economy, but also points at the factors leading to a gradual erosion of that model. Moreover, it allows a brief exploration of the evolutionary dynamics of the German nonprofit fields in comparison to major international trends.

This article examines the findings that emerged from a study into the needs of crack-cocaine users in two inner city areas of northern England. The findings are contextualized within a review of current research around street use of crack cocaine. The authors argue that the local research indicates that current government policies militate against services being able to provide a comprehensive and flexible response to meeting the needs of crack-cocaine users, by putting an emphasis on criminalizing and medicalizing the problem. The ensuing service developments undoubtedly net some crack-cocaine users and address their unmet need, but the authors argue they fall short of addressing the underlying causes of problematic crack-cocaine use. Not only do they fall short but they also mask recognition of the underlying causes--namely the experience of multiple social deprivation.

The chapter reconstructs in detail the alternative itineraries taken by migrants moving from Africa to Italy. Identifying their shared experiences, it explores the violence and danger faced by irregular migrants, concluding that the relationship between those making and those facilitating the journey is intrinsically asymmetrical. In arguing that the securitisation of Europe's territory is a failing policy, the chapter recommends the adoption of the more flexible response to immigration taken by developing countries in Europe's neighbouring regions.

This paper explores the determinants of performance of research groups in the context of the emergence of knowledge as a key intangible asset. It focuses specifically on how best to configure knowledge producers for optimal effectiveness in the current research environment. It explores the under-researched area of the organization and management of research groups located in and at the interface of university research and focuses on medical and medical-related research groups. The discussion is embedded within the current debate concerning modes of organization in knowledge production. Factors identified with high-achievement are: strong leadership; finding, motivating and retaining talent; strategies of related diversification; strongly linked theory and practice and, in particular, network connectedness. Such groups exhibit an increasingly complex internal environment, facilitating a flexible response to an increasingly complex external environment. It finds evidence of Mode 2 working, with increasing use of collaborative strategies and some evidence of a thematic emphasis emerging, although to a lesser extent than the literature suggests, since participants are still working from a strongly disciplinary base. Driven by the more competitive environment, both intellectual and commercial forms of entrepreneurship are present. At the hub of this complex web of inter-related factors is network connectedness, which proves to be centrally facilitative in mobilizing the other necessary resources.

Cold War Berlin Contingency Planning was an important series of developments which heralded the establishment of NATO's Flexible Response strategy, a significant benchmark in the history of Western strategic thought and the place of nuclear weapons in it. Highly secret at the time, examining the BERCONs reveals the fears and aspirations of NATO policy-makers, particularly in the Kennedy administration which presided over the two most visible and dangerous Cold War confrontations: Berlin and Cuba. The BERCON process also demonstrates that the United States could be influenced by its allies, particularly Canada, in the development of NATO strategy.

‘Plan, monitor and manage’ has recently emerged as the UK government's preferred approach to provision of housing land through the planning system. However, the transition from the previous system of ‘predict and provide’ has been driven by events and lacks conceptual underpinning. The full potential of a more flexible response to changing circumstances may remain unrealized unless allied to changes in the conceptual basis for planning policies involving quantities and dates. The article describes the way in which national policy has evolved, the relevance to this problem of ‘strategic choice’ theory and, using case studies, the implications for practice.

Online course design has experienced an upheaval recently with the arrival of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs), turning the model which underpins many online courses on its head. In contrast to MOOCs, conventional online courses have usually been designed for small private groups of participants, giving access to closed content and online tutors able to cater for individual needs and provide personalised feedback on tasks. What principles and practical considerations underlie these different design approaches? The development of a pre-arrival online distance learning course for international students offered by an elearning unit in Modern Languages between 2005 and 2014 illustrates interesting aspects of this evolution. This course, focusing on English language development and transitions to UK academic culture, reflects an historical design shift from accommodating small tutored groups of 25 to an open student-driven course for over 2500 participants which exhibits features of emerging MOOCs. This paper will describe the evolution of this course design to allow a flexible response to needs in a changing learning context. Specific features of the learning design which have changed or remained constant will be identified and adaptations made to ‘size up’ the course and cater for growing numbers of participants will be highlighted

We consider an overview of city evacuation policy with particular reference to the United Kingdom and using a conceptual framework which considers evacuations and invacuations to be pedagogical. Taking an historical perspective, with a focus on the United Kingdom, the chapter considers the reasons for a gradual move from a policy of city evacuation in WWII towards an ‘invacuation’ policy in the Cold War. It then explores more recent policies of ‘flexible response’ to a range of contingencies with mixed invacuation/evacuation policies being proposed. We illustrate this with an examination of websites for evacuation/invacuation preparedness in UK cities. Recent trends in mobility, social media and communication technologies present increasing interdisciplinary problems for evacuation modelling.

