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Science and Engineering education are jewels of higher education. In India, among the pioneers of premium technical institutes, the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) are structurally designed to deliver global knowledge capital with a state-of-the-art curriculum and rigorous standards. Their capability to positively impact the global scale is visible, yet they are internally challenged. The constant interplay of inclusion and exclusion impacts the progress and performance of students. The study specifically examines the role of the social identity of caste in generating accessibility and mobility barriers in IITs. Although the affirmative action policy serves as a gateway for marginalised identities like Dalits, IITs ecosystem preserves the privileges of upper castes. Through IIT Delhi fieldwork, an attempt has been made to check how the gaps in affirmative action policies result in the exclusion of the marginalised in higher education. Educational mobility is restricted for Dalits students who battle against the indifference and caste hegemony of IIT Delhi. The study contests the idea of merit and castelessness in IIT Delhi by contextualising cultural capital with caste discrimination in India. It displays a contrast between the theory and practice of inclusion in higher education. The findings are useful for tracing subtle or indirect forms of discrimination operating in IIT Delhi that contradict the Indian constitution democratic ethos of equality and social justice. The findings will assist public policy and professional institutes of higher education to devise an inclusive strategy beyond government-sponsored affirmative action for sustainable education development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is common scholarly and popular wisdom that racial quotas are illegal. However, the reality is that since 2020's racial reckoning, many of the largest companies have been touting specific, albeit voluntary, goals to hire or promote people of color, which this Article refers to as "racial targets." The Article addresses this phenomenon and shows that companies can defend racial targets as distinct from racial quotas, which involve a rigid number or proportion of opportunities reserved exclusively for minority groups. The political implications of the legal defensibility of racial targets are significant in this moment in American history, where race relations have become polarized and the conservative, pro-business U.S. Supreme Court may weigh in on the legality of voluntary goals set by some of the largest companies in the country. Large companies have historically been granted discretion to choose their strategies for paving the way toward equal employment opportunity for people of color. The Article grapples with whether this corporate-discretion ideal would inform the legal posture of racial targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I study student characteristics and academic performance at the University of California, where consideration of an applicant's ethnicity has been banned since 1996 and SAT scores were used in admitting students to the university until fall 2021. I show the following: (1) SAT scores were more important than high school grades in predicting first‐year university GPA; (2) the use of SAT scores alone or with high school grades in determining admission is biased in favor of admitting underrepresented minorities and students who are socioeconomically disadvantaged; (3) SAT scores are more important and high school grades are less important in predicting GPA for underrepresented minorities and/or those students from low‐income families than they are for those students who are white and/or from high‐income families; and (4) the University of California found ways to admit a significant number of underrepresented minorities despite many of them having low SAT scores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the perception of Asian Americans as having distinct group interests, diverging from other communities of color, both by conservatives and Asian American intellectuals dedicated to multiracial solidarity. It focuses on two pivotal moments: the 1980s campaign at UC Berkeley against changes in admissions criteria and a 1994 legal challenge to San Francisco's desegregation policies, which influenced Asian Americanists' views on education. These scholars argued that anti-Asian discrimination in education needed acknowledgment within broader racial justice frameworks, yet their focus on a unified Asian American interest sometimes overshadowed the varied disadvantages faced by different subgroups within the community, complicating efforts to form robust multiracial alliances.

