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The nineteenth century was a period of profound transformation in Ottoman historical writing, as in other avenues of Ottoman cultural, intellectual, and socio-political life. Aiming to establish a general framework for nineteenth-century Ottoman historiography, the present article traces the evolution of late Ottoman historical writing and explores the ways in which Ottoman historiographical practices changed over the century. The article first focuses on the Tanzimat period and examines the process of what can be called historiographical expansion, which took place with the emergence of a new understanding of history among the Ottomans. Then, the article considers Ottoman historiography during the Hamidian era and traces how it received a relatively Islamized and nationalized content as a result of the shift in the political context. Lastly, the article concludes with an epilogue on Ottoman/Turkish historiography after the 1908 Constitutional Revolution, which led to a decisive break from traditional patterns of historical writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In reference to the works of Da’ud al-Fatani and Nawawi al-Bantani, this article analyses two Islamic writing traditions in Southeast Asia, Malay kitab Jawi and Arabic kitab, which turned to be called more recently kitab kuning. Da’ud al-Fatani wrote his works in Malay, while Nawawi al-Bantani’s kitab were written in Arabic, despite they had similar experiences learning in Mecca. These two writing traditions contributed to the formation of Islamic knowledge among Southeast Asian Muslims, leading the two ‘ulamā’ to emerge as the intellectual fathers of Islamic dynamics in respectively Patani-Malaya and Java in the 19th century. As well, both grew alongside the rise of different Islamic leadership in two major Muslim areas in the region, affirming the crucial role of language option, a sort of cognitive liberation, in the socio-religious movement. The writing of kitabs is not just an intellectual undertaking, but it is strongly grounded in mental attitudes which determined the nature of leadership of Malay and Javanese Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Islamic world, dervish lodges and zawiyah, whose foundations date back to the Age of Happiness, came to the fore with their sufism-based education activities in the process of Turkification and Islamization of Anatolia. These institutions have been decisive in the enrichment of religious, cultural and economic life in the opening of many towns and villages to settlement, along with mosques. In Kütahya, dervish lodges and zawiyah belonging to the Mevleviyye, Nakşibendiyye, Rifaiyye ve Halvetiyye orders were established. In this study, in between 1832-1863, the auction procedures of the incomes of the districts and towns subjected to the Kütahya Sanjak and the lodges in the villages connected to them, and the data in some accounting documents were examined and evaluated based on archive documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangladesh has felt the pangs of its birth amidst violence and revolution to ascertain its linguistic distinctiveness and autonomy from Pakistan. But its political independence has not allowed its complete severance from projects of Islamization and witnessed an uncomfortable presence within the adopted principle of secularism, before turning into an incendiary under forces of radicalization with the unfolding of domestic politics and entrenchment of global terrorist networks. From its active role in the inception of the country to being the contiguous neighbour bearing the consequences of the volatile mix of religion and politics in Bangladesh, Indian diplomacy has negotiated diplomatic bounds while being directly affected by the developments in Bangladeshís domestic politics. The present paper examines the roots and contours of this trend of radicalization in Bangladesh and its current implications for India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hispania Sacra is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conservative Thought / Muhafazakar Düşünce is the property of Muhafazakar Dusunce Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conservative Thought / Muhafazakar Düşünce is the property of Muhafazakar Dusunce Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the study of civilization, the intellectual achievement of a nation becomes an important aspect that is given great attention. The civilization of a nation is usually formed from interaction with other nations, especially through the influence of intellectual achievement. In this context, this study focuses on the influence of Shah Waliyullah al-Dihlawi in Malaysia. Al-Dihlawi was a Muslim Indian-born scholar in the 18th century AD who made great contributions in the Islamic scientific tradition to this day. Existing research corpus on his contribution in Malaysia is found to comprise of studies which tend to be very specific in their focus, scope and period. This tendency invites for a more comprehensive study, especially which takes into account recent developments. This study, therefore, aims to chronologically discuss the influence of al-Dihlawi’s ideas in Malaysia, including their most recent developments. The study adopts a qualitative methodology, specifically using library research and interviews. The study finds that there are some recent developments in relation to the influence of Dihlawi’s ideas in Malaysia, particularly in the field of Malay literature. This refers to the application of Taklif according to al-Dihlawi‘s explication in Persuratan Baru (officially translated as “Genuine Literature”), a notion by Mohd. Affandi Hassan which has been applied as a framework for analysing Malay literary texts. This application has formed a distinct academic corpus on al-Dihlawi’s thought