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International audience; After two decades of research on throughput legitimacy, making sense of the stock of accumulated knowledge remains a challenge. How can relevant publications on throughput legitimacy be collected and analysed? How can the level of throughput legitimacy be measured? Which policy activities contribute to the production of throughput legitimacy? To answer these questions, we designed and implemented an original systematic literature review. We find that the measurement of the level of throughput legitimacy introduces a number of problems that call for the systematic and rigorous use of a more complete set of precise, specific indicators to advance the theory of throughput legitimacy. A number of participatory decision-making activities contribute to the production of throughput legitimacy. Engaging in these activities is not without risk, as variations in throughput legitimacy affect input and output legitimacy. To prevent vicious circles, lessons can be drawn from the literature on collaborative governance and decision-makers’ strategies to support effective collaboration between stakeholders.

The global pandemic crisis has highlighted the inherent weaknesses of governance in countries of the Maghreb. It has underscored Morocco’s lagging human development and infrastructure amid growing authoritarianism. In Algeria, where the government is struggling with an ongoing legitimacy crisis, the pandemic has exposed the state's weak public services. In Tunisia, the pandemic has emphasised the disarray of the coun­try's political elites and the effects of the protracted transition on state output. Yet, the pandemic crisis has pushed some of these governments to seize opportunities, in­cluding speeding up digitalisation, allowing for citizen engagement, and even seeking some self-sufficiency in terms of medical production. As these countries pursue eco­nomic relief and support to overcome the growing economic impacts from the crisis, European partners have the opportunity to use their leverage to promote policies that reduce inequality, prioritise investment in critical infrastructure, and encourage transparent and responsive citizen-government relations. (author's abstract)

System justification theory proposes that people are motivated to perceive the existing social system as fair, legitimate, and desirable. However, status-legitimacy effect, understood as the most disadvantaged living in the most unequal contexts experiencing this need most strongly, has only found mixed support in empirical works. This article presents a comprehensive test of the original reading of status-legitimacy hypothesis which implied that those with lower objective status are the most motivated to system justify and of the respecified version that posits subjective powerlessness to be the driver of undue system legitimization. Multilevel mixed-effects linear regression analysis of International Social Survey Programme modules on social inequality, covering almost 50,000 respondents from 28 countries, shows that the mean effects of both subjective and objective status are in line with predictions of economic rationality. To model contextual inequality, we distinguish between an objective measure, Gini, and perceived amounts of income differences as reported by respondents. The analysis testing contextual moderation lends support for the original reading of status-legitimacy hypothesis?the objectively, rather than subjectively, disadvantaged experience greater motivation to defend the system.

In diesem Beitrag geht es um die Effekte des Fehlens und die Möglichkeit des Entstehens einer normativ anspruchsvollen politischen Öffentlichkeit, welche weitreichend sind. So lässt sich die gegenwärtige Krise der Global Governance und des globalen politischen Systems auf das Fehlen einer normativ anspruchsvollen Öffentlichkeit zurückführen, die als Mediationsinstanz zwischen Weltgesellschaft und den autoritativen Institutionen der Global Governance fungieren kann. Gleichzeitig argumentiere ich, dass das Fehlen der Öffentlichkeit nicht vorrangig den im nationalen Horizont gefangenen Einstellungen der Bevölkerungen geschuldet ist, sondern primär der defizitären institutionellen Struktur des globalen politischen Systems zugeschrieben werden muss. This paper is about the effects of the absence and the possibility of the emergence of a normatively meaningful political public sphere. The effects of the lack of a global public sphere are far-reaching. Namely, the current crisis of global governance and the global political system can be traced back to the absence of a normatively meaningful public sphere that can mediate between global society and the authoritative institutions of global governance. At the same time, I argue that the absence of the public sphere is not primarily due to the population’s attitudes trapped in national horizons but must be primarily attributed to the deficient institutional structure of the global political system.

