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The pneumonic plague, which spread across Northeast China during the winter of 1910 and spring of 1911, caused numerous deaths and brought about severe social turmoil. After compulsory quarantine and other epidemic prevention measures were enforced by Dr Wu Lien-teh, the epidemic was brought to an end within 4 months. This article reviews the ways in which the plague was dealt with from a historical perspective, based on factors such as clinical manifestations, duration of illness, case fatality rate, degree of transmissibility, poverty, inadequate healthcare infrastructure, and the region's recent strife-filled history. Similarities were sought between the pneumonic plague in Northeast China in the twentieth century and the Ebola virus outbreak that is currently ravaging Africa, and an effort made to summarize the ways in which specific measures were applied successfully to fight the earlier epidemic. Our efforts highlight valuable experiences that are of potential benefit in helping to fight the current rampant Ebola epidemic in West Africa., (Copyright © 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

In September 1901, a cruise for work and pleasure is organized in Mediterranean including VIP all firstclass (politicals, scientists, clergymen...) These were 174 passengers on the ship Senegal. After a departure from Marseille, the ship must quickly turn and go back on account of a sailor in the crew might be sicked with plague. A quarantine was organised in the lazaret of Frioul's island. This man died but an another actually ill will be cured. All the conference participents landed in the Frioul lazaret stayed only seven days on place and remained uninjured. This misadventure will be studied by scientific people and given to authorities. So, Pr Jules Buckoy' communication to the french Academy of medicine. Adrien Proust gave a report. In this doctoral thesis in 1902 Joseph Pellissier reported all the cases of plague cured in the Frioul lazaret. The physician Charles Leroux made an epidemiologic study about effects and troubles with plague serums. A lot of orig- inal and beautiful photographs, notably those by the famous passenger, Léon Gaumont, are joined in our presentation.

There is still uncertainty about the diagnosis and nature of the plague; some scholars have been forced to abandon certainties and be filled with doubts: from believing that the mediaeval Black Plague was, in reality, the bubonic plague (although with unusual characteristics) to stating that there is very little evidence to support a retro-diagnosis. This article looks at this in depth, not only reviewing the historiography but also giving new interpretations which question previous hypotheses through research on images of the time, comparing them to the most recent investigative data. Two primary sources are analysed: Renaissance treaties written by four Italian doctors: Michele Savonarola, Marsilio Ficino, Leonardo Fioravanti and Gioseffo Daciano; and iconography: an illustrated manuscript of the Decameron by Giovanni Boccaccio and a Hebrew Haggadah from the XIVth century. The results are compared to the most recent research on DNA and in micropaleontology.

The work moves from the low mortality of the plague of Palermo in 1575 - 1576 in comparison to similar outbreaks and contemporary analysis of the activity of Ingrassia, a man that the city government had wanted at his side. The extraordinary health interventions, including those to favor of the predisposition of health building to isolation, gears for a more wide-ranging than the traditional one. The isolation adopted by Ingrassia wasn't a novelty because it was already in use half a century earlier, as the Previdelli wrote. We assume that the population in crisis, hungry and out of work for the huge military expenditure of king Philip II, would have prompted the City government to use the outbreak for the purposes of <>. At the same goal always answered in the sixteenth century the establishment of the parish, created to divide the territory in order to guide and control the practice of the faith of the people. Ingrassia, a man next to political power, which in turn welded with the spiritual power in order to implement the Catholic Counter-Reformation, justified the coercive initiatives towards the population. The practice of medicine, as still happens today, is affected by the conditions of the policy, raising one of the fundamental principles of bioethics, the question ofthe independence ofthe doctor: a physician divided by the duty to represent the legitimate interests of the patient and those of political power, perhaps not always shared. It is a new interpretation of the activity of Ingrassia and his <> results than the plague.

