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Esta colección de ensayos o «constelación de ideas», como le llama John Holloway, representa la determinación del autor de entretejer la teoría crítica –encarnada en el pensamiento de Walter Benjamin, Mijaíl Bajtín, Theodor Adorno, entre otros– y la propuesta revolucionaria del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, gestada en Chiapas. La voz de Tischler se complementa con la experiencia zapatista en un afán por liberar estas ideas de la cárcel academicista que las fetichiza, para así llevarlas a una práctica de resistencia anticapitalista que persigue transformaciones políticas, económicas y sociales. Se trata de una lucha emancipatoria (cuya geografía abarca también el territorio guatemalteco) que apunta hacia un impulso utópico, inscrito fuera de la lógica hegemónica del liberalismo, de la gramática del poder y de las formas tradicionales de hacer política. En este marco, Tischler reflexiona sobre nociones como autonomía, autodeterminación, horizontalidad y ese «nosotros rebelde» que lucha, transforma y resiste

This carefully crafted ebook:'Civil Disobedience & Other Essays - Premium Collection: 26 Political, Philosophical & Historical Essays'is formatted for your eReader with a functional and detailed table of contents: Introduction: Thoreau by Ralph Waldo Emerson Essays: Civil Disobedience Slavery in Massachusetts Life Without Principle Excursions Natural History of Massachusetts A Walk to Wachusett The Landlord A Winter Walk The Succession of Forest Trees Walking Autumnal Tints Wild Apples Night and Moonlight Aulus Persius Flaccus The Service Sir Walter Raleigh Prayers Paradise (to be) Regained Herald of Freedom Thomas Carlyle and His Works Wendell Phillips Before the Concord Lyceum A Plea for Captain John Brown The Last Days of John Brown After the Death of John Brown Reform and the Reformers The Highland Light Dark Ages Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862) was an American essayist, poet, philosopher, abolitionist, naturalist, surveyor, and historian. A leading transcendentalist, Thoreau is best known for his book Walden, a reflection upon simple living in natural surroundings, and his essay Civil Disobedience, an argument for disobedience to an unjust state.

An insightful examination of how intersecting individual motivations and social structures mobilize spontaneous mass protests. Between 15 and 26 million Americans participated in protests surrounding the murders of George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and others as part of the Black Lives Matter protests in 2020, which is only one of the most recent examples of an immense mobilization of citizens around a cause. In The Rise of the Masses, sociologist Benjamin Abrams addresses why and how people spontaneously protest, riot, and revolt en masse. While most uprisings of such a scale require tremendous resources and organizing, this book focuses on cases where people with no connection to organized movements take to the streets, largely of their own accord. Looking to the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street, and the Black Lives Uprising, as well as the historical case of the French Revolution, Abrams lays out a theory of how and why massive mobilizations arise without the large-scale planning that usually goes into staging protests. ​ Analyzing a breadth of historical and regional cases that provide insight into mass collective behavior, Abrams draws on first-person interviews and archival sources to argue that people organically mobilize when a movement speaks to their pre-existing dispositions and when structural and social conditions make it easier to get involved—what Abrams terms affinity-convergence theory. Shedding a light on the drivers behind large spontaneous protests, The Rise of the Masses offers a significant theory that could help predict movements to come.

Conspiracy theories are neither delusions nor lies, neither simplistic fallacies nor psychological quirks: rather, they are a political problem. They are not so much about truth as about power. Rather than seeking to debunk conspiracy theories as the work of fringe groups and cranks, Donatella Di Cesare develops an original account that portrays conspiracy as the spectre of a shattered community. With the proliferation of conspiracy theories, the distrust of politics and politicians turns into a boundless and pervasive suspicion. Who is behind the scenes? Who is pulling the strings? The world, which seems increasingly confusing and impossible to read, must have a hidden side, a secret realm, that of the Deep State and the New World Order, where plans are hatched, information is gathered and thoughts are controlled. It is no longer a matter of a one-off plot or intrigue. Conspiracy is the very form in which citizens who feel condemned to a frustrating impotence, helpless before a techno-economic juggernaut, and manipulated by a faceless power relate to the world. This is why conspiracy, which exposes the emptiness of democracy, proves to be a fearsome weapon of mass depoliticisation.