Affirmative action policies (AAP) polarise the public debate in Western democracies as they involve favouring one candidate at the cost of others because of their group membership. Against this backdrop, we ran a factorial survey experiment in Denmark, France and Germany on the introduction of a hypothetical regulation favouring women and immigrants with equal qualifications in the recruitment process for a management position (N = 4264; YouGov online panel). Our data show that support for AAP for women is significantly greater than for immigrants in all three countries. Moreover, support for AAP is much higher in France than in Germany and Denmark. Germans and Danes show similar low support for AAP for immigrants, while support for AAP for women is higher in Germany than Denmark. We conducted multilevel regression models to investigate the power of several attitudinal factors in explaining target group and country differences. Results show that respondents' varying levels of ethnic and gender prejudice and perceived disadvantage entirely explain target group differences in support for AAP. Furthermore, differences between Germany and Denmark in the support of AAP for women are explained by different levels of prejudices and perceived disadvantage, and attitudes towards state intervention. However, these attitudinal variables cannot explain why support for AAP is much higher in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Beyond the 'Tried and True': Emergent and Liberatory Residential Life and Housing Practices" discusses the need for reimagining and reevaluating traditional practices in residential life and housing in higher education. The authors argue that these practices must be examined through critical lenses and that new approaches are necessary to prioritize equity and liberation. The special issue of The Journal of College and University Student Housing explores alternative practices that center on humanity, well-being, and community-building. The articles in the issue provide examples of innovative and meaningful changes that challenge the status quo and promote inclusivity and social justice. [Extracted from the article]

In Students for Fair Admissions v. President & Fellows of Harvard College and Students for Fair Admissions v. University of North Carolina, the Supreme Court ruled that affirmative action in university admissions, in which an applicant of a particular race or ethnicity receives a plus factor, is unconstitutional. This ruling was based on both the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This article argues that a more natural fit as the basis for constitutional analysis would be a different clause in the Fourteenth Amendment, the Privileges or Immunities Clause. In the article, a legal analysis based on the clause is applied to medical school admissions. Depending on whether a fundamental rights reading or an antidiscrimination (equality) reading of the clause is applied, opposite conclusions are reached on the constitutionality of affirmative action in medical school admissions. This analysis demonstrates why affirmative action in admissions--in this case medical school admissions, which directly affect the composition of the Nation's physician workforce--is a complex and difficult constitutional question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transgender and gender diverse (TGD) people face marginalization and exclusion within the mental health field. Barriers to services include providers' insensitivity, internalized cisgenderism, microassaults, and lack of skills and knowledge related to TGDaffirmative practices. As the mental health field has worked to address the historical pathologizing of TGDpeople, this study aimed to examine students' and faculty's self-reported TGD clinical competency and perceived TGD affirmative training in graduate programs. We sampled students (N = 155) and faculty (N = 69) from nationally accredited clinical training programs (i.e., American Psychological Association, Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs, Commission on Accreditation for Marriage and Family Therapy Education, and Council on SocialWork Education). Results indicated that faculty and students self-reported moderate levels of TGD clinical competency and TGD affirmative training in graduate programs. We discuss implications for training programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stereotypes are tools of social perception that attribute a superficial uniformity to individuals within a social group, providing an instrument to assess individuals and groups. The stereotype content model (SCM) provides a framework for understanding these dynamics. SCM explores how groups are stereotyped on competence and warmth. This research utilizes the SCM to study India, a heterogenous society with diverse social groups. The purpose of this paper is to study caste stereotypes using SCM within India while also comparing two distinct regions of the country – the north and the south. This study is unique because (a) earlier studies have not explored stereotyping while recognizing the regional variations "within" India and (b) it applies SCM to caste. We also include how caste perceptions are further defined for groups that fall under the affirmative action program. Using Amazon's Mechanical Turk, we recruited subjects who responded to questions that assessed stereotypes of different social groups. The results indicate the presence of more ambivalent stereotypes and higher belief in karmic ideology in the four southern states compared to the northern states. Possible explanations discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors argue that embracing gestalt language development is an important neurodiversity-affirmative practice and offer clinical and research recommendations to promote understanding and respect for this alternative developmental pathway. They discuss the factor that affects research into gestalt language acquisition, personal accounts in which autistic people reflect on their gestalt language use, and benefits of embracing gestalts.

The article focuses on Justice Sandra Day O'Connor's lasting impact on constitutional law and the Supreme Court, particularly in light of the evolving ideological landscape of the Court. It discusses her pragmatic and compromising approach to decision-making, highlighting key contributions in areas such as abortion jurisprudence, federalism, and affirmative action.