Die Arbeit behandelt die aktuelle Praxis der völkerrechtlichen Anerkennung von Regierungen und untersucht, ob diesbezüglich neue Trends identifiziert werden können. Anhand von vier ausgewählten Beispielen wird die aktuelle Staatenpraxis in unterschiedlichen Konstellationen betrachtet und mit dem bisher vorherrschenden Modus Operandi der Anerkennung von Regierungen verglichen, um eine Ableitung etwaiger neuer allgemeiner Tendenzen vornehmen zu können. eingereicht von Mag.(FH) Markus C. Martitsch Universität Linz, Diplomarbeit, 2021 (VLID)5795516

Das Buch ergründet die aktuelle dynamische und folgenreiche Entwicklung der europäischen Sicherheitspolitik. Dabei liefert es einen wichtigen und originellen Beitrag sowohl für die Praktische Philosophie als auch für die Bereiche der Security- und European Studies. Durch konkrete Analysen und die Herausarbeitung möglicher Lösungsansätze, verwirklicht das Buch einen philosophischen Ansatz, der in der Realität verankert ist und gleichzeitig auf Theorie und Normativität besteht. Im Fokus stehen die Charakteristika von neuen Sicherheitstechnologien und -verständnissen sowie deren Einfluss auf die "kopernikanische Wende" der Neuzeit, mit der das Individuum und der Schutz seiner Grundrechte ins Zentrum der politischen Legitimation gerückt sind. This book examines the current dynamic and momentous development of European security policy. In doing so, it provides an important and original contribution to both practical philosophy and to the fields of security studies and European studies. Using concrete analyses and by offering possible solutions to certain problems, the book develops an approach that is embedded in reality and which, at the same time, insists on theory and normativity. It focuses on the characteristics of new security technologies and ways in which security is understood as well as their influence on the 'Copernican Revolution' of the modern age, through which individuals and the protection of their fundamental rights have become the focus of political legitimation.

To what extent does societal resilience help to prevent governance breakdown? The EU’s southern neighbourhood has been troubled by multiple security risks in recent years. The security situation of many citizens is uncertain and local populations frequently feel insecure, an indication of governance breakdown. Resilience has become a new focus in preventing a breakdown of governance. Yet, the extent to which resilience can help prevent governance breakdown remains unclear. Building on original survey data from Libya and Tunisia this study contributes empirical evidence to the debate. The article shows that limited statehood and order contestation do not necessarily lead to a breakdown of governance. Although both risks affect Tunisia and Libya to different degrees none of them are strongly correlated with the security perceptions of local populations. Additionally, resilience is key in preventing governance breakdown. Social trust and the legitimacy of governance actors are two main sources of resilience helping to prevent a breakdown of governance. Moreover, resilience has divergent effects on different dimensions of security governance breakdown. While resilience has stronger effects on national security perceptions, local security considerations are partly driven by other factors such as individuals’ economic resources.

Das Ein��ben der F��higkeit, mit sprachlicher und kultureller Vielfalt produktiv umzugehen, ist ein Kernanliegen des zeitgem����en Fremdsprachenunterrichts. Doch wie ist der Umgang mit dieser im Klassenzimmer organisiert? Daniel H. Rellstab analysiert auf der Basis eines von Erving Goffman gepr��gten Interaktionsverst��ndnisses Interaktionen in ��Deutsch als Fremdsprache��-Klassenzimmern. Dabei zeigt er, welche Ressourcen Lehrkr��fte sowie Sch��lerinnen und Sch��ler in der Interaktion einsetzen, wie sie aushandeln, welche Sprachen legitim, welche illegitim sind, und wie sie dabei Identit��ten und Normen re- und dekonstruieren. (DIPF/Verlag)

Regional organisations (ROs) are key actors in global and regional governance, and their authority has increased continuously in all world regions. In the face of growing contestation and politicisation, these ROs are increasingly justifying their right to rule. In so doing, ROs invoke the norms which they claim to pursue or embody. Our novel data shows that RO legitimation has become more diverse. This is in large part due to the growing importance of liberal and communitarian norms, such as democracy, human rights, and a common identity. Today, these norms account for more than half of all statements. However, these global trends do not apply equally tos all ROs. We also observe region-specific trends and patterns. These legitimation patterns are reflective of the regions' normative bases and the identities which the ROs promote. They help us understand the relevance of region-specific challenges and characteristics such as culture or geography. Regions in the Global South warrant particular attention in this regard, as their distinctive features are still too often neglected. The growing diversity of legitimacy claims is related to the increasing variety of stakeholders and audiences, processes of socialisation and diffusion, and the emergence of region-specific issues of relevance. As such, ROs today operate in a more complex and demanding environment. A closer look at ROs' legitimacy claims helps identify normative developments in specific regions as well as in global governance more broadly. Greater awareness of a region's normative foundations and shifts increases the chances of mutually beneficial long-term cooperation based on shared values and priorities.