in Malay literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Territorio, Sociedad y Poder. Revista de Estudios Medievales is the property of Universidad de Oviedo, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turcology Research is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ULUM Journal of Religious Inquiries is the property of ULUM Journal of Religious Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Islamization and Islamophobia present two different narratives. Since Cold War, these two narratives have been influencing Muslims globally, especially Pakistan due to its support of Talibanization during the Soviet (communist) invasion of Afghanistan. Pakistan's initial support of Talibanization in coalition with America, where the country yielded a religiously extremist status, provides a premise to suspect America and the West's (capitalists) role in its development. The treatment of the very 'Muslim identity in the preCold War and the post-Cold War contexts reveals an interesting shift in the Western approach towards Muslims. The pre-Cold War era shows overt Western support for the narrative of Islamization in Muslim countries, whereas the post-Cold War era shows a sudden bounce of anti-Muslim sentiments in the West. This shift calls into question the role of power in the development of both narratives. Using Stephen Greenblatt's critique of selffashioning, subversion, containment, and power, we aim to explore both narratives concerning the selected Pakistani Anglophone fiction: Muhammad Hanif's A Case of Exploding Mangoes (2008) and Hanif Kureishi's The Black Album (1995). The current article concludes that Islamization and Islamophobia are both political policies that have been serving the interest of power to contain the subversions it encountered in different forms. We also suggest that both narratives exploit the discursive forms (literary and nonliterary) of the particular era where they are recorded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study seeks to highlight Quranic exegetical activities in the Malay Archipelago from the earliest period of Islam in the region until the dawn of Dutch colonialism, focusing specifically on Indonesian and Malaysian exegetical works. The study examines the main features of Quranic exegetical activities in the Archipelago by highlighting some concerns on the issue of sources and availability of records. Exegetical works throughout the centuries are briefly presented with an emphasis on prominent works that had contributed greatly to the popular Malay understanding of the Quran. Employing qualitative analysis, the study surveys in particular Malay works of exegesis from the seventeenth century until the early twentieth century which marks the emergence of the modern exegetical approach. Viewed as a whole, the study exposes a collection of exegetical works which had impacted the Malay Islamic World throughout its history, covering both the traditional and modern reformist approaches to Quranic understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite unimaginable geopolitical reform and re-humanisation, which saw South Africa transition from colonialism, to apartheid, and now, to a democracy, Muslim education has retained both its character and content. Overdue questions remain unanswered as it becomes evident that while politics and the world of Muslims have shifted – locally and globally – Muslim education in South Africa has remained unchanged ideologically and pedagogically. With Arendt's (1968) seminal essay, 'Crisis in education', at the back of our minds, we ask whether a lack of crisis in Muslim education and hence Muslim communities in South Africa, is, in fact, its crisis? Has the cocooning of Muslim education rendered its educational institutions and communities incapable of self-critique, reflection and interrogation? The Islamisation or integration of Muslim education, we posit – in light of a skewed understanding and implementation - has not been responded to persuasively. Put differently, Islamisation, as a recognition that a crisis in Muslim education has unfolded, has not been appropriately understood and its implementation seems to have exonerated a crisis in Muslim education to the extent that such a crisis has been subtly ignored. That is, Islamisation itself presented a crisis to Muslim education with very few, if any scholars, willing to engage with it as a crisis of Muslim education, to which we offer a democratic response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There had been a lot of debate in Pakistan over the nature of its constitution when it got independence from the British rule in 1947. Islamic parties such as JamiatUlama-i-Islam and Jamat-i-Islami demanded that the constitution of Pakistan should be an Islamic one. However, there existed ambiguity over the form of Islamic constitution as there was no pre-existing model. This article show what an Islamic constitution meant for them and how did their idea of Islamic Constitution evolve? It has taken up the Islamisation of the constitution of Pakistan in three phases i.e., period of concessions and compromises for the first constitution (1956), strategic retreat of the Islamic Parties in the second constitution (1962) and sharpening the pencils again for the third constitution (1973). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab diaspora expanded beyond its origins in the Middle East thus settling in different areas of the Islamic world. Some known as Ahl al-Bayt Hadhrami, moved from Hadramaut, home to a small number of the descendants of Prophet Muhammad SAW from the ancestry of Sayyidina Husain. They were instrumental in Islamizing the Malay world. The Ahl al-Bayt Hadhrami families particularly in the state of Pahang, played a vital role in the local community. As such, this article discusses the origins, history, and presence of Ahl al-Bayt Hadhrami in the state of Pahang, as well as their contributions to the local community via da'wah and Islamic education, trade, and local politics. To accomplish these objectives, a qualitative approach is used, which includes a library method based on literature analysis and a field work method based on interviews. Personal documents on the Ahl al-Bayt Hadhrami clans in the state of Pahang, as well as interviews with two guardians of the Ahl al-Bayt Hadhrami lineage in the states of Pahang and Terengganu are used as references. It is discovered that the Ahl al-Bayt Hadhrami clan that settled in the state of Pahang earlier on are descendants of Sayyid Ahmad b. 'Isa al-Muhajir (873M-956M). They are divided into six major kinships: al-Yahya (Ben Yahya), al-Habsyi, al-Kherid, al-Hindhuan, al-Attas, and al-Haddad and have made major contributions to the Pahang community. Their participation in trade is aimed at fulfilling their necessities and boosting the local economy while their involvement in politics is to succeed in their community proselytizing approaches. Their ongoing contribution in the fields of da'wah and Islamic education is a continuation of the legacy of the Prophet SAW. To this day, the Ahl al-Bayt Hadhrami family continues to expand and integrate into the local community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, in the event of Islam's arrival in the Malay Archipelago, the ways of Islam were adapted to the lifestyle of the Malay community. It's part of modernizing traditional Malay thoughts (akliah) which is influenced by Islamic values and teachings. One of the manifestations of Islamic influence in the traditional Malay lifestyle can be identified from the design and characteristics of Traditional Malay houses, developed with underlying principles of Islam. This paper discusses the application of Islamic principles in Sarawak traditional Malay houses. The research was conducted on three traditional Malay houses chosen from Sarawak and located in Kuching, Sarawak. The methods of observation and case study were employed, focusing on the interior space of the house and certain other design components. In addition, interviews were performed with the owners of the three houses that comprised the samples and focus group discussions with 12 Malay people over 65. The findings indicate that three concepts may be related to Islam's characteristics in Sarawak: the concept of occupant social connections, residential space, and construction and design [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of religion in state nationalism is harder to specify. Nationalist clashes bring a wide spectrum of beliefs and factions together. With unrivalled intensity and resonance, nationalism is a significant marker of a contemporary democratic society as well as the arena of politics. In the following article author has attempted to reveal the connection between Islamism and state nationalism with a case of Pakistan. The focal ideas that have magniloquently been evaluated are; Nationalism as an Ideology of state, Islamism as a concept, state nationalism and the role of Islamization. The concepts have been discussed with a categorization of different critics and analysts: modernist, primordialists and perennialist. Three criteria have been established to assess Islam's effect on state nationalism: Islam is included in broad sections of the Constitution that identify the nation state; there are Islam-inspired national slogans, symbols, anthems, and flags that associate Islam with the nation; and the state uses Islamic motifs on national currencies, which are the most common everyday emblems of the nation that citizens touch. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Social Research / Turkiye Sosyal Arastirmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkish Journal of Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article addresses the religious policies of Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) targeted at promoting Islam among the Turkish Cypriot community. For the secular circles of the Turkish Cypriot community, the AKP's imposed religious policies constitute a threat to its fundamental features and social fabric. Islamisation policies are regarded as cultural imperialism of the AKP government, with the aim of generating a religious youth, a conservative mentality, and more widespread religious practice in North Cyprus. Within this context, this article analyzes the historical account of the secularization experience of the Turkish Cypriot community, the politicization of religion with reference to education, and the penetration of AKP's religious policies in North Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant part of the crisis of our contemporary European societies can be attributed to misplaced and abused religious zeal in various forms of religious fundamentalism, both domestically grown as well as imported and shared by immigrants to Europe from Third World countries. To deal with this complex phenomenon in the European environment, it is necessary to conceive the analysis of the presented issue into a sociological scheme based on three premises: (1) diagnosis of migration processes in the context of growing population movements in Europe, (2) identification of determinants and factors that cause these movements, as well as (3) a proposal to solve the current situation in the spirit of social teaching of the Roman Catholic Church. Our paper is an attempt to interpret and compare the opinions of selected experts on this sensitive issue and, with the help of their opinions, to present some guiding ideas on a path to possible solutions to the current situation. We begin by describing the ideological deconstruction of the moral and cultural world as evidenced in the postmodern society, accompanied by processes of subjectivization and