Search

The article offers the author's insights on the relationship of the U.S. and Middle East in 2014. Topics discussed include the U.S. foreign policy, the politics in the U.S. and Middle East, and the ways to understand the U.S. policies. Also mentioned are the conflicts in the U.S. and Middle East relationship and the reasons behind U.S. foreign policies.

Copyright of Review of International Law & Politics / Uluslararasi Hukuk ve Politika is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a timeline of political, violent, religious and social events affecting the Middle East between January 15, 2014 and April 15, 2014, with topics including the Arab-Israeli conflict, Central Asia and the Caucasus, Afghanistan, Egypt, Iran, and Iraq.

Studying the Arab revolts is to study an ongoing process, and therefore it has limits which prevent us from formulating final conclusions. However, there is an academic obligation to study this process. In these times of lack of references about how to work politically among societies, the Arab uprising may offer some preliminary lessons. These lessons are not magical formulas, but dilemmas and political tensions, useful and full of questions, such as: how to construct political models, its relationship with ethnical, religious and tribal agendas, the challenges of stigmatization, and the definition of methods and means for political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At a time when Israelis and Palestinians are gathering in Washington to consider peace in the Middle East, most attention is focused on the idea of a one-state or, more likely, two-state solution. A number of scholars, however, have recently developed a third approach which has been appropriately referred to as a ‘two-state condominialism’. This approach seeks to overcome the liabilities of the two existing approaches to solving the Middle East conflict while offering a number of its own advantages. Surprisingly, in spite of the similarities among their proposals, none of the authors make reference to, or even acknowledge each other. This article reviews these papers as a collective and considers whether they offer a realistic opportunity for peace in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to describe the political situation in three Middle Eastern countries (Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya) to identity the factors that initiated their uprisings and explore the business implications of the uprising nationally and internationally. The Arab Spring was fuelled by the high unemployment rate, poorness, raising prices of food and gas and the disappearance of the middle class. The political factors that led to the Arab Spring in the three countries include umbrage of dictatorial rulers, which had denied free speech and limited prospects for participation in political and civil life. Other political factors included long-lasting "emergency laws" and out of order or nonexistent justice systems. However, the spark that added to those revolutions one after another is social media. Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube have mobilized millions of people to demand justice and bring down their governments. As a result, tourism rate dropped which one of the big revenue sources for Egypt and Tunisia. In addition, the violence increased and the security situation still remains unstable. Further it impacted many companies and local business negatively due to bad economic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts of articles on topics related to politics in the Middle East which include the Jordan Valley in an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement, Arabs volunteering for civilian service, and the role of the United Nations Special Tribunal for Lebanon.

In 1998 Barnett argued against the grain of realist IR theory, contending that ‘the conflicts between Arab governments have concerned the norms of Arabism and not the balance of power’. Ever since, the debate on regional order has been markedlessby realist perspectives based on materialist understanding of power, and more by pragmatic middle positions as can be found with the English School, Historical Sociology and soft constructivist approaches. This piece will argue along the same lines, contending that norms and identity politics remain central to the study of Middle East regional politics, also in the post-2011 era. In a second move it will however also suggest that the rise of identity politics and heightened regional insecurity related to these identities, calls for an introduction of insights from securitization theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents several news-related items regarding the Middle East during 2014 and early 2014, with a particular focus on international relations. Topics, including efforts to establish peace in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Middle East politics, international cooperation regarding Iran's nuclear weapons program and cooperation between the Israelis and Palestinians on water sharing, are discussed.

Copyright of Journal of Faculty of Political Science is the property of Journal of Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses political developments in the Middle East and Europe as of January 2014 that caught Cyprus at a time when its government is least able to navigate its own diplomacy in its own national interests. Topics discussed include the geostrategic effect of the Syrian civil war across the region, the European Union bailout crisis in Cyprus, and the European-wide crisis of the eurozone. Also mentioned is the worsening Greek-Turkish relations.

