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This chapter explores the different forms of environmental violence practised against humans and nature (including the cannabis plant) in a context of intensive cannabis cultivation. In particular, it examines the effects of the industrial farming of cannabis since the 1960s on water, land, forests, animals and farmers. It also investigates the exploitation of the labour force, which has comprised vulnerable populations, especially women and landless agricultural workers since Rifian agriculture was first integrated into colonial capitalism in Morocco. While this study focuses on the Moroccan territory, the situation presented is by no means unique at the global level. The phenomenon can be seen developing both within a framework of prohibition and when legal and illegal actors adopt a capitalist system of exploitation, as is the case in California.

José Ramos-Horta is a former president of Timor-Leste, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and a current member of the Global Commission on Drug Policy (GCDP). Khalid Tinasti, one of the guest editors of this Thematic Issue, interviewed José Ramos-Horta to gain insight into his views and analyses of drug control policy. They discuss his experience as one of the drafters of the Constitution and criminal justice responses in Timor-Leste, and his role as the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative and head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) at a time when the country was labelled a ‘narco-state’. Khalid Tinasti also asked him about his views on the future of the drug market in the context of a growing drug policy divide between countries that enforce a punitive approach to drug use and those now legalising cannabis and other substances for recreational purposes.

L’économie de la drogue a émergé comme un facteur majeur d’exacerbation de la violence, de complication des négociations de paix et de corruption des transitions de situations de guerres vers la paix. Les chaînes de trafic s'étendent entre les différents continents même si elles prennent ancrage dans des États fragiles et traversés par des conflits, où des acteurs de la violence peuvent exploiter le « paradigme de la gouvernance violente » pour asseoir leur influence économique, politique et sociale. Lorsque cela s’articule avec le régime international de lutte contre les stupéfiants, les conséquences sont négatives pour la résolution des conflits ainsi que pour les trajectoires de développement pour ceux dont les moyens de subsistance dépendent de l’économie de la drogue. On peut plaider en faveur d’une approche de réduction des risques, mais la communauté des professionnels sur les politiques en matière de drogues doit encore démontrer qu’elle peut fournir des alternatives éprouvées au-delà de la question de la culture des plantes pour les acteurs qui se situent plus loin dans les chaînes d’approvisionnement en drogue.

Este trabajo se centra en mujeres acusadas de delitos relacionados con drogas y en mujeres que usan drogas, desde la perspectiva de la intersección de tres ejes: i) las relaciones y los sistemas de género, ii) el desarrollo y iii) las políticas de drogas. Tiene como fin analizar el impacto de las políticas de drogas en las mujeres desde una perspectiva de género, enfocándose en dos grupos de “mujeres detenidas”: mujeres privadas de la libertad y mujeres en centros de tratamiento de uso de drogas. En este artículo se sostiene que las políticas de drogas actuales son parte integrante de estructuras patriarcales que fundamentan la violencia contra las mujeres, niñas, niños y adolescentes, y que socavan la igualdad de género y el desarrollo. Por medio de la prohibición, el marco internacional de fiscalización de las drogas genera mercados de drogas ilícitas y organizaciones de narcotráfico que reflejan sistemas de género hegemónicos y consideran a las mujeres, niñas, niños y adolescentes como objetos desechables. Estas reproducen, además, estructuras sexistas que conducen a la explotación laboral de mujeres por parte de sus parejas masculinas, a relaciones patriarcales en contextos de trabajo remunerado ilícito, así como a la violencia y a una cultura patriarcal. Otros resultados directos de la implementación de políticas internacionales en materia de drogas son el uso de la encarcelación como medida disuasoria y la reclusión de un número cada vez mayor de mujeres por delitos de drogas.También en el caso de las mujeres que consumen drogas, las políticas de drogas actuales contribuyen, mediante elementos prácticos y discursivos, a la reproducción y la justificación de la violencia contra las mujeres y las niñas. Las mujeres privadas de la libertad de los dos grupos analizados en este capítulo, en lugar de estar acompañadas por comunidades, familias e instituciones estatales que se ocupen de su sufrimiento y de los delitos que se cometen en su contra, y que intenten repararlos, se encuentran aún más aisladas como consecuencia de su internamiento en recintos legales o ilegales en los cuales sigue reproduciéndose la violencia contra las mujeres y se frena el desarrollo.