A field guide to a nonfascist life at the end of the world as we know itA Guerrilla Guide to Refusal is an unexpected approach to philosophy from a guerrilla-logic point of view. Harnessing critical theory to creatively reimagine counterinsurgency, guerrilla warfare, and interventions beyond the political mainstream, it takes us on a journey through anarchist infowar, queer outlaws, and black insurgency—through a subterranean network of communiques, military documents, contemporary art, political slogans, adversarial blogs, and captive media. In doing so, it provides powerful new insight into contemporary political movements that pose no demands, refuse labels, and offer no solutions.Written to both inspire and provoke, A Guerrilla Guide to Refusal urges us to think through the refusal to participate in politics as usual. Author Andrew Culp demonstrates how evasion can combatively deny the existing order its power. Focusing on punk cinema, anarchist pamphlets, feminist art projects, hacker manifestos, and guerrilla manuals, he foregrounds invisibility as a novel force of disruption. He draws on concepts of criminality, fugitivity, and anonymity to bring a more nuanced understanding of how power makes things—and people—visible.The book's unique format is that of a theoretical manual, comprising freestanding segments instead of blueprints. Poised to reach beyond the academy into activist circles, this potent theory-in-action intervention forces us to reconsider the terrain upon which our struggles against patriarchy, anti-Blackness, capitalism, and the state operate.

Politics of the Many draws inspiration from Percy Bysshe Shelley's celebrated call to arms:'Ye are many – they are few!'This idea of the Many, as a general form of emancipatory subjectivity that cannot be erased for the sake of the One, is the philosophical and political assumption shared by contributors to this book. They raise questions of collective agency, and its crisis in contemporary capitalism, via new engagements with Marxist philosophy, psychoanalysis, theories of social reproduction and value-form, and post-colonial critiques, and drawing on activist thought and strategies. This book interrogates both established and emergent formations of the Many (the people, classes, publics, crowds, masses, multitudes), tracing their genealogies, their recent failures and victories, and their potentials to change the world. The book proposes and explores an intense and provoking series of new or reinvented concepts, figures, and theoretical constellations, including dividuality, the centaur, unintentional vanguard, insomnia at work, always-on capitalism, multitude (from its'voiding'to a'(non)emergence'), crowds, necropolitics, and the link between political subjectivity and value-form. The contributors to Politics of the Many are both acclaimed and emergent thinkers including Carina Brand, Rebecca Carson, Luhuna Carvalho, Lorenzo Chiesa, Jodi Dean, Dario Gentili, Benjamin Halligan, Marc James Léger, Paul Mazzocchi, Alexei Penzin, Stefano Pippa, Gerald Raunig, and Stevphen Shukaitis.

'This conceptually vivid book refreshes our vision'- Ruth Wilson GilmoreThe word smuggler often unleashes a simplified, negative image painted by the media and the authorities. Such state-centric perspectives hide many social, political and economic relations generated by smuggling. This book looks at the practice through the eyes of the smugglers, revealing how their work can be productive, subversive and deeply sociopolitical.By tracing the illegalised movement of people and goods across borders, Seeing Like a Smuggler shows smuggling as a contradiction within the nation-state system, and in a dialectical relation with the national order of things. It raises questions on how smuggling engages and unsettles the ethics, materialities, visualities, histories and the colonial power relations that form borders and bordering.Covering a wide spectrum of approaches from personal reflections and ethnographies to historical accounts, cultural analysis and visual essays, the book spans the globe from Colombia to Ethiopia, Singapore to Guatemala, Afghanistan to Zimbabwe, and from Kurdistan to Bangladesh, to show how people deal with global inequalities and the restrictions of poverty and immobility.

Verdeckten Widerstand gab und gibt es nicht nur in vordemokratischen und autoritär geführten Gesellschaften, sondern auch in vielen Bereichen gegenwärtiger Demokratien. Die vielfältigen Formen der verborgenen Auflehnung, Gegenwehr und Dissidenz sagen diagnostisch viel über demokratische Gesellschaften und ihre Missstände aus, wie die empirischen und theoretischen Beiträge dieses Bandes zeigen. Was ist an Demokratien falsch, wenn sich Widerstand in weiten gesellschaftlichen Bereichen nur im Verborgenen zu äußern vermag? Was ist am Widerstand und seinen Begründungsmustern problematisch, wenn sie sich der öffentlichen Artikulation entziehen? Diese beiden Fragen umschreiben das breite Spektrum der Beiträge aus unterschiedlichen sozial- und geisteswissenschaftlichen Disziplinen. Unter den Autor:innen befinden sich unter anderem Friederike Bahl, Ketevan Gurchiani, Axel Honneth, Jennet Kirkpatrick, Martin Saar, William E. Scheuerman, James C. Scott und Peter Wagner.