This research uses three in-depth case studies to establish the drivers and sources of volume flexibility. We find that in all three firms, there is significant concern among managers for gaining competitiveness through volume flexibility. We also find that there are several avenues for developing a volume flexible response and that deployment of these tactics is dependent on the availability of resources and systems. To verify some of these propositions we report on the outcomes of a field survey that measures the importance firms place on volume flexibility as well as the corresponding actions they take to remain volume flexible. Our critical finding is that short- and long-term sources of volume flexibility have a positive, albeit differential, impact on a firm’s performance.

One of the central dilemmas of Alliance politics during the Cold War was that the US security guarantee given to European members of the NATO Alliance created a sharp conflict with US national security interests as the US became increasingly vulnerable to Soviet strategic nuclear forces. The result were long drawn out negotiations to develop a strategic concept that would at least appear to reconcile the differences between European and US security interests. This article, based on declassified documents detailing intense discussions between West Germany and the United States on this issue, shows the differing perceptions on the requirements for deterrence in Europe and assesses the nature of the compromise which resulted in the adoption of the doctrine of 'flexible response'.

This article examines the questions of sustaining and extending theory-based educational change reforms, which are designed by laboratories outside of schools and whose motivating theoretical base assumes change in elemental aspects of classroom practice. This article defines sustainability of theory-based reform as more than maintaining current implementation, rather as deepening reforms in ways that allow for flexible response to changes in student, curricular, and school contexts. It draws upon five years of research in schools and classrooms engaged in one of three theory-based reforms to discuss five essential factors affecting sustainability: resources, reformers' learning, knowledge of the first principles of the reform and the support of a community of practice, the principal, and the district. This article then turns to ``scaling up.'' Rather than merely replicating structures, extending theory-based reform to new sites requires building compatibility between the normative base of the reform with that in the classrooms, schools and districts in which they are growing as well as the capacity of the classroom, school, and district to see it through. This article suggests three main factors that reform founders must focus upon to scale up their reforms – attention to site selection, a proactive stance toward district contexts, and planned transfer of authority. The article concludes that issues of invention, implementation, sustainability, and scale occur simultaneously when going deeper and broader with theory-based change.

SUMMARY Beginning in 1992 the University Libraries at the Pennsylvania State University embarked on a program to formally transform its organization following the principles of Continuous Quality Improvement, or, as it is more commonly known, Total Quality Management. The process by which the Cataloging Department underwent reorganization into teams is described, as well as its strategic use of computing technology in rationalizing and streamlining its workflows. In creating an organizational restructuring that permitted a more rapid and flexible response to new assignments and changing conditions, the Cataloging Department positioned itself to effectively assume new responsibilities as emerging formats and other library materials were acquired or made accessible to library patrons. The essay concludes with a frank assessment of the lessons learned in undergoing reorganization, as well as weighing the successes and failures experienced by the Cataloging Department.

Traditional managers have insisted in a highly structured way of institutionalizing the mechanistic, functianalized, physical management of people and artifacts. This focus on structure creates a tension between the need for rigid command on the OM hand and that for flexible response to threats on the other. The modern worker i s thereby confronted with a bewildering multiplicity of partial identities, contradictory viewpoints and corporate strategies that pull in different directions. Wood suggests a contrasting approach, the cyborg self; a hybrid composition of organism and machine that celebrates the very tension that the structural approach abhors. The cyborg gives primacy to relationships us things in their own right ahead of individual terms and expressions. Thus, the cyborg stands in opposition to a focus on structure and is perhaps an introduction to the organization's postmodern focus on interactions and processes.

In this provocative synthesis, Ben Elman argues for the enduring significance of science, technology, and medicine in China from late imperial to modern times. Like other modern historians, he explicitly links abstract science with technologies for handling nature and the human body, and roots intellectual history in broader social trends. This is not a specialized history of science in China, but a world history of China with scientific characteristics. Anyone looking for a concise summary of the best recent scholarship on science in China should start here. Drawing heavily on his longer monograph, In Their Own Terms: Science in China, 1550–1900, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005), Elman surveys four major periods of scientific and technological development: the encounter with the Jesuits in the late sixteenth to seventeenth centuries, the lesser-known eighteenth century, the Protestant impact of the nineteenth century, and the period of selfstrengthening up through the aftermath of the Sino–Japanese war. He ranges over many fields of investigation, paying attention to astronomy, biology, botany, cartography, manufacturing, mathematics, medicine, and military technology. Most Chinese and Western readers probably still believe that, with a few exceptions, Confucian literati of the imperial age ignored the investigation of nature, and that China failed to initiate a scientific revolution because of this neglect. Elman avoids the unanswerable question of why China did not have the world’s first scientific revolution. Instead, he emphasizes active interaction by literati with the Westerners who brought modern science to China. They showed great curiosity East Asian Science, Technology and Society: an International Journal (2007) 1:143–145 DOI 10.1007/s12280-007-9006-5