This introductory article explains the rationale behind the 12th Thematic Issue of International Development Policy, which explores the tension between devel­opment and drug control goals, both current and historic. The volume of fifteen articles draws on a broad spectrum of thematic issues to address the following key questions: Are prohibition and development mutually exclusive or complementa­ry international agendas? How do the harms associated with drug policy enforce­ment undermine development prospects? The diverse group of authors highlight the corrosive effects of criminalisation and prohibition - based approaches on the livelihoods and fundamental rights of those who are vulnerable, including women, children, people who count on drug cultivation and trafficking to make a living, and people who use drugs. They also address the limitations and feasibility of development - focused interventions in drug control strategies within the context of the prohibition paradigm.

Cette contribution analyse la situation de femmes impliquées dans des délits liés aux stupéfiants ou à leur consommation, en croisant trois axes : i/les rapports de genre et systèmes de genre, ii/le développement et iii/ les politiques en matière de drogues. L’auteure analyse les conséquences de la politique de lutte contre les drogues dans une perspective de genre, en portant une attention particulière sur deux groupes de « femmes en détention » : les femmes en prison et celles qui sont dans des centres de traitement résidentiels. Elle montre que les politiques actuelles en matière de drogues participent de structures patriarcales qui sont à l'origine des violences envers les femmes et les enfants et empêchent l’égalité de genre et le développement.Le cadre international de lutte contre la drogue, fondé sur la prohibition, génère des marchés illégaux et des organisations de trafic de drogues, qui reflètent des systèmes genrés hégémoniques et traitent les femmes et les enfants comme des objets jetables. Il maintient des structures sexistes qui perpétuent l'exploitation du travail des femmes par leurs compagnons, des relations patriarcales dans le travail salarié illégal et une violence et une culture patriarcales. Les autres résultats directs de la mise en œuvre des politiques internationales contre les drogues sont l’utilisation de l’incarcération comme moyen de dissuasion et l’augmentation du nombre de femmes en prison pour des délits liés aux stupéfiants.De même, pour celles qui consomment de la drogue, les politiques actuelles contribuent par des éléments pratiques et discursifs à la reproduction et à la justification de la violence faite aux femmes et aux filles. Les deux groupes de femmes en détention analysés dans ce chapitre ne sont pas accompagnés par leurs communautés, leurs familles ou des institutions publiques qui répondraient et tenteraient d'alléger leur souffrance et les crimes commis à leur encontre. Au contraire, ces femmes sont davantage isolées, de manière institutionnalisée, dans divers espaces légaux ou illégaux où la violence à leur encontre se reproduit et le développement est empêché.

Development questions have been central to international drug policy since the first tentative steps towards a global control regime over a century ago. The strategy that was devised to limit the cultivation of mind- and mood-altering plants imposed a disproportionate cost on cultivating territories in the global South. This burden intensified in the post-war period and as the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs and United States ‘war on drugs’ in the 1970s institutionalised ‘narcotics’ as a security issue and a law enforcement concern. Despite criminalisation and coercive state eradication efforts, illicit narcotic plant cultivation (opium poppy, coca) has persisted, reaching record highs after 2015. Recent decades have seen improved understanding of development deficits as the driver of sustained illicit cultivation. However, high-level efforts to promote inter-agency and thematic linkages between drug strategy and global development goals have seen the reinvention of orthodox approaches to both drug control and poverty reduction. Neither has a record of sustainable success or of raising concerns as to the counterproductive impacts of policy reproduction. In patching together new ideas within failing paradigms, alternative development is better understood as ‘policy bricolage’.

