Search

The first privatized penal establishment was commissioned in early April 1992, The Wolds Remand Prison, Humberside. In April 1993 it is proposed to restructure HM Prison Service as a government agency, rather than a government department. These policies are not new. In fact it is a repeat of history, and the Prison Service will be established as a dual system, as it was prior to the 1877 Prisons Act. Government accountability and control may be removed from the Home Office. A privatized prison may be run in the name of its shareholders, and not in the name of Her Majesty The Queen – hence the title of this article. Argues that privatization will not decrease overcrowding, but encourage it, along with potential corruption.

The prevalence of mental disorder amongst prisoners refusing food was studied by examining the prison records of a remand prison and a dispersal prison. Food refusal occurred predominantly in the remand prison. Less than one per cent of the annual remand population engaged in this behaviour. The results indicate that prisoners refusing food do so as a form of protest and that the prevalence of mental disorder among such prisoners is high. The majority respond to observation and counselling. Important indicators of psychosis are: (i) the inability of the prisoner to divulge reasons for his behaviour; and (ii) the refusal by the prisoner of both food and fluids. In such cases transfer to hospital for treatment may be urgently required.

Overview This study investigated the general and oral health status and behaviours and the dental treatment requirements of remand prisoners. It makes recommendations on how their oral health care needs may be met. Method A convenience sample of 78 remand prisoners participated in the study within HMP Brixton. The study involved a structured interview, to establish health status and behaviours as well as perceived oral health needs, combined with an oral examination to establish normative treatment need. Results Prisoners' general health was compromised. In particular, there were high levels of mental illness and infectious disease. Unhealthy behaviours such as tobacco smoking, alcohol use, drug dependency, and high sugar diets were commonplace. This affected the remand prisoners' oral health, which presented with high levels of decay and relatively low levels of both missing and filled teeth. Whilst prisoners made high use of prison dental services, they made little use of dental services outside of prison. The high turnover of remand prisoners and high demand for emergency care made the delivery of preventive and routine care difficult. Conclusion Remand prisoners have compromised general and oral health compared with the general population. They exhibit poor oral health, which is contributed to by their lifestyles and health behaviours.

There are currently some 350000 individuals incarcerated in Brazil. Although the countrys incarceration rate (191/100000 inhabitants in 2005) is far short of the worlds highest rates (USA 738/100000 Russia 600/100000) it has increased by 44% since 2001 increasing the prisons occupancy rate to 143%. Considering this prison overpopulation and the precarious conditions (confinement in poorly ventilated cells) it is no surprise that tuberculosis (TB) a disease characterized by airborne transmission poses a major problem for inmates the majority of whom come from communities where TB is highly endemic and who are repeatedly exposed to the risk of re-infection as repeat incarcerations are frequent. In prisons of the State of Rio de Janeiro the TB incidence rate in prisons (3532/100000) was 30 times that of the overall State in 2005 and chest X-ray screening studies in 2002 (n = 6500 inmates) showed prevalence rates ranging from 4.6% to 8.2% varying from one prison to another. Some 3% of inmates already have TB upon entering penitentiaries which may be related to the high endemicity in their original communities but also to conditions of confinement in police remand jails. (excerpt)

Editor—Lincoln et al report the US experience of smoke-free prisons.1 We report experience in Ashfield Young Offenders Institute, a prison in South Gloucestershire which accepts remand and sentenced young people between the ages of 15 and 18. Ashfield introduced a smoke-free policy on 1 February 2005. Smoking is not permitted in the prison by young offenders …

Editor—In their case study of substance misuse by remand prisoners Mason et al found that “present prison procedures fail to identify the extent to which substances are used and misused in people newly remanded to prison.”1 In a recent (unpublished) study of the health needs presented by prisoners remanded into La Moye prison, Jersey, I examined the …