India is home to a large number of tribal or Adivasi communities. Particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PVTGs) are one among them. The Indian state initiated several development programs in its affirmative action to benefit PVTGs. However, these initiatives have shown some effects on the ground, still a long way to go. After globalization, a lot of studies claim and argue that the state is slowly withdrawing from its agenda and encouraging multinational companies or corporations (MNCs) to take its role. The MNCs have started their operations by extracting resources without helping Adivasi communities. It led to large-scale protests by the tribal people and civil society organizations. The paper critically discusses development initiatives of the post-independent state to ameliorate the conditions of the PVTGs as part of their affirmative action policies. Furthermore, the paper draws inferences from secondary data sources collected from published and unpublished sources, documents, reports, and online sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the recent United States Supreme Court ruling that deems race-conscious admissions practices at the University of North Carolina and Harvard as unconstitutional. The decision has significant implications for higher education institutions, limiting their ability to consider race in admission decisions. However, educational research, policy, and advocacy organizations argue that race-conscious admissions are necessary to address racial inequities in higher education. The article also delves into the historical context of Black student protests in the 1960s and 1970s, suggesting that a reimagining of affirmative action policies could challenge the current higher education system's limitations and promote free access to education for all. [Extracted from the article]

I explain puzzles in the school assignment literature using a many-to-one matching model in which participants on one side of the market, the students, are endowed with ego-utilities à la Köszegi (2006). Ego concerns generate a form of information avoidance that results in non-truthful participation in DA matching mechanisms. In particular, students' best replies may be non-monotonic in school ranks. I show that truthful reporting can be restored by imposing a limit on the measure of students that a school can deem acceptable. Furthermore, students may be sensitive to signal garbling, in the sense of Blackwell (1953). In terms of policy, the results imply that admission committees' reliance on application dimensions that are seemingly weak proxies of academic performance may be beneficial. Other implications suggest that affirmative action policies might be beneficial. However, when students' best replies exhibit non-monotonicity in schools' selectivity, such policies might backfire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social inequalities fuel a debate about the meaning of political equality. Formal procedural equality is criticised for reproducing discriminatory outcomes against disadvantaged groups but affirmative action, particularly in the form of group quotas, is also contested. When opposing conceptions of substantive equality support divergent views about which procedural rule genuinely respects political equality, democracies cannot identify a standard or rule of procedural fairness to be widely accepted as fair. This dispute over procedural fairness can carry on indefinitely and could challenge democracy's legitimacy claim. I argue that democracies can renew their legitimacy claim by embracing this debate and by accommodating it through constitutional deliberation that must be as impartial and meaningful as possible. Impartiality ideally requires the presence of every citizen in this process because each of them has a unique and evolving experience of inequality. Meaningful deliberation is about offering periodic opportunities for constitutional reform, allowing for continuous feedback, reflection, and learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent decision by the United States Supreme Court to limit affirmative action in college admissions could make it even more challenging for academically talented students of color to gain access to competitive schools. The importance of school counselors in guiding and supporting these students is now more crucial than ever. This qualitative study aimed to determine what school counselors need to know, do, and believe to help academically talented, Black students from low-income households gain admission into highly selective colleges and universities. Three broad themes and 10 subthemes emerged from the data analysis. The themes were (a) knowledge and awareness, (b) mindsets and beliefs, and (c) habits and practices. Implications for school counselor practice, training, and research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the relational egalitarian theory of justice, justice requires that people relate as equals. To relate as equals, many relational egalitarians argue, people must (i) regard each other as equals, and (ii) treat each other as equals. In this paper, we argue that, under conditions of background injustice, such relational egalitarians should endorse affirmative action in the ways in which (dis)esteem is attributed to people as part of the regard-requirement for relating as equals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the hitherto under-examined relations between affirmative action, paternalism, and respect. We provide three main arguments. First, we argue that affirmative action initiatives are typically paternalistic and thus disrespectful towards intended beneficiaries who oppose them. Second, we argue that not introducing affirmative action can be disrespectful towards these potential beneficiaries because such inaction involves a failure to recognize their moral worth adequately. Third, we argue that the paternalistic disrespect involved in affirmative action is alleviated when the potential beneficiaries' preferences against such initiatives are adaptive. We conclude that, although there is a relevant sense in which paternalistic affirmative action is disrespectful, it may be more disrespectful not to pursue such policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of affirmative action has been a subject of intense debate, with both proponents and opponents offering compelling arguments. Justice Clarence Thomas, an associate justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, has consistently expressed strong reservations about affirmative-action policies, viewing them as a form of reverse discrimination that may "hinder the principles of meritocracy and equal treatment under the law." However, it is crucial to examine the personalized experiences and consider the nuances, such as underrepresentation and microaggressions, that surround affirmative action. This