In order to eliminate the risk of potential disease spreading between people and wildlife, and to safeguard public health security of the society, as well as to maintain the ecological balance, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of China passed the decision to abolish the bad habit of consuming wildlife mindlessly in February 2020, which stipulated the scope of the fasting, measures of punishment, scope of edible livestock and poultry, and the special conditions and approval measures of non-edible utilization of wild animals, etc. The “Decision” reflects the practical and realistic legislative attitude: it not only eliminates the bad habits, but also provides the provisions of special conditions for captive breeding, which safeguard the basic stability of the economy. The method of combining Blacklist and Whitelist is adopted to delimit the boundary between illegal and legal. The whole chain of legal norms is constructed, which stipulated the applicable or suggested applicable legal liabilities for illegal acts and served as the “talons” of the law that brought it into play.

Given the evolution of illegal drug production in recent decades and even in recent years, the outcome of global prohibition appears clearly negative. The failure of counter-trafficking measures is just as obvious, as shown at the border level in this article through the brief survey of ground trafficking between Afghanistan and Iran, of air trafficking from the Andes, and of transatlantic maritime trafficking. Indeed, despite a wealth of financial, human, material and technological means, and despite occasional high interception rates, drug trafficking has never been truly and durably challenged. After describing and explaining why counter-trafficking actions and policies have proved ineffective at the border level, this article posits that an effective counter-trafficking policy should avoid purely repressive approaches for their effectiveness is as low as their cost is high. In the end, interdiction measures should not be limited to interception actions and border control efforts but focus on making spaces and societies less conducive to trafficking.

A small number of Chinese eat wild animals mindlessly to satisfy their special dietary addictions, which led to the SARS outbreak in 2003 and the recent outbreak of the coronavirus pneumonia. The loss is huge, and the current Chinese law is unable to cope with it. It is strongly advised that the “Wildlife Protection Act” be amended as soon as possible to expand its scope of protection and include wildlife that may cause public health incidents. We need to establish a directory system that prohibits hunting, breeding, transferring and eating of wildlife, and force the whole population to adopt an environmentally friendly diet that is responsible to the state and society. It is suggested that the design of the directory system should be based on comprehensive and scientific provisions on hunting, breeding, transporting, storing, and eating, etc. It is also suggested to establish a system that includes law enforcement assessment, a bonus reporting mechanism, and administrative public interest litigation to strengthen administrative, social, and judicial supervision. For offenders, it is suggested to add legal liability of fines and administrative detention in the “Legal liability” section of the “Wildlife Protection Act”. In addition, the Chinese Criminal Law should be amended to include crimes of illegal hunting, breeding, transporting, storing, transferring, purchasing and eating of wild animals.

Around 100 million animals are killed annually for the global fur trade, with 85% reared on fur farms and 15% trapped in the wild. Fur farming is banned across the United Kingdom (UK) under the Fur Farming (Prohibition) Act 2000 in England and Wales and parallel legislation in Scotland and Northern Ireland. Despite the farming bans, the import and sale of fur products to the UK have continued, largely due to European Union (EU) membership. The UK left the EU in 2020 and the British government is exploring a potential ban on the import and sale of fur post-Brexit. This paper reviews public surveys on attitudes to fur farming in the UK from 1997 to 2021. It then reports the results of an online questionnaire to investigate in greater depth the beliefs of UK residents (n = 326) about the welfare of animals used in fur production, knowledge of the legal context of the fur trade and attitudes toward a ban on the import and sale of fur in the UK. A large majority (86%) of respondents believed that fur-farmed animals do not experience a good life. Over four-fifths (83%) disagreed that it is morally acceptable for the UK government to ban fur farming and yet continue to import and sell fur from producers overseas, with over three-quarters (78%) supporting a legal ban on the import and sale of fur in the UK.