800 people are held in immigration detention centres and prisons at any one time. The reasons given for their detention are unclear and often appear arbitrary. The majority are awaiting an initial decision on their claim or the outcome of an appeal against refusal. The average duration of detention is six months, with some asylum seekers in detention for over a year. There is no review of the process by an independent and impartial body. The decision to detain is intern ally reviewed by the Home Office, and detainees are not automatically entitled to bail hearings, a right accorded to all other detained prisoners in the UK. Asylum seekers may be held together with convicted or remand prisoners, despite the fact that they have not committed or been charged with any offence. Many persons so held go on to be recognised as genuine refugees often after prolonged and unnecessary suffering. A number of groups have expressed concern regarding the welfare and health of such people (Amnesty International, 1995; Committee for the Prevention of Torture. 1996). Indeed, in a report published by HM Inspector of Prisons it was noted that "detention without time limit, no

EDITOR—Prisons in England and Wales are known to house a considerable number of mentally ill people.1–3 Many of these people probably pass through health screening undetected when they are received into prison and remain on ordinary location (on prison wings) without ever coming to the attention of a doctor.4 5 During two visits to large local male remand prisons as a guest medical inspector with …

Mixed feelings predominate for 1998. Some excellent epidemiological studies from Scandinavia and the USA have been published, mainly by social scientists, and some important studies of neurobiological correlates of violence have appeared. However, 1998 is likely to be remembered as the year when the implications of politically determined legislative change became clearer. In the USA, legislation passed in seven states and planned in 21 more allows the indefinite incarceration in mental hospitals of those with no mental illness or treatable abnormality, who have completed prison sentences for sexual offences. This has been described by US psychiatrists as the political detention in psychiatric hospital of those deemed to have antisocial traits. In the UK, the Sex Offenders Act 1997 introduced the compulsory notification of the addresses of sex offenders released from prison, a move that led to tabloid witch-hunts and to at least one offender seeking voluntary asylum in a psychiatric hospital. The temptation to use psychiatric hospitals for the indefinite detention of those deemed "dangerous" can be seen in the remarks of the home secretary in October 1998 on the case of Michael Stone, an untreatable psychopath convicted of murderremarks described as "ignorant" by the president of the Royal College of Psychiatrists. Other anti-libertarian legislation introduced in England and Wales includes: the mandatory sentencing to prison of mentally ill people convicted of certain offences for the second or third time, except in "exceptional circumstances" (mental illness not being intended to constitute an exceptional circumstance); the means being made available for the extension of the new hybrid prison and hospital order for psychopaths to mental illness (Crime Sentences Act 1997); the power to take DNA samples without consent from mentally disordered offenders (Criminal Evidence [Amendment] Act 1997); and the loosening of confidentiality restrictions (Crime and Disorder Act 1998). In the USA, court hospital disposals are largely restricted to those few who meet insanity criteria, in contrast to the UK and even Cuba, where the diversion of the mentally disordered from the criminal justice system into health and social care has long been a matter of policy consensus. Editorials in The Lancet and the BA/Iff in 1998 have highlighted problems with health care in prisons and identified the matter as a human rights issue. In the UK, a study of psychiatric morbidity in prisons by Singleton and colleagues found that 7% of sentenced men, 10% of men on remand, and 14% of women in both categories were assessed as having a psychotic illness in the past year. This is at a time when the number of people in prison continues to increase, and equates with 4500 men and 400 women in prisons with recent or

The expertise of a Cesare Lombroso was not required in order to deduce that the remand prisoner sent to me for examination and report was no Einstein. He was obviously dim, but exactly how dim was part of my job to find out. To this end I asked him if he minded answering a few simple questions. He nodded his assent. "Are you good at sums?", was my initial query. "Oright", he replied. 'Tell me then, what are six times seven?" His close-set eyes narrowed even further as he grappled with the problem. And then enlightenment dawned: "Thirty-nine", he said brightly, "Right?" "No, I'm afraid you're wrong", I replied sorrowfully. "What is it, then?" he demanded, looking somewhat vexed. "Fortytwo", 1said. His expression changed to something approaching contempt. "Near enough, innit!", he retorted.