Die Europäische Union (EU) greift im Rahmen ihrer Gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (GASP) verstärkt zu autonomen Finanz­sanktionen, um auf weltweite Krisen und Konflikte im Sinne eigener Zielsetzungen umgehend zu reagieren. Der vermehrte Einsatz dieses wichtigen Instruments im Werkzeugkasten der GASP geschieht dabei im Kontext eines blockadeanfälligen Entschei­dungsverfahrens im Rat, hoher Hürden des Unionsrechts und der Schwie­rigkeit, eine enge Zusammenarbeit mit Verbündeten zu koordinieren. Die Wirkung autonomer EU-Finanzsanktionen könnte ohne tiefgreifende Strukturreformen kurz- bis mittelfristig auf fünf verschiedenen Wegen gesteigert werden. So ließe sich (1) die Entscheidungsfindung im Rat in Bezug auf Listungen vergemeinschaften, (2) die Orientierungshilfen ver­bessern, die von der Europäischen Kommission und den zuständigen Behörden in den jeweiligen EU-Mitgliedstaaten bereitgestellt werden, (3) der Anwendungsbereich von Verfügungs- und Bereitstellungsverboten vergrößern, (4) die Verzahnung mit Instrumenten aus inhaltlich verwand­ten Politikfeldern weiter vorantreiben und (5) die bestehende Zusammen­arbeit mit dem Vereinigten Königreich und den Vereinigten Staaten als den beiden engsten Verbündeten weiter verstetigen. Mit der Chance auf einen wirkungsvollen Einsatz geht das Risiko überzoge­ner Erwartungen einher. Denn eine größere Wirkung ist für sich allein genommen noch keine hinreichende Bedingung für einen wirk­samen Einsatz autonomer EU-Finanzsanktionen, der ein Erreichen der jeweils verfolgten politischen Ziele auch tatsächlich fördert. (Autorenreferat)

As such, the Scandinavian model holds considerable military and political promise to ensure the armed forces’ access to competent and motivated soldiers, while at the same time garnering high levels of support among both politicians and the population. However, this model also entails inherent tensions and challenges to full implementation that policy-makers and military representatives need to consider when advocating for it: Most prominently, the analysis suggests that the model and its public support is dependent on continued efforts by the armed forces to become an inclusive and attractive professional and educational institution for all. These efforts may include marketing the armed forces in ways which signal that a diversity of young people is welcome and valued within the institution. Yet, it must also include efforts at institutional change and concrete policy initiatives. With regards to gender equality, it is pivotal to ensure that the drafting and selection process - but also the work environment within the armed forces - does not discriminate against women as a group. This entails making sure, for example, that women conscripts are provided with fitting uniforms and equipment. Moreover, given that the model is dependent on making military service competitive and therefore attractive to young people, attempts by the Government to considerably increase the number of people selected for service each year may pose a threat to the ambition of keeping military service voluntary in principle. Countries interested in increasing public support for conscription and implementing a gender-equal, democratic and ultimately modern draft system by adopting the Scandinavian model should therefore pay close attention to these challenges and tensions emerging in the Swedish context.

Wir unterbreiten in dem vorliegenden Text einen Vorschlag für ein der interpretativen Forschung angemessenes Gewaltverständnis und skizzieren seine methodologischen Konsequenzen. In Auseinandersetzung mit qualitativen Studien zu Gewalt verbinden wir eine klare theoretische Explikation des Phänomens Gewalt mit der von der qualitativen Sozialforschung geforderten Offenheit gegenüber dem Material. Wir gehen dabei von der Unterscheidung zwischen einem positiven und einem reflexiven Gewaltbegriff aus: Wenn Gewalt aus der Beobachter*innenperspektive inhaltlich definiert wird, sprechen wir von einem positiven Gewaltbegriff. Ein solches Vorgehen widerspricht allerdings den Annahmen der interpretativen Forschung, denn hier liegt der Schwerpunkt darauf, soziale Phänomene ausgehend vom (Selbst-)Verständnis sozialer Akteur*innen zu analysieren. Wenn man es dem Selbstverständnis im Feld überlässt, ein Phänomen als Gewalt zu identifizieren, dies aber der Intuition der Beobachter*innen widerspricht, führt dies in der soziologischen Forschungspraxis oftmals dazu, dass ein Phänomen gegen das Selbstverständnis im Feld als Gewalt identifiziert wird. Um mit diesem Problem umzugehen, schlagen wir ein reflexives Gewaltverständnis vor und konkretisieren dieses in einem Kodierschema für die qualitativ-interpretative Untersuchung von sozialen Zusammenhängen mit Blick auf Gewalt. Exemplarisch verdeutlichen wir den interpretativen Sinn des Kodierschemas an einem Beispiel aus der Pflege von Menschen mit Demenz., Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, Vol. 22 No. 1 (2021)