The relation between criminal law and morality originated from variety of Islamic juristic rules especially the well-known principle rule in Islamic criminal law saying: “discretionary punishment is prescribed for any forbidden act or violation”. Although there is a consensus over the originality of this rule, there are different ideas about the determination the scope of the rule Despite the all different ideas, it seems that the” discretionary punishment is prescribed for any forbidden act or violation” is a general rule in theoretical view. This thesis distinguishes between the theoretical perspective and practical one. In the case of theory, it holds a maximum support of morality by criminal law; in contrast practical approach of Islamic criminal law holds a type of support according to requirements and conditions drawn by the ruler or the leader.

Abstract: 2017 witnessed important events in relation to the phenomenon of the right-wing ideology in Germany. First, in January, the Federal Constitutional Court ruled against the prohibition of the NPD, despite recognizing the anti-democratic nature of its objectives; then, in July, a constitutional reform came into effect to exclude from the state funding those political formations that, contravening the democratic order, are not prohibited as they lack the necessary potential to achieve their objectives. To conclude, September ended with the holding of federal elections and the entry of the AfD into the Bundestag, as the country’s third largest force. In light of all this, the present work is committed to the analysis of the main legal implications derived from these events, this with the aim to offer the reader an updated view on the legal control applicable to the ideology of political parties in Germany.