This paper aims to examine the preventive measures taken against the plague in colonial Korea, particularly as applied to the control of Chinese coolies in 1911, soon after the annexation. The Government General of Korea began preventive measures with a train quarantine in Shin'uiju and Incheon in response to the spread of the plague to the Southern Manchuria. Shin' uiju had become urbanized due the development of the transportation network, and the seaport of Incheon was the major hub for traffic with China. Examining the transportation routes for the entry and exit of Chinese to and from Korea makes clear the reason why the Korea Government General initiated preventive measures in mid-January, 1911. The Government General of Korea tried to block the entry of Chinese through the land border crossing with China and through ports of entry, primarily Incheon. During the implementation of the preventive measures, quarantine facilities were built, including a quarantine station and isolation facility in Incheon. It was also needed to investigate the population and residential locations of Chinese in Korea to prevent the spread of plague. A certificate of residence was issued to all Chinese in Korea, which they needed to carry when they travelled. The preventive measures against plague which broke out in Manchuria were removed gradually. However, there was no specific measures against Chinese coolies, those who had migrated from China to work in the spring in Korea. Still the Government General of Korea had doubt about an infection of the respiratory system. As a result, the labor market in colonial Korea underwent changes in this period. The Government General recruited Korean laborers, instead of Chinese coolies whose employment had been planned. This move explains the Government General's strong preventive measures against plague and uncertainty in the route of plague infection, which influenced subsequent regulations on the prohibition of Chinese coolies working on the public enterprise sites and the improvement of labor conditions for Korean laborers.

Analysis of the archaic customs of burying the deceased in Srem, primarily amongst Serbs, in the second half of the 18th century is the essential part of the paper that aims at clarifying the consequences of this negative habit onto the spreading of plague epidemic. The Austrian Empire tried to stop and prevent the epidemic with an array of legal norms, but in practice, these orders were often not upheld. Serbian Metropolitans Pavle Nenadović and Stefan Stratimirović insisted on eradicating superstition and retrograde, often uncivilized actions in burial rituals, and they partially succeeded. The example of plague in Irig and the surroundings in 1795-1796 explicitly shows the hazardous effects of the inadequate attitude towards the deceased as one of the factors in spreading the epidemic. Using primary archives, and published sources, with adequate literature, authors depict this complex historical process.

Previous research has shown that the Black Death targeted older adults and individuals who had been previously exposed to physiological stressors. This project investigates whether this selectivity of the Black Death, combined with post-epidemic rising standards of living, led to significant improvements in patterns of skeletal stress markers, and by inference in health, among survivors and their descendants. Patterns of periosteal lesions (which have been previously shown, using hazard analysis, to be associated with elevated risks of mortality in medieval London) are compared between samples from pre-Black Death (c. 1,000-1,300, n = 464) and post-Black Death (c. 1,350-1,538, n = 133) London cemeteries. To avoid the assumptions that stress markers alone provide a direct measure of health and that a change in frequencies of the stress marker by itself indicates changes in health, this study assesses age-patterns of the stress marker to obtain a more nuanced understanding of the population-level effects of an epidemic disease. Age-at-death in these samples is estimated using transition analysis, which provides point estimates of age even for the oldest adults in these samples and thus allows for an examination of physiological stress across the lifespan. The frequency of lesions is significantly higher in the post-Black Death sample, which, at face value, might indicate a general decline in health. However, a significant positive association between age and periosteal lesions, as well as a significantly higher number of older adults in the post-Black Death sample more likely suggests improvements in health following the epidemic., (© 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

The author explains military surgeon Balme's biograpyhy, especially during Bonaparte's Egyptian campaign (1798-1801). As there is some possible confusion with another Claude Balme, some archives deserve to be closely scrutinized. Through Balme's reports the author insists on his courageous part in several scurvy or plague epidemics. He was himself marked on his face; he ended his life in Lyons as a town-councillor.