individualization, which acquired a societal context in Europe and North America in the 1960s. We then turn to exploring the context of religious change (from a theological-sociological perspective). The religiosity of postmodern man becomes a mixture of various correct, albeit often contradictory, discontinuous elements, involving a small dose of love for one's neighbour, often taking the form of friendly affection and showing emotions towards animals and the external environment, ideologically correct psychology as well as parapsychology, supplemented by esoteric, occult and astrological notions, while staying open to the possibility of Eastern philosophies and sects. Islamic fundamentalism is seen as a reaction to this religious-cultural context that is perceived (by conservative Muslims and Christians alike) as hostile to traditional values, ideas about the world, and ideals. The context of contemporary Islam's influence on the European religious landscape and culture is scrutinized in the next section of our article. In Europe, the number of Christians will fall from 74.5 percent to 65.2 percent between 2010 and 2050, while the number of non-believers (nones) will increase from 18.8 percent to 23.3 percent, and the number of Muslims will also almost double from 5.9percent to 10.2percent. The growth of Muslims in Europe will be affected by both birth rates and migration. A part of our critical analysis points to self-destructive tendencies of some European elites and cultural influencers/policy makers. After outlining some forecasts and developments, and offering initial critical views on the transpiring phenomena, we move on to delineating possible solutions to this situation. Due to the complexity of the problem, there is no ready-made, simple way to handle this situation. While immigrants have always played in important role in the European history, a growing number of political scientists talk in particular about the internal protection of Europe, that is, the inevitability of protecting its constitutive, fundamental values and rights. If Europe is not to lose its face and cultural/moral fibre, it is important to uphold its constitutive values. This will not be possible without an intentional struggle to reinvent its moral and spiritual heritage with every new generation without forfeiting the fundamentals upon which our culture and civilization has been built. The concluding section of our article focuses on the Catholic Church's position on this issue and its recent proposals for resolving the migration crisis. The Church teaches that state officials and others who profess Christianity but reject refugees are hypocrites because Jesus would accept these people should be balanced by a critical call to be aware that our obligation to love and care for our neighbour extends not only to the immigrants and their families but also to the families and individuals of the European host countries. Our fear of Islamization of the Christian Europe may be an indication that we Europeans have very little confidence in our own faith. Accordingly, we will not be able to preserve the Christian faith by living it secluded in our churches, but by presenting our Christian spirit - by accepting these refugees and by helping them in their concrete circumstances, and by engaging them (as well as our secular counterparts) publicly with due respect in an open-ended discourse of metanarratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aimed to know why did Resik V transform its product advertisement by Islamization? How did the advertisement put and negotiate the Islamic symbols and codes on women’s feminine area cleansing products? The research would carry out textual data analysis for the 2012 version of Resik V “Sekarang Berhijab” advertisement using Roland Barthes’s semiotics theory. The results show that the advertisement utilizes the symbols of the hijab and the Indonesian Ulema Council’s label as commodities to put the Resik V product closer to Islam, as Islamic values attracted great attention from the society at that time that leaded to consumption activity. However, the Islamization in the Resik V product has ruled out the context of the hijab and halal concepts themselves, namely faith.

The debate about the arrival of Islam in Southeast Asia is usually related to three main issues, i.e., the time and place of origin of the arrival of Islam, and the person who brought the religion. At least, there are four main theories about the origins of Islam in the Archipelago, which are debated in discussing the arrival, spread, and Islamization of the Archipelago, i.e., “Indian Theory,” “Arabic Theory,” “Persian Theory,” and “Chinese Theory.” This study intends to examine the main pathway of Islamization through Islamic Education in Southeast Asia, then the political development of Islamic Education in Southeast Asia, and the challenges faced by Islamic schools in Southeast Asia. This research uses a qualitative method with the type of literature study. The results showed, first, that trade and ulama were moderating variables at the beginning of Islamization in the Archipelago, while the primary variable was Islamic Education taught by Ulama and traders who came to this region to the local population. Second, the development of Islamic Education is different from one country to another. This is undoubtedly influenced by the geographical location, the culture of society, to politics that influenced the existence of these differences. Third, school development, especially in Indonesia, is understood as a social movement that did not only succeed in educating students but also formed a network of social ideologies that would later influence social transformation, even national development. The implications of this study provide a deeper understanding of the History and dynamics of Islamic Education in Southeast Asia.