This paper proposes a practice-theoretical journalism research approach for an alternate and innovative perspective of digital journalism’s current empirical challenges. The practice-theoretical approach is introduced by demonstrating its explanatory power in relation to demarcation problems, technological changes, economic challenges and challenges to journalism’s legitimacy. Its respective advantages in dealing with these problems are explained and then compared to established journalism theories. The particular relevance of the theoretical perspective is due to (1) its central decision to observe journalistic practices, (2) the transgression of conventional journalistic boundaries, (3) the denaturalization of journalistic norms and laws, (4) the explicit consideration of a material, socio-technical dimension of journalism, (5) a focus on the conflicting relationship between journalistic practices and media management practices, and (6) prioritizing order generation over stability.

"The paper in front of you presents an attempt to give an answer to the hypothesis -is the use of force in accordance with the public international law and several issues arising from it- if the use of force is allowed then when it receives international legality and legitimacy? If it's legally prohibited, whether such prohibition is general rule without any derogations or there is an exception to that rule? The research was done using the method of contextual analysis of international documents (UN Charter, relevant UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly resolutions, and court cases from the practice of International Court of Justice). Some of the main conclusions are: UN member states are obligated to refrain from threat or use of force against territorial integrity and political independence of another state. The exclusive right of using force is situated only in the Security Council." (author's abstract)

Dissertation, Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule Aachen, 2020; Aachen 1 Online-Ressource (ix, 113 Seiten) : Illustrationen, Diagramme (2020). = Dissertation, Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule Aachen, 2020, In this dissertation, I investigate leadership in the context of a social dilemma using economic experiments. In Part I, we examine if a leader can improve cooperation in a social dilemma, either just by setting a good example, or in combination with rewards or punishments at her disposal. In Part II, we test how groups cooperate when leaders are appointed with different degrees of legitimacy. Finally, in Part III, we investigate if the cooperation of group members with a self-chosen goal differs from their cooperation when the goal is chosen by their principal and how such a difference might vary with goal level. The results of Part I confirm the positive effect of rewards or punishments on cooperation. Regarding the presence of a leader, however, we could not find such an effect. In Part II, we find that groups increase their contributions more if their leader derives her legitimacy from both criteria (endogenous choice and information on past behavior) than with a leader legitimized by only a single factor. In Part III, agents contribute significantly more when they have a high goal compared to a goal-free setting. However, this only applies if the agents choose the goal themselves. Although agents contribute the most if they set themselves a high goal, they strongly prefer to have no goal. The principals, on the other hand, show no preference for either setting., Published by Aachen

Este artículo es un primer paso hacia la comprensión del uso de los medios sociales por parte de las cortes constitucionales y supremas de América Latina. Algunas de estas cortes se han destacado a nivel mundial como precursoras en el uso de tales medios. Se realizó un análisis sistemático y comparativo de 17 cortes durante el lapso de un año, con el foco en dos cuestiones: por un lado, en la intensidad con que utilizaron las plataformas más relevantes -Twitter, Facebook y YouTube- y, por otro, en el nivel de influencia de cada corte. Como resultado, se presenta una clasificación de las cortes que enfatiza que existen diferencias de desempeño: las cortes más influyentes no son necesariamente las más activas, pero hacen un uso muy diferenciado de las redes sociales. En cambio, las menos influyentes muestran gran dispersión en torno al nivel de actividad. Asimismo, exploramos de manera preliminar la relación entre el nivel de confianza en los poderes judiciales y la intensidad del uso e influencia de las cortes en las redes. Observamos que las cortes que enfrentan mayor desconfianza son moderadamente más activas y tienden a tener menos influencia. Dos motivos podrían explicar este comportamiento: la búsqueda de autopromoción estratégica; y un ideal de transparencia institucional. In this article we take a first step towards understanding the use of social media by constitutional and supreme courts in Latin America. Some Latin American courts stand out worldwide for their active online presence. We present the first comparative evaluation of the social media presence of 17 Latin American high courts. We evaluate the intensity of the current use of the most relevant online platforms - Twitter, Facebook and YouTube - and explore the level of influence each court has developed in these networks. As a result, we present a classification of the courts that emphasizes that there are performance differences: the most influential courts are not necessarily the most active ones, but they make a very differentiated use of social media. In contrast, the least influential ones show great dispersion around the level of activity. Additionally, we present a preliminarily evaluation of the relationship between the level of trust in the judiciaries and both the intensity of the use and the level of influence of courts in social networks. We see that courts with higher levels of distrust are moderately more active and tend to have less influence. Two motivations could explain the court behavior in social media: First, the search for strategic self-promotion. Second, an ideal of institutional transparency.