At the beginning of the 2000s Japan revised its Middle East policy, which impacted the development of the Japanese-Israeli relations: it was decided to change the priorities of Japan's Middle East policy, which previously had a pro-Arabic character, and to develop not only economic, but also political relations with Israel. The basic factors which influenced the political and economic relations between Japan and Israel are examined in the article. The author pays attention to the history of establishment and the current position of the Jewish community in Japan, as well as the essence of the problem of Japanese anti-Semitism. Japan is characterized by its motto "anti-Semitism without Jews". The author stresses that anti-Semitic literature is very popular among the Japanese, but, at the same time, a lot of Japanese people are interested in history and culture of Jewish people, and there is a rapid increase in scientific contacts between the two countries. The author concludes that further development of bilateral relations, creation of companies and organizations specializing in building and fostering these relations, as well as expansion of cultural contacts will contribute to the implementation of a new positive attitude of Japan towards Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dirasat: Human & Social Sciences is the property of University of Jordan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Within the geopolitical system of the Middle East, the non-Arab republics (Israel, Turkey and Iran) are a special category of regional actors occupying an increasingly important role in the dynamics of the area. Recent history, starting with 1991, has shown that a lot of developments in the region were either the result of disputes of these states with their Arab neighbors, or of events in the relations between Arab states in which Israel, Turkey and Iran have been drawn or played a specific role. The uprisings in the Arab world, known as the "Arab Spring", that started in early 2011 have already led to an increased role of Turkey and Iran in the geopolitical equation of the region. In this context, already influenced by the growing visibility of Islamist nuclei, Israel has reasonable grounds for concern, being forced to adapt its security architecture to the possible developments in the Arab states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of Middle East countries' authoritarian governments and efforts aimed at developing local democratic movements as of December 2013. Topics addressed include the usage of soft power by Middle East leaders for winning the U.S. government's support, the military government in Egypt, and Saudi Arabia's relations with the United States. Qatar's attempts for assisting democratic reforms and the role of Islamic parties in Middle East politics are also discussed.

Over the past decades, the Arab polities have witnessed some degree of political opening and the enhancement, the reactivation or the mere creation formal political institutions. This clearly forms part of the incumbents' endeavour to stabilise their authoritarian power through re-legitimization patterns. While many political activists--both from the regime-loyal and the opposition side-have been tempted to play by the new rules, others occasionally decide to stay away from that new formal arena of political engagement, preferring to concentrate on alternative patterns. However, rather than a mere black-and-white picture, political activity can also oscillate between formal and informal mechanisms, partly accepting the system's rules while rejecting some other elements. A specific tool used in this middle-course strategy is the device of boycott, which has been amply used in Middle Eastern polities in the past. Boycott both addresses the incumbents and the boycotters' constituencies and potential supporters. While it is certainly used as a tool of political baragaining with the incumbents, it also serves the purpose of upholding support from constituencies and international actors. Despite the amplitude of the phenomenon, however, literature on boycott within authoritarian regimes remains slender; the present study therefore seeks to add some conceptual reflections. This is attempted by conceptualizing the rationales involved and deepening our understanding of what motivates opposition activists to boycott elections, but also by categorizing the different forms of boycott. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Mikhail Margelov, the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Federation Council of Russia is presented. When asked about the balance of powers in the Middle East, Margelov says Iran and Turkey are in rivalry for leadership. When asked about positive changes in the Sahel countries, Margelov points out the social reforms by King Mohamed VI in Morocco. He also comments on Russian responses to Egyptian unrest in 2013.

Social civil movements that were devoted to change the power started at the Middle East region in Tunisia and then exercised control over many Arab countries, which has led to the beginning of a new period in the region. In this article we will discuss the new period in question and make a study of some subjects from the management changes in the countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya that have experienced "Arab Spring" in recent history to the events leading to civil war in some countries such as Syria. Within this framework, we will explain why the period has been called under such a name and tell the events encountered in general terms under the title of "What is the Arab Spring?" Then we will evaluate the reasons of the Arab Spring in the political, social and economic categories and analyze these factors. Following this, we will discuss the political and governmental structures of the countries, Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Syria before the Arab Spring within the scope of oppressive leadership structures of these countries. Finally, we will evaluate the governmental structures of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Syria after the events and these ongoing periods comparatively with their pasts and try to answer the question of "Did the Arab Spring manage to democratize the oppressive regimes?" [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political and social conditions of Christians in the Middle East as of late 2013. It describes the significance of the Middle East to Christianity and Christians and violence against Christians by Islamic fundamentalists in countries such as Syria, Iraq, and Egypt. It examines trends of Christians such as Egyptian Copts leaving the Middle East, discusses alleged Western indifference to assaults on Middle Eastern Christians, and notes areas in the Middle East where Christians and Muslims co-exist. The article also discusses the treatment of Christians in Iraq by Iraqi Shiiite and Sunni Muslims.