This article uses the terms “Tatar Sunda” to refer geographically to a region that stretches from the Sunda Strait (Selat Sunda/Ujung Kulon) to some of the Central Javanese territorries bordering with Cipamali/Kalipamali in Brebes in the Central Java and Kali Serayu in South of Central Java next to Cilacap. This paper argues that the religious life in the Sundanese Tatar historically and culturally took place peacefully. This paper bases this argument on the Sundanese manuscripts saying that the Hinduization process in the Tatar Sunda was mostly derived from the Hindu kingdoms’ elites in the Tatar Sunda. In contrast, the process of Islamization in the Tatar Sunda was instigated from the lower classes (ordinary people). Meanwhile, some of these elites and some of the Sundanese people were able to welcome and accept Islam. Moreover, some of these Hindu elites were voluntarily converted to Islam.

This paper tries to consider recent developments in popular music studies in Turkey by tracing contemporary debates, particular challenges and emerging themes. In order to achieve this task, firstly, history of popular music studies in Turkey is briefly presented in comparison to those of the Anglophone World. Secondly, recent developments are considered within the political context of last two decades in Turkey where hot discussions have revolved around underlying theme of ‟Republic”. In this mileu, the theoretical premises behind the lack of critical discourses about the neoliberal transformation and Islamization processes, and indifference to the struggles against them are discussed. Thirdly, recent achievements of popular music studies in Turkey are presented. As a result, we mainly tried to discuss why certain critical studies are lacking which diminishes plurality rather than the plurality of the existing ones.

The existence of local political parties in outline is a new alternative to the implementation of local democratic processes in Aceh are not specifically for Islamization issues. In the political record, the process of electing leaders in Aceh Province has been noted for three times (2006, 2012 and 2017). Aceh continues to move dynamically with political activities that are often rarely predictable or new conflicts that are sometimes expected to occur during democratic parties. This paper examines factors of voter's behavior and political identity in Aceh after the signing peace agreement in 2005 as well as analyzes the regional elections in 2017 and the Islamization issue within it. It will be explained that the behavior of voters in the Aceh regional election is very crucial. The election runs successfully by playing the identity of the political party in the Islamic shari'a area bringing issues in local implementation's policy. Finally, the crisis of trust that has been happening to national political parties has become one of the benchmarks for people to participate in the implementation of local democracy through the emergence of local political parties in Aceh.

1. Abstract The influence and expansion of Islam religion in the Indian Subcontinent are the important issues which have been considered by scholars for a long time ago. Various factors have contributed to the spread and influence of Islam in the Indian Subcontinent including the arrival of early invaders, Muslim merchants and traders, and the migration of Muslim clerics and Sufis. Meanwhile, the share of Sufis has been higher and more considerable than in other groups. Some Western and Indian scholars believe that Islam first entered the region through military conquests. But, historical evidence did not support this claim. Although in a general process, military movements should be considered as obstacles to the influence and spread of Islam, but in some periods and some areas of migration, military campaigns provided a good platform for groups of Arab tribes or individuals and groups of merchants, Sufis, scholars, and scientists to enter the area. Some Sufis even went to India with the same troops. With proper and humane behavior and interaction with the inhabitants of the Indian Subcontinent and the Indian religions, Sufis were able to partially eliminate the hatred and pessimism of the Indian invaders about the actions of the Muslim invaders in the early periods of the spread of Islam. 2. Introduction The main aim of the research is the expansion of Islam in the Indian Subcontinent with relying on the influence of moral and spiritual behaviors of Sufis especially the reduction of the negative approach of inhabitants and the Indian hatred and pessimism from the function of the invaders in the early period of the expansion of Islam. However, Ghaznavids were of forces which took the most effective steps towards the occupation of India. In the fourth century AH, Sabuktagin first invaded India and took the control of much of the region. A few years later, Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznavid invaded India and targeted India fifteen or seventeen times by the end of his reign. This study seeks to answer the question of how the interaction of Sufis and Sufi leaders with the natives of India, especially their spiritual conduct and avoidance of military behavior, had an effect on the Islamization of the Indian people from the Ghurian period to the beginning of the Gurkhanids. 3. Materials & Methods Generally, using the descriptive-analytical method and based on library resources, this paper aims to study Sufis’ contribution to the Islamization of native Indians during the age of Turk rulers. 