Am Horn von Afrika trifft das Corona-Virus auf Staaten, die ohnehin mit einer Viel­zahl von Problemen konfrontiert sind: Anhaltende bewaffnete Konflikte, Dürre und Unsicherheit haben mehr als acht Millionen Menschen zu Flüchtlingen im eigenen Land gemacht, weitere 3,5 Millionen sind in die Nachbarländer geflohen, wo sie in überfüllten Flüchtlingslagern leben. Alle Staaten der Region befinden sich in einem fragilen Zustand politischer Transformation oder sind durch Krieg und Regierungs­versagen enorm geschwächt. Ihre Kapazitäten reichen weder für die Eindämmung der Covid-Pandemie aus noch für die Abfederung der Folgen, wie Arbeitslosigkeit, Armut und Hunger. Um die Demokratisierung im Sudan und in Äthiopien nicht zu gefährden, ist es notwendig, den Fokus auf soziale Sicherungssysteme zu richten und das Vertrauen der Bevölkerung zu gewinnen. Dazu ist ein Soforthilfepaket aus dem Aus­land erforderlich, das den Staaten das wirtschaftliche Überleben sichert. Langfristige Unterstützung jedoch sollte an die Bedingung geknüpft werden, dass ein Großteil der Investitionen in den Aufbau staatlicher Kapazitäten fließt. (Autorenreferat)

Subnational groups employ a variety of strategies to contest governments. While democratic states offer a broader array of accessible options, autocratic regimes are more difficult to contest via conventional means. Why do subnational groups stage sovereignty referendums across regime types? Our argument is that public votes over greater autonomy or independence signal adherence to international democratic norms and the legitimacy of the demand towards three audiences: the state, the domestic population, and the international community. Self-determination groups seek to gain support from their domestic constituency as well as the international community in order to pressure the state government into granting concessions. We introduce a new dataset of referendums and international diplomacy by subnational self-determination groups on a global scale between 1990 and 2015. We supplement the descriptive evidence and assess the plausibility of the proposed mechanism with an out-of-sample case of an in-sample observation, the 2017 independence referendum in Iraqi Kurdistan. We show that referendums are indeed associated with international diplomacy and domestic state building by self-determination groups, suggesting that both tools are critical for the choice of conventional strategies across regime types. Subnationale Gruppen verwenden eine Vielzahl von Strategien bei der Verfolgung ihrer Forderungen gegenüber der Regierung. Während demokratische Staaten zahlreiche Handlungsoptionen für Gruppen bereithalten, ist es in autokratischen Regimen schwieriger, die Politik auf konventionellem Wege anzufechten. Warum führen subnationale Gruppen Referenden in unterschiedlichen Regimetypen durch? Unser Argument ist, dass Referenden (über größere Autonomie oder Unabhängigkeit) die Einhaltung internationaler demokratischer Normen und die Legitimität der Forderungen gegenüber drei Zielgruppen - dem Staat, der Gruppenpopulation und der internationalen Gemeinschaft - signalisiert. Selbstbestimmungsgruppen versuchen, die Unterstützung von Gruppenangehörigen und der internationalen Gemeinschaft zu sichern um die Regierung zu Zugeständnissen zu bewegen. Wir stellen einen neuen Datensatz vor, der Referenden und internationale Diplomatie von subnationalen Selbstbestimmungsgruppen auf globaler Ebene zwischen 1990 und 2015 erhebt. Wir ergänzen die deskriptive Datenanalyse und testen die Plausibilität des vorgeschlagenen Mechanismus mithilfe des kurdischen Unabhängigkeitsreferendums im Nordirak in 2017, einer Beobachtung eines Falles aus dem Datensatz, aber außerhalb des Analysezeitraums. Wir zeigen, dass Referenden in der Tat mit internationaler Diplomatie und der Einrichtung substaatlicher Institutionen verbunden sind, was darauf hinweist, dass beide Strategien wesentlich sind für die Wahl konventioneller Strategien über Regimetypen hinweg.