study utilizes a symbolic interactionist and phenomenological approach that pulls from the individualized/collective experiences of Black students/faculty at historically White colleges and universities (HWCUs) and examines their sociocultural experiences on campus. Findings from this study highlight the continuing discriminative practices and "peer to peer" interactions that Black students/faculty must navigate at HWCUs and the strategies utilized to circumvent mistreatment and institutional adversities. Data from this study provide more context for the ongoing conversation pertaining to affirmative action, "peer to peer," and institutional discrimination that Black students and faculty experience at HWCUs. In this article, I examine the concept of "leveraging tokenism," a strategy that Black students and faculty utilize to circumvent underrepresentation and racial microaggressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time when equalizing measures like affirmative action are being challenged, a women's university is uplifting the most neglected and defenseless populations in Bangladesh. Yet the Asian University for Women (AUW) faces additional challenges in providing excellent higher education. This essay discusses how AUW also confronts mounting pernicious state control of education by transforming state-university relationships, and how, despite resurfacing nationalism and parochialism, it advocates for regional collaboration in its student body. In a conflict-ridden world, it marshals political, financial, and diplomatic prowess to provide a liberating pathway to those marooned in conflict. While fostering equality through its undergraduate and graduate programs, AUW has raised an age-old question concerning a university's function in an unjust, violence-prone, and divided world. Its answer: the best institutions embrace disadvantaged members of society through education aimed at emancipating those under the yoke of oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, a question has simmered in criminal procedure: Can the Fourth Amendment seizure analysis account for a suspect’s race? Scholars have long advocated for courts to consider race when resolving Fourth Amendment questions, but to date, the Supreme Court has not provided a definitive answer. The question has now bubbled to the surface. With calls for advocates to raise race when litigating Fourth Amendment questions, and with more and more advocates heeding those calls, courts are being asked to contemplate how race factors into deciding whether a person has been seized. When the question is explicitly asked, courts have answered differently, with many refusing to consider race as part of the seizure analysis. It is easy to think that it is only a matter of time before the Supreme Court holds that race has no place in the Fourth Amendment, especially given its muscular articulation of colorblindness in the recent affirmative action cases. Indeed, the lower courts that have held that race cannot be considered as part of a seizure analysis have couched their decisions in the same rhetoric and reasoning found in the Supreme Court’s colorblind rulings. As this Article explains, when scrutinized, colorblind constitutionalism is an illogical fit for the Fourth Amendment. In fact, the analytical underpinnings of colorblindness are consistent with race being considered as part of the seizure free-to-leave analysis. That race can be relevant to a seizure is reinforced when considered against the broader backdrop of Fourth Amendment law and all of the many ways it implicitly and explicitly recognizes race. This Article therefore clarifies that it is permissible to consider the racial identity of the Fourth Amendment’s “reasonable person.” But the insights of this Article extend beyond the Fourth Amendment, because at bottom, it is a warning against “case law creep” — where case law is imported from one context to another to advance a specific ideological mission without interrogating whether the case law supports the cause in that context. It is a reminder that the law should not be an unyielding wrecking ball that swings from jurisprudence to jurisprudence, smashing any hope of progress. Thus, ultimately, this Article seeds hope that the law can catch up to our pluralistic society and learn to recognize a multitude of experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document discusses the legal background and implications of the end of affirmative action in higher education and the need to intensify efforts to diversify the medical field. It highlights the historical challenges and bans on race-based affirmative action in education, as well as the recent court ruling that overturned the use of race as a factor in admission decisions. The document also addresses the underrepresentation of historically underrepresented groups (HUGs) in undergraduate and medical school enrollment and emphasizes the benefits of diversity in the medical workforce. It suggests various mitigation strategies to improve diversity, such as alternative admission processes, targeted outreach, and diversity training. The document concludes by emphasizing the importance of a diverse medical workforce in providing equitable healthcare and calls for innovative actions to create change. [Extracted from the article]

Constitutional scholars have long construed the Equal Protection Clause as containing two dueling visions: anticlassification and antisubordination. Scholars advancing the first view contend that the Clause prohibits the government from racially classifying people. But scholars promoting the second view argue that racial classifications are permissible--provided that the government does not engage in racial subjugation. On no issue have these competing perspectives clashed more intensely than affirmative action. Where the anticlassification view deems those policies unconstitutional for exhibiting race consciousness, the antisubordination view finds them permissible because they do not racially subjugate anyone. Conventional antisubordination scholars portray the concept's support for affirmative action as one part of its larger intellectual program that inexorably champions racial egalitarianism. This Article challenges that conventional account by demonstrating that anti-subordination's career has been far more protean, complex, and--above all--strange than scholars typically allow. Some of the most reviled opinions in Supreme Court history were predicated upon antisubordination rhetoric, as that concept has been used both to challenge and to maintain racist regimes. Legal luminaries from across the ideological spectrum, moreover, have often contended that affirmative action marks Black and brown people as substandard. Indeed, it is impossible to understand last Term's decision in Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard College without foregrounding