Recent changes to the law relating to bail have increased the power of criminal justice agencies to arrest and monitor defendants granted bail by the police or the courts, refuse the grant of bail, and appeal against a magistrates' decision to grant bail. These measures provide overwhelming evidence of the erosion of rights of suspects and defendants in the remand process who are, in theory at least, innocent until proven guilty. They were introduced to redress the perceived imbalance between the powers of the prosecution and the rights of defendants. However, evidence from a research project carried out into the practical operation of the remand process suggests that the remand process already favoured the prosecution and that many of the rights afforded to defendants were not utilized in practice. As a result, the changes in the law were unnecessary and will result in an increase in unnecessary custodial remands. One of the major law and order debates during the 1990s concerned the issue of offending on bail. This debate was spearheaded by the police, backed up by their own research findings.1 They argued that defendants were routinely abusing bail and they and the courts lacked the power to prevent this occurring. This argument followed a similar line to those relating to other areas of the criminal justice process which centred around the contention that the balance of the process had moved too far in favour of the accused. In other words, the rights of suspects and defendants had become so strong that factually guilty people were able to abuse the system and evade prosecution and conviction. One of the hallmarks of these debates was the use of specific atypical cases to illustrate the ability of accused persons to abuse the system, for example, the case in Gloucester of a man released on bail on a charge of rape who murdered a women while awaiting trial on the first charge. The arguments presented by the police were strengthened by extensive media coverage which brought this issue into the public eye and created a moral panic about persistent offenders who

Among the miscellaneous provisions of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994, is a new power for the police to attach conditions to 'police bail', a power hitherto reserved only for the courts.' This new power is of potential significance to defendants, the courts, and criminal justice lawyers alike, as well as to the police. The view within the Home Office is that the measure, which was recommended by the Royal Commission on Criminal Justice, should result in a significant reduction in the number of people kept overnight in police cells, a reduction in the number of 'overnight remand' cases for magistrates' courts to have to deal with and a corresponding reduction in the court-based work of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) and defence solicitors.2 Prior to implementation of the new measure, after charging someone, the police had two options; either to release them (on 'police bail') to attend court at a later date or to hold them overnight in police cells to appear before magistrates on the following morning. There the prosecution would typically argue either that the defendant should be remanded in custody until the date of trial or, if the court was inclined to grant bail, that certain conditions should be attached, such as a curfew or weekly reporting at a local police station.3 The main argument which advocates of the new power have stressed is that, hitherto, many defendants have had to be detained overnight in police cells simply because the police have been of the view that 'unconditional police bail' would not be appropriate. Now, however, the new power offers the police the opportunity to release more defendants after charge to attend court at a future date and detain only those who they feel the court should remand in custody rather than on bail. In turn, magistrates' clerks, the CPS, and defence solicitors should not have their planned schedules of hearings at court disrupted by so many 'overnight remands' (often a particular problem on Monday mornings after a spate of weekend arrests). It might thus seem good news for all concerned, and particularly, of course, for those

This study examines detention practices of sixty-six county juvenile courts in one state during a three year period. Two kinds of analyses are reported. First, courts with and courts without a detention home are compared. Second, in courts with a detention home the effect of the juvenile's prior court contacts, offenses, sex, and race on detention are examined. Courts without a detention home detain juveniles with less frequency than courts with a detention home even though juveniles in both types of courts have the same characteristics. Variation among the courts in detention practices as a consequence of the availability of a detention home suggests that there may be needless detention of children. The number of prior court contacts of a juvenile increases the probability of detention. Overall, offenders who commit juvenile code violations are more frequently detained than juveniles who commit other offenses. White females are detained more frequently than any other group. While some findings point to discriminatory handling of non white juveniles, other findings suggest that nonwhites are not always treated more harshly than whites. The study of the careers of juveniles as they are processed through the court enables us to evaluate social control agencies and to make them responsive to the people they serve.

A referral system used in a remand and assessment centre for behaviourally disturbed boys is described. The psychiatric input to the centre is undertaken in the context of a multidisciplinary approach. The aim of the present study was to assist non-psychiatrically trained staff to make suitable referrals to psychiatrists. This enables the psychiatrist to work with the institution as a whole, without neglecting the needs of individual boys.