This article maps Middle Eastern law in some of the thousand plateaus where it operates/operated: Mesopotamian law, Roman provincial law, Islamic law, and post-colonial law, with layers within each, such as Elephantine law in Egypt and Jewish and Christian law in Islam's classical age, as well as new worlds of law, such as Byzantine and Ethiopian law, in which scholarship about interaction with other layers of Middle Eastern law is either inexistent or just starting. The focus is directed as much as possible to the extant documentation in the legal record that most affects people's lives: court decisions. For the modern period, we survey, from the point of view of the legal practitioner, lawyer, or judge, the various bodies of case law and codes in the everyday practice of the Middle East lawyer. A legal family analogous to the common or civil law traditions, Middle Eastern law has emerged as a coherent and active discipline that is increasingly a subject of inquiry for historians, social scientists, and others outside of the legal profession. This article presents the field for more sustained attention from lawyers, judges, and law professors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significance of anti-government protests in the Middle East on its political systems. Topics covered include developments in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria, the emergence of Islamism, and the factors affecting democracy in the region such as culture, leadership and awareness. Also mentioned are the predicament of Yemen and Libya amid the revolution.

An essay is presented concerning the possible transition among Islamist movements in the Middle East from a focus on Islamic ideology to democratic concepts such as as citizenship, religious toleration, and pluralism as of 2013. The article discusses entities such as the Tunisian Ennahda Party, the Party of Justice and Development in Morocco, and the Egyptian political organization known as the Muslim Brotherhood. It also discusses the impact of the Arab Spring.

The article discusses the Arab Springs as a historical epoch the result of which is still evolving and influencing the society, cultural, economic and political conditions of the Middle East. The character of the event as a dynamic phenomenon is based on several factors including the complexity of the Middle Eastern problem, the impact of democracy and globalization, and societal contradictions. A comparison of the normal and post-normal times is offered.

As influential players in the Middle East's regional politics, both American and Iranian officials are trying to define and interpret the wave of Arab revolutions in a way that resonates with their own political narratives. In other words, they want to frame the situation in a way that matches their respective ideologies, which, in turn, would best suit their political interests. I use framing theory to illustrate the frameworks through which top American and Iranian leaders try to portray those regional changes, especially in Egypt. For this purpose, framing theory and its applications will be discussed first. Then, the views of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and President Barack Obama regarding the regional revolts will be analyzed. Based on Robert Entman's four-element formulation of framing, each side's framing is demonstrated through its projection of (1) problem definition, (2) causal interpretation, (3) moral evaluation, and (4) solution/treatment recommendation. The analysis shows how the two sides frame a single phenomenon in extremely different ways: one portrays it as a sign of Islamic awakening against the decades-old rule of western-backed dictators, whereas the other frames it as a pro-democracy movement heralding the emergence of new democratic states. The paper concludes by arguing that the dominance of each government's frames will pave the way for it to claim the uprisings within its own narrative and thus influence the situation on the ground in their desired way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significance and priorities of the group known as the Shanghai Co-operation Organization (SCO) in international affairs as of 2013. It examines concerns among SCO members states on potential security destabilization in regions such as North Africa, the Middle East, and nations such as Syria, economic development in Central Asia, and the political and social organization of Afghanistan. The article also discusses security collaboration efforts among SCO countries.

The article discusses the rule of Ahmad Ibn Tulun in Egypt from 869 to 905, focusing on his attempt to establish an independent emirate. Subjects mentioned include a historical overview of the Abbasid Caliphate from the 6th to 10th centuries, the emergence of emirates in the 9th century, and the impact of the Tulunid rule on the history of Egypt.

This article offers perspectives on the prospects for democratisation in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region in the light of political developments since 2010, with particular reference to international democracy support. An introduction shares certain assumptions about democracy support’s general record before threats and opportunities to democracy support arising from developments in the region are discussed. Next democracy support’s response to those developments is examined, while the fourth section highlights some challenges for democracy support in the region and beyond. Throughout, discussion is contextualised within the larger literature on democratisation. Final remarks lead to the conclusion that developments in the region both present challenges that should be viewed as opportunities, and offer opportunities that will be challenging to address, not just for democracy support in the region and further afield but in terms of the guidance that democratisation studies have to offer. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents an examination into the characteristics and consequences of the ongoing Arab Spring uprisings of the Middle East from their beginnings in late 2010. The ideological goals of the uprisings are identified, noting their attention toward fostering democracy and civil rights in postcolonial Arab politics. The successes and failures of the Arab Spring are evaluated. Broader regional consequences of the events are also examined.