In Daniel's Mysticism of Resistance in Its Seleucid Context, Timothy L. Seals proffers a postcolonial interpretation of the book of Daniel, investigating certain texts that constitute Daniel's mystical way or practice. Daniel uses mysticism to resist the repressive script of Antiochus IV outlawing the Jewish religion in 167 BCE. In his use of non-violence to resist the imperial power of the Seleucids, Daniel stands in the non-violent, passive-resistant tradition of both Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. Daniel uses mysticism both to resist imperial intrusions into his humanity and to decolonize his mind in the aftermath of colonization. In this endeavor, mysticism proves to be world-affirming.

In a time of disenchantment with democracy, massive social protests and the'erosion'of the system of checks and balances, this book proposes to reflect upon the main problems of our constitutional democracies from a particular regulative ideal: that of the conversation among equals. It examines the structural character of the current democratic crisis, and the way in which, from its origins, constitutions were built around a'discomfort with democracy'. In this sense, the book critically explores the creation of different restraints upon majority rule and collective debate: constitutional rights that are presented as limits to (and not, fundamentally, as a product of) democratic debate; an elitist system of judicial review; a checks and balances scheme that discourages, rather than promotes, dialogue between the different branches of power; etc. Finally, the book proposes a dignified constitutional democracy aimed at enabling fraternal conversation within the framework of a community of equals.

Is there an option to oppose without automatically participating in the opposed? This volume explores different perspectives on dissent, understanding practices, cultures, and theories of resistance, dispute, and opposition as inherently participative. It discusses aspects of the body as a political instance, the identity and subjectivity building of individuals and groups, (micro-)practices of dissent, and theories of critique from different disciplinary perspectives. This collection thus touches upon contemporary issues, recent protests and movements, artistic subversion and dissent, online activism as well as historic developments and elemental theories of dissent.

Marginada por la reflexión, presentada por los medios de comunicación como un evento caótico y escurridizo, la revuelta es un tema incandescente en el escenario global. Aunque se encienda, se apague, se vuelva a propagar, la revuelta no es un evento efímero, sino que es una transición anárquica que se produce en el proceso de liberación de la arquitectura política. A través de la revuelta podemos vislumbrar lo que sucede'afuera', más allá del orden estatocéntrico, en torno a las protegidas fronteras del espacio público; podemos abrir brechas, cuestionar el statu quo, denunciar la injusticia, cuestionar'lo dado'. En este elogio de la revuelta, Donatella Di Cesare aborda sus diversos aspectos políticos y filosóficos, ofrece una interpretación política de la máscara, del ocultar el rostro para mostrarse un sujeto, y el desafío que supone para el Estado y la economía desencarnada. La prestigiosa filósofa revela en El tiempo de la revuelta las enormes asimetrías sociales, pone al descubierto la disparidad de fuerzas que configuran los límites de la polis, denuncia la vigilancia planetaria y se pregunta por los fenómenos'afuera'del Estado, por la revolución perdida y por la resistencia.

What is at the heart of political resistance? Whilst traditional accounts often conceptualise it as a reaction to power, this volume (prioritising remarks by Michel Foucault) invites us to think of resistance as primary. The author proposes a strategic analysis that highlights how our efforts need to be redirected towards a horizon of creation and change. Checchi first establishes a genealogy of two main trajectories of the history of our present: the liberal subject of rights and the neoliberal ideas of human capital and bio-financialisation. The former emerges as a reactive closure of Etienne de la Boétie's discourse on human nature and natural companionship. The other forecloses the creative potential of Autonomist Marxist conceptions of labour, first elaborated by Mario Tronti. The focus of this text then shifts towards contemporary openings. Initially, Checchi proposes an inverted reading of Jacques Rancière's concept of politics as interruption that resonates with Antonio Negri's emphasis on Baruch Spinoza's potential qua resistance. Finally, the author stages a virtual encounter between Gilles Deleuze's ontology of matter and Foucault's account of the primacy of resistance with which the text begins. Through this series of explorations, The Primacy of Resistance: Power, Opposition and Becoming traces a conceptual trajectory with and beyond Foucault by affirming the affinity between resistance and creation.