The individual in international law — Aliens — Position of — Plea of non — discrimination — Claim for compensation brought by alien for time spent in detention on remand when innocent — Rejection of claim because of lack of reciprocity of treatment in claimant's State of nationality — Whether constitutes discrimination contrary to Basic Law of Federal Republic of Germany 1949, Article 3 — The law of the Federal Republic of GermanyState responsibility — Nature and kinds of — For wrongs unconnected with contractual obligations — Acts and omissions of State organs and officials — Plea of non-discrimination against foreigners — Claim for compensation brought by foreign national for time spent in detention on remand when innocent — Rejection of claim because of lack of reciprocity of treatment in claimant’s State of nationality — Whether discrimination contrary to Basic Law of Federal Republic of Germany, Article 3 — Whether justifiable on the basis of need to strengthen diplomatic protection of nationals abroad — The law of the Federal Republic of Germany

a period of probation. Each of these offenders was matched with a first offender who appeared in the same court during the same period of time, was remanded at home, and subsequently given a period of probation. The matching was done on age at the time of remand (within one year), and type and number of charges (the same). As groups the offenders were also com parable in length of probation orders: 77 and 79 of those remanded in custody and at home, respectively, were given 12 months probation, the remainders 18 to 24 months. It can be noted, however, that the length of probationary supervision was shown to have no relationship to recidivism for the population in question (Kraus, 1970). At the time of remand the age range of the juveniles was 11 to 17, the mode 16 years. If it is accepted that taking consecutive cases is a good approximation of random sampling, then the sample of remands in custody N=go has distribution-free tolerance limits of 95 per cent, with a confidence probability of 0-99. Procedure

The study reports the findings of an examination of bail decisions in a magistrates' court, which are considered in the light of the major issues of the bail system in recent years. It was found that the role of the police was of less significance than in previous studies and that the basic legal provisions were the dominant factor in many decisions. While it was clear that bail rates have increased over the years it was equally clear that certain features of bail decision-making remain problematic. It is suggested that better system. Not all criminal cases that are brought before a magistrates' court can be disposed of at the first hearing. For example, the prosecution or the defence may require time to prepare their case or the court may require reports on the defendant prior to sentence. These and other matters involve remands and the court has to decide if the remand should be on bail or in custody. The system of bail decision-making has received critical comment1 and some degree of statutory reform (most notably by the Bail Act 1976) in the period since the early 1960s. A major problem has been that the quality of decision-making is suspect. The system does not facilitate informed discretion and consistency in its use. A particular criticism has been that the limited amount of information made available to the courts has mainly been provided by the police and that the courts are too willing to adhere to the police viewpoint. One implication of such a system is that defendants, often unconvicted, may be unnecessarily remanded in custody. Such an injustice can be increased in several ways. First, defendants may be subsequently acquitted or declared unsuitable for a custodial sentence. Secondly, whilst in prison awaiting trial a defendant may find his ability to prepare for trial impaired. Thirdly, defendants remanded in custody are most likely to plead guilty and to receive custodial sentences. Other adverse effects of custody may materalise in relation to a defendant's family, employment and abode. For the penal system unnecessary detentions before trial add to the pressure on prisons. Finally, it is also possible that defendants who would be best remanded in custody are being released on bail to pose a threat to the operation of the criminal justice system and the community generally. In this article the findings of an investigation into the workings of the bail system after the Bail Act 1976 are

The remand of juveniles to adult court has traditionally been justified as providing protection to the public by identifying the most intractable and dangerous delinquents. The present analysis of the case histories of 214 remanded juveniles and interviews with key decision makers does not support this traditional rhetoric. There is little evidence to suggest that those juveniles remanded are singularly dangerous or intractable, nor is there evidence to suggest that their remand enhances public safety. In contrast to traditional rhetoric, the present analysis suggests that organizational and political factors account for the high rate of remand. In evidencing a willingness to relinquish jurisdiction over a small percentage of its clientele, and by portraying these juveniles as the most intractable and the greatest threat to public safety, the juvenile system not only creates an effective symbolic gesture regarding protection of the public but it also advances its territorial interests in maintaining jurisdiction over the vast majority of juveniles and deflecting more encompassing criticisms of the entire system.