Theoretically the paper is based on the framework of models of the economic theory of alliances. The behaviour of the members of an alliance with regard to defence spending is analyzed. On the one hand national security is assumed to be a pure public good (Olson and Zeckhauser), on the other hand a joint product good (Sandler and Murdoch). Furthermore it is differentiated between hypotheses for allocation processes of the Cournot-Nash type and Lindahl type respectively. The empirical part of the paper includes 10 members of NATO (Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, The Netherlands, Norway, United Kingdom, USA). The demand for national security (defence expenditures) is estimated for different periods: 1) 1960-1992 without threat variable (military spending of the Soviet Union), 2) 1960-1973 and 1974-1987 (with threat variable) to see whether the behaviour of members has changed in response to the strategy change of NATO from Massive Retaliation to Flexible Response. A comparison by means of the j-test displays that the Cournot-Nash as well as the Lindahl hypotheses contribute relatively little to identify the actual decision within NATO members.

The theme of the 1990s is partnership. Government policies and organisational structures encourage collaboration. This trend is reflected in the archives and records management profession. This paper is a study of partnership projects between higher education institutions and four types of partner: employers; professional bodies; a charity; and other higher education institutions. The focus of the study is professional education and training in archives and records management. The paper concludes that a complex environment requires a flexible response and that a small discipline needs to develop partnerships to enable all involved to respond swiftly to change. Collaboration rather than competition must be the basis for future survival and success.

THE CHANGES IN SOVIET FOREIGN, SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY in the second part of the 1980s, momentous as they were, challenged the common wisdom of Sovietology, international relations research, and political science. These changes were a matter of intense dispute among Western political observers and academic analysts, and they still are, even when the Soviet Union is no longer on our maps. The widely divergent conclusions of these analysts reflect their different approaches, assumptions and methods in treating international relations and foreign policy. This article sets out to reassess these explanations by focusing on the internal Soviet policy processes that led to some crucial decisions in the area of Soviet military strategy. It tries to answer the question of what caused the sea change in Soviet policy from planning a totally offensive strategy to designing a much more defensive one. The focus will be on the Soviet conventional strategy for the European battlefield, as this was the area in which the greatest changes occurred. A methodology will be developed and applied that allows us to assess the relative contributions of both foreign and domestic factors in Soviet military-strategic change. The focus of the study will be on a concept that played an important role in this process: 'a (more) defensive strategy'. The analysis of the concept's life-cycle-encompassing generation, development, realisation and decline-sheds light on the deeper causes of the defensive change in Soviet military strategy. The main conclusion is that this change was only in small part caused by Western military-technological challenges, and in much greater part by changes in policy beliefs of Soviet decision makers and in civil-military relations, in combination with the activity of transnational groups of experts. These factors figure in the explanations offered by Western analysts. Sceptical analysts emphasise the role of the international context. They believe that the Gorbachev leadership reacted to the Western military-technological challenges without changing the traditional goals of Soviet security policy. It still tried to weaken NATO by eroding its flexible response strategy and thinning out its conventional forces, to ensure a Warsaw Treaty capability to win a conventional war, and thus to enhance the Soviet political leverage over West European states. Unlike its predecessors, however, the Gorbachev leadership was flexible, taking unilateral and asymmetrical measures that both made the opulent Soviet forces leaner but meaner and

An assessment of consciousness in nonverbal animals requires a framework for research that extends testing methods beyond subjective report. This chapter proposes a working definition of consciousness in terms of temporal representation that provides the critical link between internal phenomenology and external behavior and neural structure. Our claim is that consciousness represents the present moment as distinct from the past and the future in order to flexibly respond to stimuli. We discuss behavioral and neural evidence that indicates the capacity for both flexible response and temporal representation, and we illustrate these capacities in fish, a taxonomic group that challenges human intuitions about consciousness.