In severe health crisis like those of 1854-1856, 1899 and 1918, especially in Porto, where cholera morbus, the bubonic plague, typhus fever, pneumonic influenza and smallpox killed high percentages of the population, the images of the epidemics in the press enable us to identify the scientific knowledge in a country considered peripheral, but which had studies and personnel specialized at the most advanced levels for the time. A database of 6,700 news items and announcements reveals the medical and pharmaceutical knowledge of the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the way it was transmitted and disclosed to the public and the solutions offered by the health authorities. Hygiene was consistently highlighted in the news and announcements.

Background: Yersinia pestis has caused at least three human plague pandemics. The second (Black Death, 14-17th centuries) and third (19-20th centuries) have been genetically characterised, but there is only a limited understanding of the first pandemic, the Plague of Justinian (6-8th centuries). To address this gap, we sequenced and analysed draft genomes of Y pestis obtained from two individuals who died in the first pandemic., Methods: Teeth were removed from two individuals (known as A120 and A76) from the early medieval Aschheim-Bajuwarenring cemetery (Aschheim, Bavaria, Germany). We isolated DNA from the teeth using a modified phenol-chloroform method. We screened DNA extracts for the presence of the Y pestis-specific pla gene on the pPCP1 plasmid using primers and standards from an established assay, enriched the DNA, and then sequenced it. We reconstructed draft genomes of the infectious Y pestis strains, compared them with a database of genomes from 131 Y pestis strains from the second and third pandemics, and constructed a maximum likelihood phylogenetic tree., Findings: Radiocarbon dating of both individuals (A120 to 533 AD [plus or minus 98 years]; A76 to 504 AD [plus or minus 61 years]) places them in the timeframe of the first pandemic. Our phylogeny contains a novel branch (100% bootstrap at all relevant nodes) leading to the two Justinian samples. This branch has no known contemporary representatives, and thus is either extinct or unsampled in wild rodent reservoirs. The Justinian branch is interleaved between two extant groups, 0.ANT1 and 0.ANT2, and is distant from strains associated with the second and third pandemics., Interpretation: We conclude that the Y pestis lineages that caused the Plague of Justinian and the Black Death 800 years later were independent emergences from rodents into human beings. These results show that rodent species worldwide represent important reservoirs for the repeated emergence of diverse lineages of Y pestis into human populations., Funding: McMaster University, Northern Arizona University, Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Canada Research Chairs Program, US Department of Homeland Security, US National Institutes of Health, Australian National Health and Medical Research Council., (Copyright © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

In the person of Boccaccio the humanism of Florence found its major representative. In 1358 he completed his great work, The Decameron, begun some ten years earlier. Considered the prelude to the new spirit that was to be manifested by the Renaissance, it was written in the spirit of a human-centred era. In the tales of The Decameron, based on events occurring during the plague at Florence of 1348, Boccaccio provides a detailed outline of how medical events were viewed at a time of transition from the Middle Ages to the new age of change. The Decameron opens with a description of the Bubonic Plague (Black Death). Boccaccio knows that it started in the East, and attributes it either to the influence of heavenly bodies or to God's anger over the wicked deeds of men. But the symptoms of the plague are not like those in the East, where he has heard that a sudden gush of blood from the nose is a sure sign of impending death. Instead, there are swellings, the buboes, in the groin and under the armpit, growing to the size of a small apple or an egg, then large purple or black spots on other parts of the body, and death soon afterwards. This leads to the story of a group of seven young women and three young men who fled from plague-ridden Florence to a villa outside the city walls. To pass the time, they organized themselves so that each person at night has to amuse the others by telling a story. The stories, told over ten days, contain dramatic and or humorous, elements, and many refer in one way or another to the way illness was conceived and managed in those times.