The notion of cognitive enhancement refers to a group of procedures and technologies aiming at amplifying any capacity of an organism by increasing its internal systems of information processing. After clarifying the term, this article discusses an argument raised in the context of the worries about the potential social consequences of promotion and use of such technologies in society. For some, this process would exacerbate current social inequalities, open the possibility of considering their total prohibition. I call this the argument from inequality against cognitive enhancement. After explaining the dimensions of the debate, I reply to Veit's1 liberal proposal that claims that cognitive enhancements would not increase social inequality, and that they should be fully embraced and promoted. Finally, I conclude by briefly sketching a moderate alternative that focuses on strict regulation rather than in prohibition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Historia is the property of Associacao Nacional dos Professores Universitarios de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During Prohibition in the US, many in the Great Plains were involved in the illegal production, distribution, sale, possession, and consumption of illicit alcohol. Some were Americans who were already well established in the country, and others were relative newcomers who still embraced traditions, practices, and ideals of their home countries. This research seeks to determine if first- and second-generation immigrants committed more infractions of Prohibition laws in one Nebraska county than did those who had assimilated over a longer period of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Selcuk Law Review / Selçuk Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Selcuk Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper concerns the main reasons that led the Jazz age authors, Ernest Hemingway and F. Scott Fitzgerald to leave their home country, and start expatriate lives in Paris, France. First, an overview of the transformation of Victorian age to early modern literature is given, with an accent to Ernest Hemingway's and F. Scott Fitzgerald's roles in it. After that follow the main scandals of the early 20th century America, which shook the society, with a special context to the youth and other important realities that were not common. The most echoing occurrences were the exponential increase of the number of millionaires, massive concentration of the population in urban areas, Prohibition known as the Volstead Act, Teapot Dome scandal, Black Sox Baseball scandal and the Armory Show and last but not least post-World War I experience in the United States. This paper also includes description of far more advanced Paris in terms of culture, art and freedom as contrary to Prohibition and culturally conservative America. It is fair to consider here Gertrude Stein's Salon, which gathered all her contemporary artists, and Sylvia Beach's library Shakespeare and Company, which was a touching point for all English speaking expatriate writers in Paris. Another important fact is the favorable dollar rate in France. Before the great depression approximately one hundred thousand Americans lived in France due to dollar rate. The final part of this paper considers a conclusion, based on the highlights and the main points of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After four long decades of Franco’s dictatorship, the ban on the ikurriña (Basque national flag) ended on January 19, 1977. This fact should have meant the full normalisation of its use, but this has not been so; not, at least, in the Autonomous Community of Navarre, where the fact of not being recognised as an official symbol has resulted in a legal conflict involving a multitude of municipalities because of the use of this flag. In any event, the situation over the past four decades has not been uniform. It has gone from an initial situation of official tolerance, to the current legal ban, passing through other types of legal situation. This article has three main objectives: 1) To offer a diachronic analysis on the legal situation of the ikurriña in Navarre; 2) To clarify what the current situation is after the latest legal changes and judgements; and 3) To offer legal alternatives for this political and legal problem that continues generating tension and confrontation in Navarre society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue is devoted to the semantic analysis of the bread phenomenon in Ukrainian cultural tradition. The traditional interrelations between a man and bread are considered. The layers of taboos, prohibitions about common bread usage are presented. According to Ukrainian spiritual tradition, bread was a vital symbol, it was worshipped as the Sun in the pagan times and as the Eternal Sun of Truth in the Christian times. Consequently, it is forbidden to swear, deal about dishonest affairs, mention evil spirits (in all sounding variants), have empty talks and to be occupied by a charade, etc. in the presence of “sacred bread”. The Christian layer of bread consideration as Jesus Christ embodiment is highlighted. The sinful context of bread usage is provided. The greatest sin was to offense a Mother, Earth, and Sacred Bread, and consequently to be separated from a family (without a family blessing), to lose a piece of land (without an opportunity to confess, as people confessed to sacred land the in old times), and also without any possibility to grow wheat personally (in other words to be deprived by God’s protection). The folk wisdom has always mentioned that: “A family table is the palms of God. A loaf of bread on a table is God’s Gift. The attitude to this gift should be respectful”. The main paradigm of the whole issue claims the following thesis: bread’s magic has gone through all Ukrainian spiritual culture, all sacral and mystical ritual nuances, whole mystery sense of Ukrainian folk laws are presented. The exclusiveness of various bread names is considered, hence the names are provided owing to bread’s shapes, special holidays’ application, specific of bread-making process, etc. The crucial attention is paid to Christmas bread and variants of its production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Censorship in socialism was a long-lasting institution. Frightening and invisible, it harboured, in fact, various institutions and underwent different historical phases. It prescribed attitudes and themes by partially or totally suppressing them. What was incriminated at some point could be accepted a few years later. A theme, however, has always been taboo: censorship itself, political power’s discretionary and abusive act of limiting the freedom of expression in literature. Based on archival documents (mainly from the National Archives of Romania), this paper aims to reconstruct the way in which the Censorship removed fragments or whole texts in which it could see (or appeared to see) its own image. The reports of the censors may be seen as self-portraits, including the points of collision and the lines of tension between literature and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tasavvur: Tekirdag Theology Journal / Tekirdag Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Namik Kemal University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the 1980s identities have re‐emerged as a powerful factor shaping support for specific public policies, often doing so at the expense of prioritising the interests of future generations. Outside the United States a major causal factor has been the declining ability of many political parties to mobilise support for themselves and