4. Discussion of results & conclusion The interaction of Sufi missionaries and leaders and their function has played an important role in deepening Islamic and religious beliefs among the inhabitants of the Indian Subcontinent. In fact, the wider influence and spread of Islam in India, according to evidence and citations, was the result of peaceful, tolerant activities and spiritual and cultural interactions, especially by Muslim Sufis. Sufis’ intellectual commonalities with Hindu rituals and practices, their spiritual conduct, exchanges of Sufi cults with the Hindu rituals and especially their avoidance of military and oppressive acts not only drew the attention of Indians to themselves but also changed the negative attitude of the Indian community towards the military and violent behavior of the early Islamic invaders in the invasion of India. Sufis and Sufi cults which entered India as immigrants or preachers were influential in the mental purification of the natives of this region. The spiritual behaviors of Sufis partly improved the negative consequences of Muslim invasions and changed their attitudes toward Islamic teachings. This greatly influenced the new approach of the people of the Indian Subcontinent to Islam after the military invasion. The Sufi group has shown outright honesty, trustworthiness, and chastity in trade and commerce with the leading business classes of India and other social groups. They were actively involved in supporting the rural part of the Indian Subcontinent. On the other hand, they respected the beliefs of the Indians. In the interval between Ghurids’ domination and the Gurkhanid dynasty, Sufi cults such as Chashtiyya, Suhrawardiyya, Naqshbandiyya, Qāderiyya, and Kubrawiyya along with the Indian rulers, especially the Muslim sultans of Delhi, were considered to be the main causes of Islamization of Indigenous Indian Subcontinent. Sufis’ counseling and assistance to Islamic governments in India such as Gholamshahi, Khalajan, Tughlughiyyan, Sādat dynasty, Lūdi governors, and Syrian kings were effective in spreading Islam in the Indian Subcontinent during these periods. The other results of this study showed that the content of Sufi invitations like an emphasis on monotheism, equality of human rights, humility, and accepting divine morality. and reaching God through helping people and aiding helpless ones had a profound effect on the tendency of the Indians to Islam. Learning different local languages ​​and connecting with different religions and classes of India facilitated the Sufis’ invitation for unity and solidarity, especially since Sufis opposed religious monopoly. Hence, they were able to reduce the violence of the early Muslim invaders to some extent by purifying the souls. The preaching method and lifestyle of Sufis, such as seclusion and abundant worship, corresponded to life and aspects of the principles of Indian philosophy. Therefore, the adversary of Indians with the system of inferiority, religious tolerance, support for religious diversity, simplicity of life, and good relations with the Ghurid Sultans, Mamluks, and Delhi kings were effective in the expansion of Islam in the Indian Subcontinent.

This study evaluates madrassa reforms policies introduced during General Zia-ul-Haq regime within a policy evaluation framework. Generally it is quite difficult to find whether any specific public policy has fallen short of achieving conceived goals. However, on the basis of some of the impacts enlisted for appraisal of any policy process by the National Audit Office of the UK, policies can be evaluated. According to the frame work, if policies result in poor quality public services, deliver little or no benefits, exclude a section of society from benefits, do not meet expectations of the stakeholders and bring in adverse social and/or environmental consequences, then policies are hardly regarded as successful policies. In fact during the Zia-ul-Haq era, the state-led projects of reforming madrassa under the umbrella of Islamization did not become productive for the madrassa students and graduates and at a broader level for the society. Only the state and few of the renowned figures of madrassas remained real beneficiaries of madrassa reforms. In the light of impacts of poor policy process enlisted by National Audit Office of the UK, the study concludes that the state-led madrassa reforms in General Zia era brought poor quality services, delivered very little services and that too for a limited section of society. Moreover, the policy of reforming madrassa in the addressed era brought adverse social consequences and henceforth did not meet expectations of all stakeholders specifically madrassa graduates and students.

The author considers the peculiarities of the legal regulation of German multiculturalism. This problem seems to be particularly relevant due to the high rates of globalization that have recently affected the Federal Republic of Germany. This is due to the rapid islamization of the state and the immigration to Germany of various ethnic and religious groups, as well as the attempts of the latter to “protect themselves” from German society and live by their own rules, sometimes disregarding the laws of the host country. Interest in the topic being studied is also largely due to the desire of the state to overcome the Nazi past, the unresolved problems of the existence of ultra-right forces (parties and other organizations) aspiring to the local parliaments (landtags). Members of nationalist groups commit crimes, including on ethnic, national and religious grounds. The paper analyzes the theoretical approaches to the legal regulation of such a complex social phenomenon as multiculturalism. An attempt was made to consider the issues of legal consolidation of this phenomenon from diametrically opposite points of view. The individual causes of the collapse and failure of this policy and ideology in a number of modern European states are investigated. The research topic is revealed by the author from the position of not only doctrinal research, but also from the point of view of the settlement of the issue in international, constitutional and criminal law. The proposals were formulated on the need for a qualitative, global and targeted change in the legal regulation of multiculturalism in Germany, possible prospects for its further development, including for the purpose of criminal prosecution of perpetrators violating the rights, freedoms and legal interests of representatives of different ethnic and national groups and minorities.