The present study highlights the history of lazarettos in Candia (modern Heraklion, Crete, Greece), which was the most important Venetian possession in the Mediterranean at the time, while at the same time it recounts the terrible plague which went down in history as the Great Plague of Candia (1592-1595). The study will also attempt to give a satisfactory answer to the epidemiological questions raised by the worst epidemic that Crete had experienced since the era of the Black Death in the 14th century. The city was about to lose more than a half of its population (51.3%), although it was saved from complete annihilation by the composure, courage and inventiveness of its Venetian commander, Filippo Pasqualigo, whose report to the Venetian Senate makes an invaluable source of information regarding the events of this dramatic period. Candia would also witness the emergence of typical human reactions in cases of epidemics and mass deaths, such as running away along with the feeling of self-preservation, dissolute life and ephemeral pleasures, as well as lawlessness and criminality. The lazaretto proved inefficient in the face of a disaster of such scale, whereas the epidemic functioned as a "crash-test" for the Venetian health system. Eventually, in an era when the microbial nature of the disease was unknown, it seems that it was practically impossible to handle emergency situations of large-scale epidemics successfully, despite strict laws and well-organized precautionary health systems.

2013 was the year to celebrate Yersin: the 150th anniversary of his birth and the 70th anniversary of his death. Beyond the images usually attached to the memory of this doctor who discovered the bubonic plague bacillus (in Hong Kong in 1894), the author seeks to introduce Yersin, the man, as an explorer curious about his environment rather than a scientist concerned with honors and public recognition. Alexandre Yersin is an atypical figure in the universe of Pasteur, his collaborators, students, and followers. Although he began his career working with Louis Pasteur following the development of the vaccine against rabies, in 1885, the call of the sea led him to quit the laboratory on rue Ulm to, he said, "explore new lands". He worked for the Messageries maritimes merchant shipping company. In Saigon, he met Albert Calmette, who convinced him to join the newly created Colonial Army Medical Corps. In 1892 in Nha-Trang, Yersin set up a bacteriology laboratory in a straw hut; it subsequently became the first Pasteur Institute in Indochina, the starting point of a network of research laboratories. During the bubonic plague epidemic that raged in Hong Kong, Yersin succeeded in isolating its causal agent, surprising even himself by the ease with which he did so. He was 30 years old then, but what could have been the start of a prestigious career, crowned with honors, was spent instead at the service of the local populations. His exploration of the Vietnam highlands gave Yersin the occasion to cultivate and reveal a prodigious eclecticism and his profound humanism. He led three explorations in unknown regions of Annam and contributed to the development of this country by his social, educational, medical, and economic approach, entirely dedicated to aiding the indigenous populations. Yersin never left Vietnam again. He worked as an astronomer and agronomist (introducing the cultivation of cinchona (source of quinine) and rubber trees in the country) - always close to the population. He is buried at Nha-Trang; the Vietnamese continue to honor his memory fervently.

Human plague remains a public health concern in Tanzania despite its quiescence in most foci for years, considering the recurrence nature of the disease. Despite the long-standing history of this problem, there have not been recent reviews of the current knowledge on plague in Tanzania. This work aimed at providing a current overview of plague in Tanzania in terms of its introduction, potential reservoirs, possible causes of plague persistence and repeated outbreaks in the country. Plague is believed to have been introduced to Tanzania from the Middle East through Uganda with the first authentication in 1886. Xenopsylla brasiliensis, X. cheopis, Dinopsyllus lypusus, and Pulex irritans are among potential vectors while Lophuromys spp, Praomys delectorum, Graphiurus murinus, Lemniscomys striatus, Mastomys natalensis, and Rattus rattus may be the potential reservoirs. Plague persistence and repeated outbreaks in Tanzania are likely to be attributable to a complexity of factors including cultural, socio-economical, environmental and biological. Minimizing or preventing people's proximity to rodents is probably the most effective means of preventing plague outbreaks in humans in the future. In conclusion, much has been done on plague diagnosis in Tanzania. However, in order to achieve new insights into the features of plague epidemiology in the country, and to reorganize an effective control strategy, we recommend broader studies that will include the ecology of the pathogen, vectors and potential hosts, identifying the reservoirs, dynamics of infection and landscape ecology.