In Bullets Not Ballots, Jacqueline L. Hazelton challenges the claim that winning'hearts and minds'is critical to successful counterinsurgency campaigns. Good governance, this conventional wisdom holds, gains the besieged government popular support, denies support to the insurgency, and makes military victory possible. Hazelton argues that major counterinsurgent successes since World War II have resulted not through democratic reforms but rather through the use of military force against civilians and the co-optation of rival elites.Hazelton offers new analyses of five historical cases frequently held up as examples of the effectiveness of good governance in ending rebellions—the Malayan Emergency, the Greek Civil War, the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines, the Dhofar rebellion in Oman, and the Salvadoran Civil War—to show that, although unpalatable, it was really brutal repression and bribery that brought each conflict to an end. By showing how compellence works in intrastate conflicts, Bullets Not Ballots makes clear that whether or not the international community decides these human, moral, and material costs are acceptable, responsible policymaking requires recognizing the actual components of counterinsurgent success—and the limited influence that external powers have over the tactics of counterinsurgent elites.

'En juillet 1846, Henry David Thoreau est emprisonné car il a volontairement refusé de payer un impôt à l'État américain. Par ce geste, il entendait protester contre l'esclavagisme qui régnait alors dans le Sud et la guerre américano-mexicaine. Il ne passe qu'une nuit en prison, car sa tante paie la caution, ce qui le rend furieux.Ce livre était originellement intitulé Resistance to Civil Governement (Résistance au gouvernement civil) ; c'est l'éditeur qui l'aurait renommé en Civil Disobedience – selon l'expression inventée par Thoreau dans une correspondance – lors de sa réédition posthume (1866).Avec le Discours de la servitude volontaire d'Étienne de La Boétie, La Désobéissance civile est un ouvrage fondateur du concept de désobéissance civile.'À PROPOS DE L'AUTEURHenry David Thoreau est un philosophe, naturaliste et poète américain, né le 12 juillet 1817 à Concord (Massachusetts), où il est mort le 6 mai 1862.À PROPOS DE L'AUTEURHenry David Thoreau est un philosophe, naturaliste et poète américain, né le 12 juillet 1817 à Concord (Massachusetts), où il est mort le 6 mai 1862.Son œuvre majeure, Walden ou la Vie dans les bois, est une réflexion sur l'économie, la nature et la vie simple menée à l'écart de la société, écrite lors d'une retraite dans une cabane qu'il s'était construite au bord d'un lac. Son essai La Désobéissance civile, qui témoigne d'une opposition personnelle face aux autorités esclavagistes de l'époque, a inspiré des actions collectives menées par Gandhi et Martin Luther King Jr. contre la ségrégation raciale. Surnommé le « poète-naturaliste » par son ami William Ellery Channing (1818-1901), Thoreau est fasciné par les phénomènes naturels et les formes de vie, notamment la botanique, et il consigne dans son journal, qui couvre plus d'une vingtaine d'années, ses observations détaillées et les sentiments personnels qu'elles font naître en lui. Il adoptait avec les années une approche de plus en plus systématique, scientifique, et celui qui était arpenteur à ses heures a pu aussi inventer, un peu, la foresterie et l'écologie. L'amour et le respect de la nature qu'il transmet sont devenus, à mesure que son œuvre a été publiée et connue, une source d'inspiration constante pour des naturalistes amateurs et des écologistes ; tout autant que ses idées économiques et politiques intéressent des activistes sociaux et des adeptes de la simplicité volontaire.

El término ha sonado por años en la arena pública venezolana. ¿Qué significa la desobediencia civil, que se dice practicaron Gandhi y Martin Luther King? La Editorial Dahbar rescata el libro del pensador y activista estadounidense Henry David Thoreau y lo somete a los lectores venezolanos de hoy, con prólogo del joven político Roberto Patiño.

Originally published as a pamphlet in 1979 and again by Pluto in 1980, In and Against the State brought together questions of working-class struggle and state power, exploring how revolutionary socialists might reconcile working in the public sector with their radical politics. Informed by autonomist political ideas and practices that were central to the protests of 1968, the book's authors spoke to a generation of activists wrestling with the question of where to place their energies. Forty years have passed, yet the questions it posed are still to be answered. As the eclipse of Corbynism and the onslaught of the global pandemic have demonstrated with brutal clarity, a renewed socialist strategy is needed more urgently than ever. This edition includes a new introduction by Seth Wheeler and an interview with John McDonnell that reflect on the continuing relevance of In and Against the State and the questions it raises.