The article discusses the politicisation of international politics and its effects on the legitimacy of international institutions. It is argued that a more complex understanding of the interplay of institutional and non-institutional practices of resistance is needed and that one has to draw from theories of international relations as well as from approaches from democratic heory to better understand the developments and its effects on the legitimacy of international institutions. The article proceeds by, first, reconstructing how research in IR has responded to the emergence of civil society critique, focusing in particular on the debate about inclusion through liberal governance mechanisms and the discussion of the regulatory power of counter-hegemonic actors in critical theories; it then turns to democratic theoretical approaches, in which the concept of “opposition” becomes a cipher for legitimate critique, yet the value of opposition and its form is determined very differently in different lines of thought. Finally, it is shown that the debate on the politicisation of international relations would particularly benefit from a republican understanding of politics, since the analytical focus and normative impetus lies in the relation between the visibly controversial nature of order and the creation of sites for opinion formation in civil society.

European citizenship consisting of equal economic, social, and political rights for all EU citizens has come under pressure in recent years due to the different crisis the EU had to face. Based on a survey conducted in 13 EU member states we examined to what extent EU-citizens support the notion that citizens from other European countries should enjoy the same rights as nationals. Overall, only 56 % of EU citizens support the idea that EU foreigners and national citizens should be treated equally. In addition, we find remarkable variations between the countries. Multivariate analysis indicates that cultural factors on the individual and the country level have a strong impact on attitudes towards Europeanised equality, whereas structural factors that are related to individuals’ and a countries’ socioeconomic position are only of minor importance. One can conclude from our findings that the EU is not only situated in an institutional but also in a legitimacy crisis.

The protests in Chile, which began in October 2019, have resulted, among other things, in a constitutional initiative, which citizens had been demanding for a long time. Government and opposition parties have now agreed to it. It is supposed to begin with a referendum on whether a new constitution is desired and which col­lective body should elaborate it. Since 26 February, Chile has officially been engaged in the election campaign for this referendum. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, it has been postponed from 26 April to 25 October. The potential election of the constituent body is now scheduled for 11 April 2021. It is still uncertain to what extent a new con­stitution will contribute towards overcoming this social, political, and institutional crisis. Nevertheless, the vast majority of the population believes that it is an indispen­sable cornerstone for a necessary new social contract. (author's abstract)

An lauten Expertenstimmen mangelt es in der Corona-Krise nicht, wohl aber an einem einheitlichen Gesamtbild. Über transparente Politikberatung und die Möglichkeiten globalen Wissens.

Die Proteste in Chile, die im Oktober 2019 einsetzten, haben unter anderem eine Verfassungs­initiative nach sich gezogen, die Bürgerinnen und Bürger schon lange gefor­dert hatten. Nun haben sich auch Regierungs- und Oppositionsparteien darauf geeinigt. Sie soll mit einer Volksabstimmung darüber beginnen, ob eine neue Ver­fassung ge­wünscht wird und welches Kollektivorgan sie aus­arbeiten soll. Seit dem 26. Februar befindet sich Chile offiziell im Wahlkampf für dieses Referendum. Wegen der Covid-19-Pan­demie wurde es vom 26. April auf den 25. Oktober verschoben. Die gegebenenfalls abzuhaltende Wahl des verfassunggebenden Organs soll nun erst am 11. April 2021 stattfinden. Zwar ist noch ungewiss, inwiefern eine neue Verfassung dazu bei­tragen wird, die soziale, politische und institutionelle Krise zu bewältigen. Dennoch glaubt die große Mehrheit der Bevölkerung, dass sie unabdingbarer Grund­stein für einen notwendigen neuen Gesellschaftsvertrag ist. (Autorenreferat)