antisubordination's multiplicity. That decision introduced "antisubordination" into the U.S. Reports, reframed how affirmative action subjugates racial minorities, and witnessed the Justices talking past each other by wielding the concept in divergent fashions. Grappling with anti-subordination 's complexity remains urgent today because the theory has been exported to an ever-growing, astonishingly diverse array of legal domains. This Article contends neither that antisubordination must be abandoned nor that affirmative action should have been invalidated. To the contrary, it explores arguments designed to shore up antisubordination and to provide alternate grounds for affirmative action's constitutionality. It will no longer do, however, simply to ignore antisubordination's considerable complexity. By tracing the winding, peculiar path of antisubordination, this Article not only recasts Justice Clarence Thomas's much-debated jurisprudence but also clarifies our nation's garbled constitutional discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Patient records, imaging, and residual biomaterial from clinical procedures are crucial resources for medical research. In the Netherlands, consent for secondary research has historically relied on opt-out consent. For ethical-legal experts who purport passive consent undermines patient autonomy, opt-in consent (wherein affirmative action is required) is seen as the preferred standard. To date, there is little empirical research exploring patient feasibility, organizational consequences, and the potential risks for research based on secondary data. Thus, we applied the RE-AIM framework to evaluate the impact of migrating from an opt-out to an opt-in consent process. Methods: This evaluation was carried out in Radboud University Medical Center, a large tertiary hospital located in the southeast of the Netherlands. All non-acute, mentally competent patients ≥16 years of age registered between January 13, 2020 and June 30, 2023 were targeted (N = 101,437). In line with the RE-AIM framework, individual and organizational consequences were evaluated across five domains: reach, efficacy, adoption, implementation, and maintenance. Results: 101,437 eligible patients were approached of whom 66,214 (65.3%) consented, 8,059 (7.9%) refused consent and 27,164 (26.8%) had no response. Of the 74,273 patients with a response, 89.1% consented to secondary use. The migration to an opt-in consent system was modestly successful; yet notably, differential response patterns by key sociodemographic characteristics were observed. Adaptions to the process flow improved its effectiveness and resulted in a reasonable response over time. Implementation was most affected by budgetary restraints, thus impeding the iterative approach which could have further improved domain outcomes. Conclusion: This evaluation provides an overview of logistical and pragmatic issues encountered when migrating from opt-out to opt-in consent. Response bias remains a major concern. Though not always directly transferable, these lessons can be broadly used to inform other health care organizations of the potential advantages and pitfalls of an opt-in consent system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Cardiovascular diseases (CVDs) are the leading cause of death in Indonesia, accounting for 38% of the total mortality in 2019. Moreover, healthcare spending on CVDs has been at the top of the spending under the National Health Insurance (NHI) implementation. This study analyzed the association between the presence of CVDs with or without other chronic disease comorbidities and healthcare costs among adults (> 30 years old) and if the association differed between NHI members in the subsidized group (poorer) and non-subsidized households group (better-off) in Indonesia. Methods: This retrospective cohort study analyzed the NHI database from 2016–2018 for individuals with chronic diseases (n = 271,065) ascertained based on ICD-10 codes. The outcome was measured as healthcare costs in USD value for 2018. We employed a three-level multilevel linear regression, with individuals at the first level, households at the second level, and districts at the third level. The outcome of healthcare costs was transformed with an inverse hyperbolic sine to account for observations with zero costs and skewed data. We conducted a cross-level interaction analysis to analyze if the association between individuals with different diagnosis groups and healthcare costs differed between those who lived in subsidized and non-subsidized households. Results: The mean healthcare out- and inpatient costs were higher among patients diagnosed with CVDs and multimorbidity than patients with other diagnosis groups. The predicted mean outpatient costs for patients with CVDs and multimorbidity were more than double compared to those with CVDs but no comorbidity (USD 119.5 vs USD 49.1, respectively for non-subsidized households and USD 79.9 vs USD 36.7, respectively for subsidized households). The NHI household subsidy status modified relationship between group of diagnosis and healthcare costs which indicated a weaker effect in the subsidized household group (β = -0.24, 95% CI -0.29, -0.19 for outpatient costs in patients with CVDs and multimorbidity). At the household level, higher out- and inpatient costs were associated with the number of household members with multimorbidity. At the district level, higher healthcare costs was associated with the availability of primary healthcare centres. Conclusions: CVDs and multimorbidity are associated with higher healthcare costs, and the association is stronger in non-subsidized NHI households. Households' subsidy status can be construed as indirect socioeconomic inequality that hampers access to healthcare facilities. Efforts to combat cardiovascular diseases (CVDs) and multimorbidity should consider their distinct impacts on subsidized households. The effort includes affirmative action on non-communicable disease (NCD) management programs that target subsidized households from the early stage of the disease. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The changing structure of households in Africa is challenging the design of micro-level pro-poor policies. • Divorce/separation and widowhood have increased compared to data from 1987/88. • Lower incomes in female-headed households do not lower children's educational investment. • The gender mix of children plays a key role in aggregate household investments for male-headed households, with the financial inclusion of female household heads under 40 years being important for investments in children's education. • Structural changes in female leadership in communities interact with structural changes at the household level. Female headship of households has increased significantly around the world. This paper establishes a link between gender, income, and children's educational investments in an imperfect credit market. We show using a representative household survey from Ghana that, even though there is a positive correlation between income and educational investments, there are expected and unexpected heterogeneities in income and children's educational investments. We find that, whereas income levels for male-headed households with children 6 to 18 years are over 20% higher, female-headed households tend to invest 31% to 38% more on children's education than male-headed households. In imperfect credit markets, higher educational investments could be taking place at the expense of other household outcomes such as food/leisure. Our empirical results show the need for different interventions for different households. We also show how institutional changes that recognize affirmative action can interact with household-level structural changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we provide evidence on attitudes toward indirect past-in-present educational discrimination (i.e., educational discrimination that took place in the past but has a negative impact on the current employment opportunities of the discriminated against workers). We use an original vignette-based hypothetical survey experiment and collect data from a representative sample of the US population. We find that a significant majority of respondents support costly compensation for past educational discrimination. Moreover, we find that respondents are as sensitive to indirect past-in-present educational discrimination as they are to present-day employment discrimination. We point out that the causal effects on attitudes are stronger for the intentionality of discrimination than for its financial consequences for the discriminated group. Finally, attitudes appear to be driven more by respondents' political perspective than by their own actual identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of broad research developed by a group of Brazilian scholars to make an assessment of affirmative action policies in admissions to higher education in Brazil, namely the quota legislation in place since 2012, which reserves places for lower-income, Afro-Brazilians and indigenous students in federal universities. The research has been developed through a combination of methods including analysis of secondary data, case studies in six federal universities, and interviews with university leadership and faculty members. The article presents the main results of the study, including the effect of quota legislation in diversifying the profile of higher education students in the last decade. It shows that a significant proportion of Afro-Brazilian students have been able to access good-quality higher education because of this legislation. The article concludes by presenting some challenges faced by quota students in federal universities, especially related to student support policies and a sense of belonging. It also presents recommendations to improve these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates a tension between affirmative action scholars who hypothesize that affirmative action bans would increase underrepresented minority students' STEM college completions and scholars who have empirically estimated declines. It also questions results that that find no existence of a STEM penalty (compared to non-STEM) caused by affirmative action bans and finds that a STEM penalty is likely, but varies from a very modest effect (using the Department of Homeland Security taxonomy) to a more substantial impact (using the National Science Foundation taxonomy). This study finds that many of the tensions between affirmative action scholars studying STEM are likely the product of model specification. It illustrates how the following have impacted the estimates: the period studied, the inclusion and exclusion of certain ban states, the measure of institutional selectivity, and most importantly, the taxonomy of STEM. Furthermore, this study builds upon prior studies by analyzing private schools and the shorter-term and longer-term impacts of the bans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article has two parts. First, I argue that three prominent arguments in favour of affirmative action – the mitigating discrimination argument, the equality of opportunity argument and the diversity argument – may be based on a relational egalitarian theory of justice, as opposed to a distributive understanding of justice. Second, I argue that basing these arguments in favour of affirmative action on relational egalitarianism has an interesting implication when it comes to the site(s) of affirmative action. Whereas affirmative action is usually discussed and pursued in university admissions and in hiring for jobs, the relational egalitarian–based arguments entail, all else equal, that we have more reason to pursue affirmative action in the political domain than in the traditional sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of literature has focused on how different states continuously "make race" by legitimizing certain racial categories while invisibilizing others. Much less has been written on the actual processes of transforming race into a bureaucratic category when implementing antiracist public policies. This article focuses on the recent use of verification commissions to validate the racial self-identification of potential beneficiaries of racial quotas at federal higher education institutions in Brazil. We argue that through their choices, particularly through their definition of what race is, of who can see race, and of how to see race, these commissions are transforming not only understandings about affirmative action's aims but also understandings of race. The study focuses on three potential consequences of commission practices for Brazilian racial boundaries: the disciplining of racial identifications, the decontextualization of race, and the individualization of racial injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the impact of recent Supreme Court rulings on race-conscious admissions in higher education, highlighting the implications for Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) in fostering diversity within the medical profession. Topics include the role of HBCUs in addressing underrepresentation in medicine, the importance of financial support to enhance their educational offerings.

The article examines the legal jurisdiction of race conscious home ownership programs as remedy for discrimination, civil rights principles aligned with special purpose credit programs, and affirmative fair housing. Topics discussed include homes for equity, home ownership and restorative racial justice, reverse discrimination and affirmative action, court decision in Students for Fair Admissions and duty imposed by the Fair Housing Act for federal housing and community development programs.