The Covid-19 pandemic has revealed the serious crisis of political authorities that liberal societies are currently experiencing. Indeed, a significant number of individuals living in these societies did not hesitate to defy the sanitary rules enacted by their government which has made it difficult for them to stop the virus from spreading. What can explain such a situation? This is what this book is discussing. Whether it is the growing popularity of conspiracy theories, the distrust towards governments or cultural and religious beliefs that take precedence over the respect of governments'directives, all these factors that have led so many individuals to act in an irresponsible way during the pandemic find their roots in the liberal tradition as it originated in the 18th century and in its more recent development which has had the effect of decentralizing the individual from his collective responsibilities in favor of an almost unlimited enjoyment of his individual freedom. This health crisis has revealed the urgency for liberal societies to establish a better balance between collective interest and individual freedom through responsible citizenship capable of protecting its citizens against the adoption of draconian measures when they will be struck again by upcoming pandemics that appear to be unfortunately inevitable.

Exiles have long been transformative actors in their homelands: they foment revolution, sustain dissent, and work to create renewed political institutions and identities back home. Ongoing waves of migration ensure that they will continue to play these vital roles. Rather than focus on what exiles mean for the countries they enter--a perspective that often treats them as passive victims--The Ethics of Exile recognises their political and moral agency, and explores their rich and vital relationship to the communities they have left. It offers a rare view of the other side of the migration story. Engaging with a series of case studies, this book identifies the responsibilities and rights exiles have and the important roles they play in homeland politics. It argues that exile politics performs two functions: it can correct defective political institutions back home, and it can counter asymmetries of voice and power abroad. In short, exiles can act both as a linchpin and a buffer between political communities in crisis and the international actors who seek to, variously, aid and exploit them. When we think about the duties we owe to those forced to leave their homes, we should consider how to enable rather than thwart these roles.

This book examines constructive resistance practices that range from street protests to the use of photographic images, and displays their role in local and global political processes. By building on a rich selection of interview material and other empirical research, the book elaborates on different cases of constructive resistance, where close attention is paid to the productive qualities that are involved. It offers new perspectives on the undertakings of different epistemic battles that occur around current issues such as gender, nationalism, climate change, migration and the right to land, and explores personal narratives, artistic expressions and public statements that are utilized as means of resistance, and performed in order to negotiate different established truths.More specifically, the book discusses the discursive struggles regarding migrant bodies, where artifacts that pertain to the hardship are presented in Swedish museums; the Preah Vihear temple conflict between Cambodia and Thailand; the border conflict in West Sahara; the self-making of (self-defined) women politicians in Cambodia; and climate activism communication. Through discussions on the importance of figurations, posters, narratives, photographs, artifacts and buildings in the establishing of contemporary discussions and world views, the book inquires how and why these representations are (re)imparted with meaning and the effect that this has.The book does not only illustrate different forms of resistance, but also contributes theoretically to our understanding of repetitions, emotions and time, which are properties that must be embarked upon in order to capture the various dimension of resistance. Given that the type of constructive resistance that is expanded upon is about processes of significations, the time aspect—how alternative truths are repeated and thereby established over time—becomes crucial. And, resistance has a temporality of its own; for example, close authorities are instantly resisted here and now, while meaning-making resistance suffers from the inescapable time-lag of processes of signification. In all forms of resistance, emotions prevail as an important engine of political struggles and, as is displayed in this book, emotions are an important means of constructive resistance.

This book offers a multi-discursive analysis of the constitutional foundations for peaceful coexistence, the constitutional background for discontent and the impact of discontent, and the consequences of conflict and revolution on the constitutional order of a democratic society which may lead to its implosion. It explores the capacity of the constitutional order to serve as a reliable framework for peaceful co-existence while allowing for reasonable and legitimate discontent. It outlines the main factors contributing to rising pressure on constitutional order which may produce an implosion of constitutionalism and constitutional democracy as we have come to know it. The collection presents a wide range of views on the ongoing implosion of the liberal-democratic constitutional consensus which predetermined the constitutional axiology, the institutional design, the constitutional mythology and the functioning of the constitutional orders since the last decades of the 20th century. The constitutional perspective is supplemented with perspectives from financial, EU, labour and social security law, administrative law, migration and religious law. Liberal viewpoints encounter radical democratic and critical legal viewpoints. The work thus allows for a plurality of viewpoints, theoretical preferences and thematic discourses offering a pluralist scientific account of the key challenges to peaceful coexistence within the current constitutional framework.The book provides a valuable resource for academics, researchers and policymakers working in the areas of constitutional law and politics.