The diplomatic revolution of the 1970s severely perturbed the strategic environment in which postwar Japanese security strategy had been thought through and realised. The strategic failure of flexible response and the crisis of hegemony of the United States since the late 1960s prompted the Nixon administration to delegate part of the costs of the containment of communism to local Asian allies and to Japan in particular. The perceived decline in the American commitment to protection of the country and the shock derived from the unexpected opening up to China led to partial reconsideration of Japan’s foreign and security policies. At first, Tokyo responded by trying to reach a substantial degree of military autonomy, and by promoting omnidirectional diplomacy aimed at transcending Cold War boundaries and promoting Japanese interests in South East Asia. The pursuit of autonomy was ultimately undermined by a number of factors. The quest for military and diplomatic autonomy clashed with Tokyo’s intention to maintain the self-binding prescriptions that underpinned the Yoshida Doctrine and limited Japan’s military role. The decline of detente and the rise of the Second Cold War closed the window of opportunity for Japan to play a partially independent diplomatic role. At the end of the 1970s the alliance was renewed and deepened, with the new guidelines for the alliance signed in 1978 while Japan confirmed the basic principles of the Yoshida Doctrine.

Between 1960 and 1969, Japan’s security policy was based on a delicate balance between different and contrasting aims, such as avoiding the risk of entrapment in Cold War politics, securing domestic consensus in front of strongly pacifist public opinion, acting as a faithful ally of the United States and promoting economic and technological development. The Japanese leadership managed to fulfil these aims by reinforcing and institutionalizing the Yoshida Doctrine, which was the basic security strategy proposed by Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida in the 1940s. Japan strengthened its self-binding prescriptions, avoided any active military role and promoted an ambitious program of internalization of military technology. This strategy was made possible by America’s flexible response strategy, which entailed military intervention to contain communism and a permanent effort to demonstrate the credibility of the US commitment to the security of Asia.

Propaganda strategy is the Party-state’s broad, long-term approach to propaganda. Propaganda strategy is used by the Party-state to maintain its ability to exercise power through propaganda practices in response to changes in the context in which that exercise of power takes place. The environment in which discourse is publicly articulated in China has undergone a dramatic transformation since the beginning of the period of reform and opening. Although this has altered the conditions under which the Party-state attempts to use propaganda practices to exercise power, the Party-state’s flexible response to these changes has allowed it to continue to exercise power over other actors in this area.

Places present day UK culture and society in a postmodern context and considers their impact on libraries and cataloguing, concentrating specifically on the concepts of globalization and the death of tradition. Moves on to discuss how libraries can continue to provide high quality, structured access to their collections and the need for strategic management of this process. Emphasizes the importance of defining what the library wants to achieve, setting objectives, and maintaining the capacity for flexible response to changing conditions, using as a case study the development and implementation of the British Library cataloguing strategy.

This article examines burden‐sharing behavior from the mid‐1970s to 1994 using conscription‐adjusted data. Except for the Reagan defense build‐up in the early 1980s, actual defense burdens are not significantly different than average derived defense burdens. There is little sign of the exploitation hypothesis during this flexible‐response era. In the 1990s, peace‐keeping missions perform more like a pure public good and display some evidence of the exploitation of the large ally by the small. NATO foreign assistance abides by the joint product model and does not imply exploitation. Dramatic changes in the 1990s appear to reinforce the tendency towards equitable burden sharing, experienced from the start of the flexible‐response era.

Social monitoring of the actions of group members is thought to be a key development associated with group living. Humans constantly monitor the behaviour of others and respond to them in a flexible way depending on past interactions and the current social context. While other primates have also been reported to change their behaviour towards other group members flexibly based on the current state of their relationship, empirical evidence is typically linked to contextually specific events such as aggressive or reproductive interactions. In the cooperatively breeding meerkat ( Suricata suricatta ), we investigated whether subordinate females use frequently emitted, non-agonistic close calls to monitor the location of the dominant female and whether they subsequently adjust their response based on recent social interactions during conflict and non-conflict periods. Subjects discriminated between the close calls of the dominant female and control playbacks, responding by approaching the loudspeaker and displaying submissive behaviour only if they were currently threatened by eviction. Our results suggest that meerkats assess the risk for aggressive interactions with close associates depending on social circumstances, and respond accordingly. We argue that social monitoring based on non-agonistic cues is probably a common mechanism in group-living species that allows the adjustment of behaviour depending on variation in relationships.

As a member of the commission that investigated the Fukushima (Japan) nuclear disaster and studying other catastrophes over the past century, it was discovered that all were man made and preventable; all resulted from a lack of understanding of risk and/or a refusal to accept numerous warnings and risk assessments. The lessons of Fukushima show clearly that true security planning is not a quest for absolutes (100 percent reliability), but a flexible response to the inevitability of system failures. One of the best approaches to understanding and modeling IT security is to begin with a deep understanding of biological processes in Nature. Because many contemporary security problems have analogues in the natural world, effective solutions to these problems may already exist. By ignoring them we are trying to reinvent the wheel.