This article examines the changes in the observation of mawlid, or the birth of the Prophet Muḥammad, that have occurred in the public sphere in Turkey during the past three decades. The innovations in the mawlid tradition have contributed to ending the containment of the cultural signifiers of Islam within the private realm and have constituted a step toward the construction of a contemporary, civic expression of religion. In this study the Blessed Birth Week is used as a case study of the exploration of innovation in religious praxis as contextualized in a festive culture. This work demonstrates that some of the core rites of the Blessed Birth Week have created opportunities for claiming of public space and civic institutions temporarily for Muḥammad and by semiotic extension for Islam as a whole. While some secular groups have criticized the Islamization of Turkish society through such invented traditions, some Islamists, too, have become uncomfortable with the secular appropriations that have taken place. The Blessed Birth Week has become a subject for negotiations not only between secularist and Islamist segments of the society, but also among Islamists, and this has led to the reconfiguration of the Blessed Birth Week as Mevlid-i Nebi Week. This article demonstrates both the interactive nature and the fragility of the process of change in religious praxis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This exploratory study of 34 religious, traditional, and secular Arab Muslim social workers in Israel traces the dilemmas caused by potential clashes between their professional and religious values. The findings suggest that although all the interviewees were aware of such clashes, only the religious ones adopted coping strategies to address them. The traditional workers regarded the conflicts in universal moral terms, and the secular workers distanced themselves from their religion. None of the respondents were familiar with the Islamization of social work in the Arab world that might have helped them resolve their dilemmas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the problem of religious expansion, which is accompanied by a wave of globalization. In particular, the analysis of its prerequisites and its place in society and consequences is carried out, which are the basis for its widespread spread in an information, «digitized» digitized society. A description of the manifestations of evangelization and Islamization of religious expansion, which cover all spheres of spiritual life and enter through the conquest of human consciousness, is given, and the processes of their development in the information society are considered. «I'm sorry,» he said, «but I don't know what you're talking about, and I don't know what you're talking about, and I don't know what you're talking about, but I don't know what you're talking about». And the possibilities of modern technologies are the basis for changing the forms and areas of use of sites of religious organizations. The article examines the social, economic, political, spiritual background and main objects of religious expansion of neo-Christian, new Islamic, neo-Christian movements, Religious Studies analysis of missionary activities carried out in the internet space and social networks, its factors contributing to the formation of religious consciousness of young people. At the same time, the features of religious expansion in cyberspace are revealed and a description of their manifestation in modern Kazakh society is given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state of minorities in Pakistan has been the subject of much debate and controversy since the country's conception in 1947. Although Christians played a pivotal role in the Pakistan Movement, the state-sponsored Islamization and exploitation of Blasphemy Laws created a precarious situation for Pakistan's religious minorities. This article explores the perceptions of the Christian minority on the Islamization of the state asking how it has been affecting their life course. Qualitative research methods involving in-depth interviews and case studies explore the lived experiences of the Christian minority in Wah Cantonment city, Pakistan. Using purposive sampling techniques, 33 Christian respondents (16 males, 17 females) and eight senior Christian High Court lawyers (four males, four females) were interviewed. Based on empirical evidence, this article demonstrates that Islamic majoritarianism and lack of pluralist vision impedes minorities' freedom in Pakistan, creating issues of safety, legal abuse and discrimination in their own homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article addresses the religious double standard and challenges of religious land use facing Muslims since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. It shows initiatives of the organizations Stop Islamization of America (SIOA) and the Center for Security Policy to limit Muslims' religious rights. It highlights efforts to deprived Muslims of basic rights despite protections under the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA).