A vampire is a non-dead and non-alive chimerical creature, which, according to various folklores and popular superstitions, feeds on blood of the living to draw vital force. Vampires do not reproduce by copulation, but by bite. Vampirism is thus similar to a contagious disease contracted by intravascular inoculation with a suspected microbial origin. In several vampire films, two real bacteria were staged, better integrated than others in popular imagination: Yersinia pestis and Treponema pallidum. Bacillus vampiris was created for science-fiction. These films are attempts to better define humans through one of their greatest fears: infectious disease., (Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.)

Recent data implicate Salmonella enterica serovar Typhi as a causative pathogen of the Plague of Athens during the Peloponnesian War (430-426 bc). According to Thucydides, the sudden outbreak of the disease may link to poisoning of the water reservoirs by the Spartans. The siege of a city was aimed at exhausting the supplies of a population, which often led to the outbreak and spread of epidemics. Poisoning of the water reservoirs of a besieged city as an act of bioterrorism would probably shorten the necessary time for such conditions to appear.

The Great Plague in Moscow 1770-1772 was suppressed in four months due to the strict and effective administrative measures and outstanding efforts of the doctors in Moscow. For many decades of the previous century the role of the Russian nobility in this victory was "forgotten". In this paper, based on the original documents published just after the Plague in 1775, a real historical picture of that Great Victory has been reconstructed. Many errors and inaccuracies in our historical-medical literature have been corrected and the forgotten role of the Russian nobility in suppressing this serious epidemic has been resurrected. This includes the role of the Senate, the Empress Catherine the Great and Count Gregory Orlov who had been sent by her to Moscow with unlimited power "to put everything in due order", as well as contribution of the Russian scientists in the worldwide struggle against plague.

Ricardo Jorge was one of the principal doctors responsible for the sanitary transition in Portugal. He created and enforced the most important policies for disease control, both endemic and epidemic, which scourged the western world between the mid nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth. His professional training and academic and scientific performances reveal Ricardo Jorge's value in Portuguese science and his efforts for its internationalization. His capacities were confirmed by the emergency of the sanitary situations with which he was confronted and by the authorities' confidence in him, by putting him in charge of the bubonic plague elimination process.

The fragrant camphor tree (Cinnamomum camphora) and its products, such as camphor oil, have been coveted since ancient times. Having a rich history of traditional use, it was particularly used as a fumigant during the era of the Black Death and considered as a valuable ingredient in both perfume and embalming fluid. Camphor has been widely used as a fragrance in cosmetics, as a food flavourant, as a common ingredient in household cleaners, as well as in topically applied analgesics and rubefacients for the treatment of minor muscle aches and pains. Camphor, traditionally obtained through the distillation of the wood of the camphor tree, is a major essential oil component of many aromatic plant species, as it is biosynthetically synthesised; it can also be chemically synthesised using mainly turpentine as a starting material. Camphor exhibits a number of biological properties such as insecticidal, antimicrobial, antiviral, anticoccidial, anti-nociceptive, anticancer and antitussive activities, in addition to its use as a skin penetration enhancer. However, camphor is a very toxic substance and numerous cases of camphor poisoning have been documented. This review briefly summarises the uses and synthesis of camphor and discusses the biological properties and toxicity of this valuable molecule.

Smallpox has been known in the Mascarene Islands since 1729, and in 1898, the vaccinogenic and anti-rabies Institute of Tananarive, the future Pasteur Institute of Madagascar, was created to combat it. Cholera first arrived in the Mascarenes in 1819, but did not affect the Comoros Islands and Madagascar until the current pandemic. Bubonic plague has beset the ports of Madagascar and the Mascarenes since 1898. Girard and Robic developed the anti-plague vaccine in 1931 at the Pasteur Institute of Madagascar. The Mascarenes lost their reputation as Eden when malaria arrived in 1841, and this disease remains prominent in Madagascar and Comoros. Leprosy has been known in La Réunion since 1726 and is still very present in Mayotte, Anjouan, and Madagascar. Leptospirosis is a public health problem, except in Madagascar and the Comoros. Dengue, chikungunya, and Rift Valley fever are also present. HIV/AIDS is not a major concern, except in Mauritius, where it was spread by injection drug use, in the Seychelles and in Madagascar's largest cities. Madagascar is the principal site worldwide of chromoblastomycosis, first described there in 1914.