State‐of‐the‐art communications are fast becoming a necessity in today′s international freighting and transportation industries. Sophisticated logistics chains, offering a fast and flexible response to customer demands, require an accurate flow of information for tracking, planning and control. From the outset, many sectors of the shipping and containerization industries saw EDI as a natural technology for the communication of much of this vital information. Describes how EDI is used in port operations and the consequent improvement in scheduling and reduction of paperwork.

A two-stage Asymmetric Escalation Game is developed to explore the connection between stage credibility and deterrence stability. There are two players in the model: Challenger and Defender. Challenger may initiate or not. If Challenger initiates, Defender may do nothing, respond in kind, or escalate; Challenger may then escalate or counterescalate, and so on. Each player is uncertain about the other's intentions at the final stage of the game. Escalation represents a choice that both players believe is qualitatively different from other available responses. Thus the model applies to any situation in which Defender may respond by crossing a threshold, thereby inducing a (psychologically) distinct level of conflict.The Perfect Bayesian Equilibria are identified and interpreted, and inferences are drawn about the viability of limited war options and various competing flexible response deployment policies. In general, the model reveals that substrategic deployments add little to overall deterrence stability. Under certain relatively rare conditions, a policy called no-first-use in the super power context offers Defender advantages that might conceivably warrant the deployment stance associated with it. But a war fighting deployment never benefits Defender. Within the confines of the model, therefore, limited or substrategic wars are possible but unlikely.

Following Kydland and Prescott's (1977) seminal paper on time-inconsistency, a large literature has explored possible frameworks within which monetary policy could overcome this problem -- neatly illustrated in Barro and Gordon's (1983) model. In a stochastic world there appears to be a trade-off between the necessary `tying of hands' to conquer the effects of time-inconsistency and the desirability of flexible response. It is in principle possible to achieve an optimal outcome by use of a discriminatory punishment, however, with a large punishment (sufficient to deter) for using policy to exploit the Phillips curve to reduce unemployment below the natural rate, but no punishment for contingent response to shocks using the same Phillips curve. This paper sets out a model of democratic elections in which floating voters may find it optimal to follow this strategy. The significance of this possibility is that regimes which permit contingent macroeconomic policy responses, while enabling prior targets to be set and policed, are superior to those which do not. This has relevance to the debate over the Exchange Rate Mechanism and the European Monetary Union.

Zusammenfassung Die ökonomische Theorie der Allianzen ermöglicht Erkenntnisse über die Bildung, Funktionsweise und den Zusammenhalt von militärischen Bündnissen und insbesondere über das Verhalten von Partnern im Bündnis. Analytische Grundlage ist hierfür die von der Finanzwissenschaft entwickelte Theorie der öffentlichen Güter. Unter Verwendung des daraus abgeleiteten joint-product- model, das berücksichtigt, daß eine Allianz einen Output mit kombinierten Gutseigenschaften produziert, wird ein Modell für die Nachfrageschätzung der Verteidigungsausgaben der Bundesrepublik unter Berücksichtigung der Allianzenmitgliedschaft entwickelt und getestet. Das Grundmodell besteht dabei aus den vier Primärvariablen Bruttoinlandprodukt, Bedrohung, Unterstützung durch Alliierte und die Zusammensetzung der Regierung. Wesentliche Erkenntnisse lassen sich hinsichtlich des Einflusses des Bruttoinlandproduktes und der Bedrohung auf die Verteidigungsausgaben gewinnen. Zudem wird deutlich, daß die Einführung der Militärdoktrin flexible response das Schwarzfahren erschwerte und Komplimentarität induzierte. Das deutsch-französische Verhältnis hingegen begann sich zu einer Art Suballianz mit klassischem Allianzenverhalten herauszubilden, das die durch flexible response hervorgerufenen Mehraufwendungen trendmäßig kompensierte.

This paper begins by noting that regulatory systems are based on the need to establish rights and create certainty, and discretionary systems are shaped by the desire to achieve a flexible response to future development. The paper then explores how the planning systems of France, Britain, and Hong Kong— representing regulatory, discretionary, and hybrid systems, respectively——cope with uncertainty. It notes that France has developed several ways of circumventing regulations, while Britain has recently placed a new emphasis on plan making in order to reduce uncertainty. The Hong Kong government, as landlord, has had to reconcile its desire to provide long-term security for its developers with a need to respond to change. The paper concludes by suggesting that there needs to be agreement on what level of certainty is required and how decision making may be made accountable.