Excessive or biased preadjudicatory juvenile detention is one of the greatest abuses in the juvenile justice system. This article considers whether introducing full due process into juvenile detention proceedings would reduce detention abuses. It compares research findings on detention practices to legal goals of detention for juveniles and adults. The findings of a study of a system of juvenile detention that guarantees juveniles full due process rights, including bail, are then presented. An analysis of the reasons for juvenile detention suggests that changes in laws or standards unaccompanied by other important changes in the institutions dealing with juveniles will not remedy abuses.

The application of a self-rating scale concerned with psychiatric syndromes to a sample of under-21 males remanded for psychiatric reports has been described. Independent of age and intelligence within the range of this sample, it has been shown to distinguish between the "normal" and the "non-normal" parts of the remand population. The breakdown of this population into distinct and recognizable categories of cases is given, and there are suggestive indications that the scale may afford distinctive profiles for at least some of these categories. Certain aspects of some of the sub-scales were discussed, and continued application of the scale is expected to throw some instructive light on some distinctions between and affinities among certain groups of cases, notably those involved in drug taking. Further work is in hand on these groups.

Purpose\ud\udThis study aimed to describe the workings of an urban male remand prison mental health service exploring the key challenges and successes, levels of integration and collaboration with other services.\udMethod\ud\udA purposive sampling was used to recruit key prison and healthcare professionals for in-depth interviews. A thematic analysis was used to analyse transcripts based on an initial coding frame of several predefined themes. Other key themes were also identified.\udResults\ud\udTwenty-eight interviews were conducted. Prisoners referred to the service had complex, sometimes acute mental illness requiring specialist assessment and treatment. Key successes of the in-reach service included the introduction of an open referral system, locating a mental health nurse at reception to screen all new prisoners and a zoning system to prioritise urgent or non-urgent cases. Achieving an integrated system of healthcare was challenging because of the numerous internal and external services operating across the prison, a highly transient population, limited time and space to deliver services and difficulties with providing inpatient care (e.g., establishing the criteria for admission and managing patient flow). Collaborative working between prison and healthcare staff was required to enable best care for prisoners.\udConclusions\ud\udThe prison mental health in-reach service worked well in assessing and prioritising those who required specialist mental health care. Although the challenges of working within the prison context limited what the in-reach team could achieve. Further work was needed to improve the unit environment and how best to target and deliver inpatient care within the prison.

In a consecutive series of 44 deaths of male prisoners in Brisbane Prison, a maximum-security prison, in the 15-year period 1973-1987, 20 deaths were a result of suicide. More than half the suicides occurred within the first two months in custody. Prisoners on remand were more prone to commit suicide than were sentenced prisoners. A history of psychiatric disorder was frequent, and more than one-third of the prisoners previously had received psychiatric inpatient treatment. In 40% of cases suicide had been attempted previously. Hanging was the usual method of suicide. The application of preventive measures in the presence of risk factors for suicide at the present level of knowledge are discussed. Language: en

An initiative to apply American experience of bail criteria to a sample of English remand prisoners shows that the majority had strong community ties which seemed insufficiently recognised in the decision to hold them in custody. The author argues for urgent reform of Bail law and practice.

Methods of treatment evaluation have been increasingly criticized in recent years in view of the frequent lack of convincing success of rehabilitation projects. Recently available findings from relatively comprehensive research in this field have shown that the initial expectations regarding the success of various treatment programs were exaggerated. The results of this research could not confirm with the desired clarity that the intended goal — usually a (significant) reduction in the recidivism rate — had been attained. In part, this contributed to a complete rejection of the treatment concept, especially in penal institutions, and led to a concentration on alternative strategies to deal with the crime problem; for example, diversion programs (cf. Kury & Lerchenmuller, 1981). These results were also partially regarded as proof that traditional prisons were not so bad after all, and that reforms aiming at an “improvement” were therefore unnecessary (cf. Kury, 1986a, 1986b, 1986d; Losel, Koferl, and Weber, 1987).