The contest between Saudi Arabia and Iran played out in Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, postwar Iraq and, to a lesser extent, Yemen and Bahrain, has shaped the geopolitics of the region since the 2003 US invasion and occupation of Iraq. The Arab uprisings intensified this geopolitical contest and spread it to Syria. The sectarianisation of the region’s geopolitical battles, and the instrumental use of some of the uprisings for geopolitical ends, has hardened sectarian sentiments across the region, complicated post-authoritarian democratic transitions, and, at least in Syria’s case, transformed its popular uprising into a veritable civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The politic and diplomatic polarization that is seen in Iraq and Syria can't be explained only by internal dynamics. There are also important external dynamics in Iraq and Syria. Russia, Iran and China support the central governments. The USA, England, France and Turkey support the powers which are against central governments. And the polarization between these forces is a reflection of the conflicts between Eurasia and Atlantic powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, what kind of a new regional system would appear in parallel with this important change in international system in the Middle East both has been discussed in intellectual terms, and also has led to major power struggles among regional and external actors. This process has been affected both by international developments such as the 9/11 attacks and also by the changes taking place in the region. The U.S., which became a dominant power in the international system and in the region after the end of the Cold War, made several attempts to establish a new regional system in the Middle East. However, those attempts sometimes failed, sometimes were transformed, and sometimes led to unexpected consequences. Because each time the U.S. had to "negotiate" with regional actors and their policies. In this context, not only anti-U.S. Actors but also allies of the U.S. defied the policies of Washington. The process called "Arab Spring" appeared in such a context. This time, how is the regional policy being shaped in this critical process, which was not launched by the U.S. but in which the U.S. was involved afterwards? Lastly, this paper is seeking answers to this question. In this context, the article examines continuing and changing features of the regional system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author examines the factors that influence responses of armies to revolutions. He notes that uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa have confirmed again that social scientists, politicians and intelligence analysts are poor at predicting revolutions. He cites the role of the regular army in the success of revolutions, noting that a revolution will fail if the military remains intact and stays loyal to the status quo regime. He contends that a more comprehensive approach will lead to an accurate prognosis of the army's likely reaction to a revolution. The four sources that influence the army's response are said to be the military establishment itself, the state, society, and the external environment.

The author discusses the results of the Freedom House's "Freedom in the World 2013," an annual report on political rights and civil liberties. The report showed an increasing number of countries registering declines in political rights and civil liberties in 2012. He notes that gains for freedom in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region were threatened by opposition from governments, ruling families, security forces or religiously based political factions. The report showed a stepped-up drive by authoritarian governments to weaken the elements of democratic governance that pose threats to repressive and corrupt rule.

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, a crucial question is whether popular protest is now likely to be a permanent part of Middle Eastern politics or if the protests that have taken place over the past two years are more likely to be a 'one-shot deal.' We consider this question from a theoretical perspective, focusing on the relationship between the consequences of protests in one period and the incentives to protest in the future. The model provides numerous predictions for why we might observe a phenomenon that we call the 'one-shot deal': when protest occurs at one time but not in the future despite an intervening period of bad governance. The analysis focuses on the learning process of citizens. We suggest that citizens may not only be discovering the type or quality of their new government-as most previous models of adverse selection assume-but rather citizens may also be learning about the universe of potential governments in their country. In this way, bad performance by one government induces some pessimism about possible replacements. This modeling approach expands the formal literature on adverse selection in elections in two ways: it takes seriously the fact that removing governments can be costly, and it explores the relevance of allowing the citizen/principal to face uncertainty about the underlying distribution from which possible government/agent types are drawn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 20th century, the Middle East has suffered from several conflicts which caused new problems in the region. These conflicts have mainly taken place in the aftermath of big changes or deadlocks in the regional subsystem. The so-called Arab Spring and the civil war in Syria seem to have produced similar effects. Therefore, there is a strong possibility that the Middle East will experience new conflicts arising from the dynamics pertaining to the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This critical study focuses on three major conflicts involving protests in the Middle East and North Africa. From a theoretical perspective, this research expands the study of gatekeeping by examining the characteristics of gatekeeping practices by citizen journalists. Overall findings suggest traditional ‘gatekeepers’ continue to maintain the status quo regarding news about conflict zones. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article looks at the gas discoveries in the eastern Mediterranean since the late 1990s and how they have fueled-or otherwise intersected with-the various regional conflicts. About half of the article examines the fate of the 1999 gas discoveries off Gaza (within the maritime space set for the Palestinians by Oslo), and Israel's role in controlling the outcome. The other half is devoted, collectively, to the gas discoveries off Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus, as well as to the ensuing disputes and shifts of alliances involving these three states plus Lebanon and Turkey. Given the state offlux in the region, it is too soon to speculate on the ultimate geopolitical impact of the new finds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competition among the many actors in the regional geopolitics of the Middle East is in general a struggle of actors against each other over power and influence. The two states whose struggle over power and influence in the region has become more palpable with recent developments in the Middle East are Saudi Arabia and Iran. In addition to the political causes and material conditions of the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the regional geopolitics of the Middle East, there are religious causes and ideational conditions, which imports the rivalry between the two states its peculiar nature. In the current regional geopolitics of the Middle East, the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran continues in earnest in Bahrain, Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine, Yemen, and Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]