The cultural and religious awakening that occurred in the Kazakh steppe between the years of 1742 and 1917 was one of the most important periods in Kazakh history, but there are profound differences among Kazakh intellectuals about the nature and significance of that reform process. In some studies, this process is defined as the “Islamization” of Kazakhs by Tatars. This movement led by the Tatars, includes the creation of an Islamic identity but also creation of a national identity. The origins of the Kazakh Islamic awakening were constructed in the 18th century, but it began to grew in the second half of the 19th century and made its major breakthrough in the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Supreme Court of Pakistan has shown a propensity to engage in behavioral analysis to assess whether a purported rape victim fit the bill of the prototypical profile of a female rape victim as defined by societal norms, by inculcating this version within its common law discourse. This phenomenon has been visible especially between 1980--1999 during Zia's radical Islamization era and can be traced back to pre-colonial era. From 2000--2018, there is a gap in literature, which this paper aims to fill by engaging in case law analysis and trend identification. A close examination of rape cases of the Supreme Court of Pakistan over the last 18 years show that the Supreme Court has deviated from its earlier precedents of using character as a factor to determine the veracity of female rape victim's allegations. However, the Supreme Court's judicial discourse is still deeply entrenched in sexist assumptions about the role of women in society. This paper proposes a complete overhaul of the linguistics, heuristics and common law assumptions made by the Supreme Court of Pakistan as an essential institutional restructuring mechanism, which is necessary in making access to justice easier for female rape victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on Ba'th Party archival records, interviews, and secondary sources, this article aims to reconstruct and contextualize the story of Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, the Shi'i cleric who led a grassroots religious movement in the 1990s that still plays a major role in Iraq. The article argues that the Sadrist movement and its project of social Islamization were a result of Sadr's enlistment of grassroots support to challenge his rivals in the Shi'i religious field during a leadership vacuum amid the decline of the clerical establishment's influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims a spotlight at an unusual chapter in the development of the Egyptian regimes' policy toward antisemitism in the state media. While the various regimes allowed anti-Jewish speech in the governmental media since its nationalization by the Nasserite regime and used it for acquiring legitimacy, this article points to a different policy adopted by the Mubārak regime, following 11 September 2001. From the end of 2002, the Egyptian regime redirected the journalistic editing guidelines to cease anti-Jewish hate speech, resulting in a considerable decrease in the volume of anti-Jewish expressions and desecration of the Holocaust memory, until Mubārak's downfall in 2011. This change was motivated by the regime's concern for its political survival and economic interests, which were endangered by the democratization policy of the Bush Administration that linked the effort to combat terrorism and anti-Americanism in the Middle East with the struggle against antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Locally made ceramics from Islamic sites in Ethiopia have been neglected in most archaeological studies, which tend to privilege imported Middle Eastern and Chinese/Southeast Asian ceramics. An assemblage of the local ceramics from the important trading site of Harlaa, in eastern Ethiopia (mid-sixth and fifteenth centuries AD), is the subject of this article. The study emphasizes the value of these ceramics as chronological markers, and for understanding regional and long-distance contacts, cultural innovations, processes of Islamization, and foodways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Islamika is the property of Center for the Study of Islam & Society of UIN Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Islamika is the property of Center for the Study of Islam & Society of UIN Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scholars have explored the rise of far-right reactionary political parties in Europe over the last decade. However, social movements reflecting similar political orientations have rarely been conceptualized as "reactionary." To better understand the political orientations of reactionary transnational social movements such as the Identitarians and the Defence Leagues, we explore how and why ethnonational symbols derived from the medieval period are utilized by adherents. This interdisciplinary investigation argues that, through processes of mediated political medievalism, ethnonational symbols are used as strategic framing devices to reimagine an idealized "golden age" of distinct European nations, to assign blame for the erosion of ethnonational identity through multiculturalism, immigration and "Islamization," to establish an intergenerational struggle against the supposed incursion of Islam in Europe, and to proscribe and justify the use of violence as a means of re-establishing the primacy of European nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The event of Islamization in Kutai Kertanegara Monarchy needs to be reviewed on the basis of verified primary sources. This study aims to analyze the validity of Surat Salasilah Raja dalam Negeri Kutai Kertanegara Malay-Arabic script, as a source of traditional historiography. The script describes the process of Islamization in the Monarchy of Kutai Kertanegara whence it begins as mythological texts then written as historical narratives. With historical research methods, the main source of this research is the book of Letters of Salasilah Raja in Kutai Kertanegara in Arabic Malay script by Khatib Muhammad Thahir which was completed in 1849. The results of the study show that, with strict verification, Salasilah Kutai is a valid historical source. The process of Islamization in the Kutai Kertanegara Monarchy took place through the role of a preacher named Tuan Tunggang Parangan who carried out an egalitarian dialectic to Raja Makota, in 1575.