In recent decades, the issue of emerging and re-emerging infectious diseases has become an increasingly important area of concern in public health. Today, like centuries ago, infectious diseases confront us with the fear of death and have heavily influenced social behaviors and policy decisions at local, national and international levels. Remarkably, an infectious disease such as plague, which is disseminated from one country to another mainly by commercial transportation, remains today, as it was in the distant past, a threat for human societies. Throughout history, plague outbreaks prevailed on numerous occasions in Mediterranean harbors, including Marseille in the south of France. A few months ago, the municipal authorities of the city of Marseille, announced the archaeological discovery of the last remnants of a "lazaretto" or "lazaret" (http://20.minutes.fr, March 3th, 2012), a place equipped with an infirmary and destined to isolate ship passengers quarantined for health reasons. More recently, on September 16th, 2012, the anchor of the ship "Grand Saint Antoine" responsible for bringing the plague to Marseille in 1720, was recovered and it will be restored before being presented to the public in 2013 (http://www.libemarseille.fr/henry/2012/09/lancre-du-bateau-qui-amena-la-grande-peste-%C3%A0-marseille.html). In the light of these recent archaeological discoveries, it is quite instructive to revisit the sequence of events and decisions that led to the outbreak of the Great Plague of Marseille between 1720 and 1723. It comes to the evidence that although the threat was known and health surveillance existed with quite effective preventive measures such as quarantine, the accumulation of small negligence led to one of the worst epidemics in the city (about 30% of casualties among the inhabitants). This is an excellent model to illustrate the issues we are facing with emerging and re-emerging infectious diseases today and to define how to improve biosurveillance and response tomorrow. Importantly, the risk of plague dissemination by transport trade is negligible between developed countries, however, this risk still persists in developing countries. In addition, the emergence of antibiotic resistant strains of Yersinia pestis, the infectious agent of plague, is raising serious concerns for public health., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Between 1600 and 1700, sudden, profound, and multifarious changes occurred in philosophy, science, medicine, politics, and society. In an extremely convulsed century, these profound and convergent upheavals produced the equivalent of a cultural big bang, which opened a new domain of knowledge acquisition based on population thinking and group comparisons. In 1662, when John Graunt applied-for the first time-the new approach to the analysis of causes of death in London, he gave epidemiology a singular date of birth. This was exactly 350 years ago.

Mobility and migration patterns of groups and individuals have long been a topic of interest to archaeologists, used for broad explanatory models of cultural change as well as illustrations of historical particularism. The 14th century AD was a tumultuous period of history in Britain, with severely erratic weather patterns, the Great Famine of 1315-1322, the Scottish Wars of Independence, and the Hundred Years' War providing additional migration pressures to the ordinary economic issues drawing individuals to their capital under more stable conditions. East Smithfield Black Death Cemetery (Royal Mint) had a documented use period of only 2 years (AD 1348-1350), providing a precise historical context (∼50 years) for data. Adults (n = 30) from the East Smithfield site were sampled for strontium and oxygen stable isotope analyses of tooth enamel. Five individuals were demonstrated to be statistical outliers through the combined strontium and oxygen isotope data. Potential origins for migrants ranged from London's surrounding hinterlands to distant portions of northern and western Britain. Historic food sourcing practices for London were found to be an important factor for consideration in a broader than expected (87) Sr/(86) Sr range reflected in a comparison of enamel samples from three London datasets. The pooled dataset demonstrated a high level of consistency between site data, divergent from the geologically predicted range. We argue that this supports the premise that isotope data in human populations must be approached as a complex interaction between behavior and environment and thus should be interpreted cautiously with the aid of alternate lines of evidence., (Copyright © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)