The article explores the implications of affirmative action programs, particularly in the context of the case Mark One Elec. Co. v. City of Kansas City, which upheld a personal net worth limitation as part of a government affirmative action program. It delves into the constitutional scrutiny faced by such programs and analyzes the concept of narrow tailoring in this context.

As the 2022 Supreme Court term waned, the press and public waited with trepidation or excitement for noteworthy cases that addressed important policy questions, including affirmative action, student loan forgiveness, and conflicts between religious freedom and gay rights. Fewer people shared the concerns of Civil Procedure scholars who anxiously awaited the Court's decision in Mallory v. Norfolk Southern Railway Co. For over a decade, the Court found that states violated due process in asserting personal jurisdiction over various defendants despite the lack of any meaningful burden on the defendant's ability to defend against claims in the plaintiff's choice of forum. Mallory raised concerns because of some of the Justices' questions during oral argument and because the Court did not issue its decision until the end of the term. This led to speculation that the Court was about to radically alter its due process analysis in personal jurisdiction cases based on the original public meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment. When the Court published Mallory, one could hear a collective sigh of relief. The Court found that the state court had jurisdiction based on its consent statute. But Mallory produced a good bit of headscratching. The Court divided 5-4. The Justices did not split along the political line exposed in most of the Court's important decisions. Further, Justice Gorsuch wrote the lead opinion, but gained a majority for only part of his reasoning. This article explores what if? What if the Court adopted an originalist approach to personal jurisdiction? For example, this article explores whether an original understanding of personal jurisdiction makes sense given modern transportation, interstate commerce, and communication. It argues against incorporating the Dormant Commerce Clause analysis into personal jurisdiction and concludes that incorporation will reflect another attempt to favor defendants by closing the courthouse door to injured plaintiffs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Supreme Court's recent decision striking down the use of race-based classifications in university admissions reflects its growing commitment to the concept of "colorblindness," which has implications well beyond education. In anticipation, many schools and other actors are already moving toward alternative, facially race-neutral strategies for promoting diversity and reducing racial disparity. But what will happen when those policies too are challenged because they have race-related motives? Will courts soon find all race-conscious policymaking unlawful based on its ends? This is the next stage of the legal battle over colorblindness, and it is already underway. The first wave of this litigation has centered on selective public magnet schools at the K-12 level. At the time of the Supreme Court's affirmative action decision, four challenges to magnet school admissions policies were already pending in, or had just been decided by, the federal courts of appeals. All of the policies in question are race blind: Applicants' race is not considered in any way. But all were nonetheless challenged under the theory that they were crafted impermissibly with diversity concerns in mind. In one, a district court threw out the policy. These cases are clearly designed to be vehicles for the Supreme Court to extend the colorblindness principle to the ends sought by policymakers, not merely to race-conscious means. Such an extension would completely upend the government's role in addressing racial inequality and throw countless existing policies into question. Other similar challenges will surely soon follow. This Article uses the magnet school litigation as an entry point to examine the future of colorblindness, arguing that precedent and many other considerations counsel against extending the principle beyond racial classifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to study the issues of inclusiveness in Ukraine and analyse the National Strategy for Creating a Barrier-Free Environment regarding its consistency with the facts of life in Ukraine. It considers the international experience in creating a barrier-free inclusive society and the implementation of the most effective achievements in Ukraine. It analyses the National Strategy and singles out its specific features, key elements, and main aims in creating a barrier-free environment in Ukraine. Analysis of the National Strategy was conducted in the context of inclusion and ensuring equal opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous evidence suggests that interventions that raise awareness of gender inequality might have the potential to challenge and undo well-anchored biases but, at the same time, might be threatening and provoke reactance against them. The effects of such interventions might also have a differential impact on women and men and vary depending on their level of neosexism and feminist identification. Extending previous research, two pre-registered studies (N = 1,895) were conducted to explore the differential effects of interventions that raise awareness of gender (in)equality with two frames (i.e., gender equality achievement vs. gender inequality persistence) on women's and men's attitudes toward women and gender equality. We also examined whether participants' gender ideology moderates these effects via different psychological mechanisms (identity threat and cognitive unfreezing). Results indicated that for women, the gender inequality persistence framing is more effective (increases cognitive unfreezing) but potentially riskier (enhances identity threat) than the gender equality achievement framing. For men, the gender equality achievement framing seems especially effective as it reduced identity threat, although such effect is contingent on their gender ideology (feminist identification or/and neosexism). These findings have implications for the discourse of practitioners, politicians, and activists who might capitalize on the power of combining gender equality with gender inequality frames to improve attitudes toward women and gender equality depending on the specific goals, the context, and the target of the interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the need to rely on a diverse