their policies. Consequently, considerations derived from the past can be at the expense of future citizens. This article analyses two major policies separated by a century—Prohibition in the US and Brexit. With both, the enacted policies featured limited previous public discussion about their likely consequences. Moreover, in both cases it was a 'hard' version that would be enacted, even though some supporters had favoured more moderate policy options. While not all policies driven by support from particular identities harm future generations, some do. This results from politicians in public utterances previously being insufficiently focussed in detail on the policy's consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important debate in the science of the principles of jurisprudence is about the meaning of "command" (amr) and "prohibition" (nahī). The outcome of such a debate indeed influences the entire field of jurisprudence. The author has made an attempt in this article in the light of the scholars of different Islamic schools of thought to prove that amr (for which the imperative form of "Ifa'l" (ا فعل) is used in Arabic) refers to a command of a superior to an inferior to do something. All Islamic schools of thought are unanimous in accepting that when the imperative "ifa'l" is used without any conditions, it denotes obligation. Prohibiting someone from doing something by demonstrating superiority is called the prohibiting verb for which the form "latafa'l" (ل فع ن لا) is used. All schools of thought agree on that when "latafa'l" is used as an absolute form, it denotes prohibition and prevents the subject from doing something. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Amish collective objection to high school education and refusal to comply with compulsory schooling laws can be interpreted with a religious-club-good framework. According to the religious-club interpretation, the Amish use the restriction on secular education as a religious prohibition and sacrifice to improve the welfare of sect members. I exploit the 1972 U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Wisconsin vs. Yoder, which exempts Amish children from compulsory high school education, as a policy shock to test several key predictions of the religious-club explanations. The evidence suggests that the successful restriction on high school education helped the Amish sect exclude individuals with low religious participation, lower members' shadow cost of time, and grow the sect through higher fertility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Ethan Nadelmann's critique of drug prohibition in his paper; The Case for Legalization. Nadelmann argues that one of the fundamental reasons why it is important to think about drug legalization is because current drug control policies have failed, are failing, and will continue to fail in good part because they are fundamentally flawed. Contrary to Nadelmann's view, the paper argues that Nadelmann's argument is not only an exaggerated view but also fallacious. The paper further argues; (i) assuming that drug policies actually failed, the failure of the drug policies in the past and present does not necessarily guarantee the future failure, (ii) that the failure of the drug policies does not necessarily justify legalisation of drugs, (iii) that if the policies has succeeded in deterring potential criminals in the past and present, it will be wrong to conclude that it has failed. Finally, the paper concludes by showing through logical analysis, how and why Nadelmann's failure argument is an exaggerated view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates the indirect meanings of prohibitive linguistic acts used in Arabic poetic lines. Prohibition has been an interest of Arab and English researchers. Arab researchers have focused on the indirect meanings of prohibition in the Quran without paying attention to its existence in poetic lines. When Arabic prohibitive poetic lines are translated into English, issues arise because of linguistic and, sometimes, cultural notions between two different languages. In this study, three research questions must be answered. (1) What are the indirect meanings of prohibitive poetic lines at the level of ideational meaning? (2) What are the types of the transitivity processes of prohibitive poetic lines in Arabic and English? (3) Which type of translation method is used in translating Arabic prohibitive poetic lines into English? On this ground, the study is based on Speech Act Theory by Searle (1976) to show how the language of the speech is organised to convey the meaning of the speaker to the hearer. Systemic Functional Linguistics by Halliday (1994) is also adopted to show how ideational function through prohibitive acts is communicated. Nida's model for translation is also adopted to show methods in translating Arabic prohibitive poetic lines into English. The study has contended that direct and indirect meanings occurred within the scope of Searle's classification. The process of prohibitive speech acts was subjected sometimes to change when translated into English. The present study has also exposed how the indirect meaning of Arabic prohibitive poetic lines is generally conveyed by formal translation and, sometimes, by dynamic translation and by both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the research is to illuminate the specificity of ideological control of library funds in the USSR in 1946-1953. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, science, systemicity. The author applied methods: historical, source analysis, retrospective, theoretical generalizations. It is established that an important activity of the bodies of censorship in the postwar period was control of the book funds of the Republic. Great attention was paid to the library checks. The institutions of censorship engaged in the identification of politically hostile publications, in particular, nationalist literature and books of the repressed authors. The revision of the printed products of occupation period, trophy editions, foreign literature became the new task of Golovlit. The censorship department also worked to identify unnecessary, outdated literature. By results of checks was done cleaning the library collections from harmful publications on the list of Glavlit. Shortly before the death of Stalin the ideological campaign of inspections of library collections became the massive Orgy, because they took place in libraries all forms of state and administrative-territorial subordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, being a companion to the book [2] elaborates the deontology of sequential and compound actions based on relational models and formal constructs borrowed from formal linguistics. The semantic constructions presented in this paper emulate to some extent the content of [3] but are more involved. Although the present work should be regarded as a sequel of [3] it is self-contained and may be read independently. The issue of permission and obligation of actions is presented in the form of a logical system. This system is semantically defined by providing its intended models in which the role of actions of various types (atomic, sequential and compound ones) is accentuated. Since the consequence relation is not finitary, other semantically defined variants of are defined. The focus is on the finitary system in which only finite compound actions are admissible. An adequate axiom system for it is defined. The strong completeness theorem is the central result. The role of the canonical model in the proof of the completeness theorem is emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]