Increasing numbers of mentally abnormal offenders are sentenced to prison. The decision to treat or imprison them is influenced by the attitudes of consultant psychiatrists and their staff. The process whereby those decisions were made and the willingness of consultants to offer treatment were investigated. A retrospective survey of all (362) mentally abnormal men remanded to Winchester prison for psychiatric reports over the five years 1979-83 showed that one in five were rejected for treatment by the NHS consultant psychiatrist responsible for their care. Those with mental handicaps, organic brain damage, or a chronic psychotic illness rendering them unable to cope independently in the community were the most likely to be rejected. They posed the least threat to the community in terms of their criminal behaviour yet were more likely to be sentenced to imprisonment. Such subjects were commonly described by consultants as too disturbed or potentially dangerous to be admitted to hospital or as criminals and unsuitable for treatment. Consultants in mental hospitals were most likely and those in district general hospitals and academic units least likely to accept prisoners. The fact that many mentally ill and mentally handicapped patients can receive adequate care and treatment only on reception into prison raises serious questions about the adequacy of current management policies and the range of facilities provided by regional health authorities.

Publisher Summary This chapter discusses the establishment of the Prison Department (PDR). The PDR is responsible for several types of establishments. These are made up of remand centers, open and closed prisons, and borstals and, for males, detention centers. Report on the Work of the PDR describes general policy development and problems in the PDR, and it is also important in assisting in the interpretation of the statistical tables. The report includes the main statistics that are given in more detail in the Prison Statistics (PS) with a commentary. It gives a list of all the establishments with the type and amount of accommodation and any special features such as “young prisoners' center.” It describes the building program and new developments. The number of prisoners (males and females) employed in different types of work, at different types of establishments, is given in the PS. The general problem of employment is described in the PDR, where the income and expenditure from prison industries is given.

To date there have been very few studies of attempted suicide occurring in prison. This study analyses 111 reports of attempted suicide occurring in a one-year period in the prisons of the Midlands and South West regions of England. Unlike the general population, where there are marked differences (age, sex, etc.) between those attempting and those completing suicide, the characteristics for both groups in prison are similar, high risk being associated with youth, with being on remand or recently sentenced, and with a history of mental or physical illness. There is some indication that those in Young Offender Establishments may be more likely to attempt suicide by hanging. The motivation given by the inmates most commonly stated some form of emotional stress relating to poor communication with family or friends, and in this respect they are similar to attempters outside prison.

The present survey sought to examine the factors involved in the issuing of Certificates of Unruly Character, and to comment on the effects of legislation to limit their issue. A large juvenile remand centre serving south-east England was selected as the location for the survey. The results showed that despite firm Home Office guidance irregularities in the process by which juveniles were remanded in penal custody were apparent. It is suggested that such anomalies are due to pressures on the court and the shortage of alternative facilities which legislation can only partly hope to change.

A review is presented of all the remand cases who were referred from the courts to the psychiatric staff of the Psychiatric Observation Unit in the Lai Chi Kok Reception Centre, Prisons Department, Hong Kong Government. Altogether 607 defendants were assessed during the 24-month period and reports were furnished which indicated the psychiatric diagnosis, medical recommendation and fitness to plead of each case. It is noted that over half of the remands were not mentally disordered and a psychiatric diagnosis was possible in less than half of the sample. Most of the cases belonged to the younger age group, namely 19–39, which is compatible with the finding of schizophrenia in the majority of the mentally ill remands. A considerable number of them had a history of previous psychiatric contact. The nature of the offences varied and they involved those against the person, the property and the public order. In comparison, the schizophrenics committing offences against the person of a non-sexual nature formed the largest sub-group. On the whole, the schizophrenics were most frequently remanded for psychiatric examination, most likely to be recommended for a medical disposal and almost certainly allowed to benefit from the treatment proposed. Factors associated with positive or negative as well as accepted or rejected recommendation were discussed. Special consideration was given to some of the problems concerning the treatment orders which are peculiar to Hong Kong.

In studies of imprisonment, remand occupies a no-man’s land.* This (dis)placement is reflected at both the practical and theoretical level: the resources of those involved in day-to-day prison administration have traditionally concentrated upon the long-term convicted prison population, whilst those engaged in penological discourse have adopted this prioritisation in their own work. Criminology has wholly characterised prisons as places of punishment. In some ways, this may seem appropriate since in both our social and juridical system, the deprivation of liberty is regarded both symbolically and practically as the ultimate form of punishment. One index of this emphasis is the plethora of literature on the prison.