pool of suppliers, besides achieving cost effectiveness. Common wisdom, however, holds that these two aims are in conflict. We explore a model of dual sourcing and propose complementing a share auction with affirmative action to create an endogenous set-aside for a high-cost supplier. In our model more intensive affirmative action strengthens the targeted provider. This has the potential to level the playing field, inducing more competitive procurement overall. Our main result provides a condition under which the endogenous set-aside not only guarantees a very substantial share for the high-cost supplier, but also reduces the buyer's provision cost compared to a standard auction. We also illustrate how our approach can help reducing the severity and likelihood of health product shortages, such as those occurred during the COVID-19 outbreak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On June 29, 2023, the Supreme Court of the United States ("SCOTUS") ruled on addressing the legality of race-conscious affirmative action in college admissions programs in Students for Fair Admission, Inc. Based on the ruling, our study examined the literature to answer one research question: How will the SCOTUS affirmative action ruling affect the integrity of university leaders? We now understand how post-affirmative action could affect the integrity of university leaders. We now know more about (1) leaders' perspectives post-SCOTUS ruling, (2) leaders' influences on the educational culture, and (3) the effects that leaders' integrity could have after the SCOTUS Title VI 2023 ruling. We make five conjectures about what we believe will guide university leaders' integrity post-SCOTUS ruling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Affirmative action suffered a blow in the United States at the hands of the Supreme Court, but it continues to be used to extend access to higher education elsewhere—particularly in large, diverse democracies in the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past forty years, affirmative action advocates have participated in a defensive campaign where they have admitted that affirmative action is a form of justified discrimination. This Article finds this a dangerous strategy because it allows for the practice of misguided beliefs about race and remedies for racism. When schools fail to fight the pernicious perception that affirmative action is a racial preference, they allow the bulk of society to participate in the belief that there are no other remedial justifications for affirmative action--like remedying an institution's history of discrimination, or curing a school's present and ongoing discrimination by accounting for bias in admissions measures like grades, standardized testing, and letters of recommendation which are the products of racial bias. Given this fact, affirmative action is neither a racial preference nor a form of "benign" racial discrimination. Instead, affirmative action acts as a corrective function. This Article argues that the Supreme Court's dismantling of affirmative action in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard ("SFFA v. Harvard") was not solely the work of conservatives. Advocates of affirmative action implemented an over forty-year, weak affirmative defense strategy that centered diversity and treated race conscious remedies as a form of preferential treatment. This Article discusses how portions of the SFFA decision that are critical of the diversity rationale align with principles of racial equality. Additionally, this Article discusses equality, the critiques of the diversity rationale, and calls for advocates of affirmative action to abandon diversity in the wake of SFFA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of affirmative action bans suffers from focusing on the ivory tower as the site for the impacts of affirmative action bans. Prior literature on affirmative action bans has missed the bigger picture, failing to see that less glamorous schools have also been impacted by the bans. This article fully fleshes out the impacts of affirmative action on postsecondary education by their level of selectivity (Barron's Admissions Competitiveness Index) and sector (private, public, and for profit) from a merged data set (Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System and the Current Population Survey) spanning 1991 to 2016. The results of a differences-in-differences analysis find that a small group of for-profit institutions with very large enrollments became a destination for underrepresented minority students in the wake of affirmative action bans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reviews the Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. (SFFA) versus President and Fellows of Harvard College case which held that affirmative action policies boost undeserving beneficiaries like privileged racial minorities. Topics covered include the SFFA benefits and costs, and affirmative actions' generation of a wide range of problems and prioritization of victimization. Also noted are conservative principles' possible undercutting of affirmative actions.

Background: Globally, there is a disparity that exists between equal employment opportunities for people with disabilities post-schooling. While South Africa has aimed at the inclusion of people with disabilities, there has not been sufficient evidence of a successful transition from school to work environments. Objectives: This study documents the experiences and barriers that influence the preparation of high school students with disabilities for post-secondary education and work opportunities. Method: A qualitative research methodology employing multiple case study design was used where semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with youth between the ages of 18 years and 36 years who were currently employed. The participants were identified through purposeful sampling. Data were analysed by thematic analysis. Results: The findings indicate two overarching themes indicating that the career choices of participants, firstly, were significantly influenced by teacher and guidance counsellor expectations and, secondly, experiences of discouragement where personal agency and autonomy were limited. Conclusion: This study illuminates the need to enhance the decisions around careers for people with disabilities which should debunk the expectations of society. Contribution: This study will make teachers, mentors and counsellors more aware of their contribution, influence and support to youth with disabilities as they transition into the workplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]