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Social behavior of the collared peccary was studied on the lower, eastern slopes of the Mazatzal Mountains, Arizona. The social unit in this species is a cohesive herd, in which small inter-individual distances are maintained. Two conspicuous acts, one olfactory and one auditory, functioned to maintain close spacing. Social interactions were brief but tended to synchronize the activities of animals and also to bring them closer together. Amicable and neutral actions occurred far more frequently than agonistic interactions. Most agonistic behavior did not involve physical contact. Cooperative nursing, predator defense, and feeding occurred; all adults were tolerant of young, and males showed little overt competition over estrous females. The absence of sexual dimorphism, the 1:1 sex ratio within social groups, and the small, precocial litters in this species suggest an evolutionary history of pronounced sociality. Kin selection possibly was important in the evolution of social behavior in peccaries.

In 1881 Helen Hunt Jackson published her A Century of Dishonor, one of the most scathing indictments of the United States Government on the treatment of the Indian population, or on any other charges, ever put forth. The work was the outgrowth of a rising feeling, beginning in 1872 when she traveled in California and shortly afterwards to Colorado where she finally made her home, that the American Indian was in worse shape than the slave had been.1 Mrs. Jackson became extremely conscious of the fact that, according to the surrounding white population, the Indian had no rights whatever and that governmental concern was practically nil. The actual catalyst to her work for the Indians was a lecture in 1879 in Boston, where she heard "Standing Bear" and "Bright Eyes," whom she later met in New York, tell their tales of the mistreatment of the Poncas.2 After months of gruelling research in the Astor Library in New York, she saw her work come from the press. So great was her faith in the book and so intense were her feelings on the subject that she presented at her own expense a copy to each member of Congress.3 The indictment did not, however, accomplish what she desired; the situation remained unchanged. Although Congress did not take any sort of action on Mrs. Jackson's treatise, the Department of the Interior, in 1882, did honor her by appointing her and Mr. Abbot Kinney of Los Angeles to investigate the conditions and needs of the Mission Indian of California. For Mrs. Jackson this appointment was a remarkable opportunity to further her work. To the reading public the appointment was also important, for the record of her travels was to be eventually the source for one of the most popular pieces of literature ever published in America, the novel Ramona.4

Chemical constituents of host plants have been suggested to affect in part the ability of certain insects to produce sex pheromones, and thus their ability to reproduce1. We have investigated such a relationship between the bark beetle Ips paraconfusus (Coleoptera, Scolytidae) and its host tree Pinus ponderosa. The pheromone system of the insect is well characterised 2–4 and, as we report here, myrcene, a constituent of the host oleoresin system, is converted in the male beetle to its pheromones, ipsenol and ipsdienol. We used deuterium labelling techniques2 to demonstrate for the first time the unequivocal conversion of a host plant chemical to an insect pheromone.

IN OCTOBER, I894, Arthur W. Brayley, editor of the Bostonian, began a serial publication of the first American novel, The Power of Sympathy, under the name of Mrs. Sarah Wentworth Morton,' to whom the novel, long anonymous, had been attributed publicly at least since i878.2 Between the October and December issues of the magazine, Mrs. Rebecca Vollentine Thompson convinced the editor of the rightful authorship of William Hill Brown, her uncle, and supplied information concerning the I789 publication of the novel. In the December issue of the Bostonian, Brayley corrected his error in a ten-page statement based largely on what, according to him, Mrs. Thompson, who was not identified by name, had revealed.3 Subsequently, although Professors Emily Pendleton and Milton Ellis argued logically and strongly for William Hill Brown as the author, Alexander Cowie noted the "cogent, though not absolutely conclusive, evidence" of Brown authorship.4 In spite of this word of caution, Richard Walser, Terence Martin, and Herbert Brown5 simply accepted Brown as the author of the novel on the