In a consecutive sample of 208 male prisoners interviewed on the tenth day (T1) after entry, high levels of psychiatric symptoms as measured by the GHQ were recorded. These GHQ scores were strongly correlated with perceived worries and concerns of the prisoners (‘cognitive stress’). After 60 days of detention (T2), a significant fall in GHQ scores was observed, and they were still correlated with cognitive stress. A significant negative correlation between cognitive stress at T1 and GHQ scores at T2 was observed. The relationship between potential vulnerability factors (life experiences, social network, personality factors) and GHQ scores was not strong at either T1 or T2. Psychiatric symptoms are common during the early phase of imprisonment but are not durable.

Sir Lionel Fox became Chairman of the Prison Commission in 1942, in the dark days of war, when the English prison service was badly disrupted and many prisons had been damaged by bombs and incendiaries. Mr. Herbert (now Lord) Morrison, the then Home Secretary, used to wonder sometimes whether it would not be a good thing if all the old 19th-century prisons were blown up — and Fox may well have agreed with him.

Despite the high prevalence rate of mental health problems among young prisoners, little is known about the longitudinal course and covariates of their mental health symptoms during incarceration, especially the influence of the correctional climate. The current study aimed: (1) to examine changes in young prisoners’ mental health symptoms during incarceration, (2) to identify personal factors associated with their mental health symptoms and perceptions of the correctional climate, and (3) to test the incremental effect of perceptions of the correctional climate on mental health symptoms. Data were obtained from a sample of 75 youths (aged 17 to 22 years) detained in a Portuguese young offender prison. Data were gathered 1, 3, and 6 months after their admission in this facility. Socio-demographic, clinical and criminological variables were collected. Mental health symptoms and perceptions of the correctional climate were assessed through self-report assessment tools. Linear and logistic (multi-level) regressions and tests for differences between means were performed to analyze the data. Overall, mental health symptoms marginally declined by the sixth month in prison. Prisoners with a history of mental health treatment were more likely to have increased symptoms. Higher levels of mental health symptoms were associated with a history of mental health treatment, remand status, and a lower educational level. Better perceptions of the correctional climate were associated with Black race and participation in prison activities. A negative perception of the correctional climate was the strongest covariate of young prisoners’ mental health symptoms and had incremental validity over that of personal variables. The results highlight that both characteristics of the prisoners and of the prison environment influence young prisoners’ mental health. Prison management can try to reduce young prisoners’ mental health problems by developing scientific procedures for their mental health assessment and creating a more beneficial correctional climate.

Background : Attention to the interaction between individual agency and the structural causes and solutions to repeated incarceration is important to create sustainable change. In order to create this change, we will need to work in new ways to investigate the issues and to collaboratively identify and implement solutions. Purpose : Arts-and community-based research methods were used to explore the experiences and personal knowledge of women in remand custody. Results : The findings substantiate current knowledge of the underlying causes of women’s incarceration, including both structural issues (e.g., poverty, inaccessible education and employment, housing instability) and personal issues (e.g., addictions, history of family violence). Although the women acknowledged individual responsibility, attention to the structural causes and solutions to the cycling in and out of incarceration is fundamentally important, underpinning all of the women’s recommendations. Conclusion : The challenge of reducing the cycle of repeated incarceration for women will require a concerted collaborative effort using creative endeavors that bring the knowledge and experience of the women together with key players who can influence change at both the individual and the systemic levels

Prison overcrowding is a major problem in the Belgian criminal justice system, with almost 40% of the current population consisting of prisoners in remand custody. Driven by a goal of prison overcrowding prevention, electronic monitoring has been implemented nationally since 2000, but only as an alternative to the execution of the entire or a part of the prison sentence imposed. This article aims to report some final results of a recent research on the possible application of electronic monitoring as an alternative to pre-trial detention in Belgium.

The 1983 Mental Health Act introduced new powers for courts to remand mentally disordered defendants to hospital. The provisions came into operation in October 1984, and were preceded by a Ministerial statement that the new arrangements were becoming available because the Government believed.