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Representing neither the glory of World War II, nor the anguish of the Vietnam War, the Korean War continues to occupy an obscure place in American history and culture. Similarly, those who fought in this conflict – including African Americans – have been overshadowed by the combatants who served before and after. Yet the Korean War was enormously significant, not least because it was the first conflict fought by a racially integrated American fighting force. For the first time, black and white soldiers ate, slept, and fought side by side. Films about the Korean War made during the 1950s explored this new racial dynamic. Focusing on the representation of African Americans in The Steel Helmet (1951) and Pork Chop Hill (1959), this article examines the ways in which screen representations both reflected and challenged popular attitudes regarding African American military service during the Korean War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the impact of education and household income on African American women's perception of HIV risk on PrEP use. Secondary data from the Be-PrEPared dataset on 202 African American women's attitudes toward condom use, biomedical prevention strategies, and risks associated with HIV transmission. African American women with a greater level of education and a perceived risk of HIV were more likely to utilize PrEP than African American women with a lower level of education and no reported risk of HIV. Additionally, women with a higher household income and perceived HIV risk were more likely to use PrEP as well. These associations were still present when taking HIV knowledge into account. It is the job of health practitioners and public health/health education professionals to improve PrEP interventions to be more culturally competent which will make adults more cognizant of the health issues related to HIV infection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) demonstrates effectiveness in decreasing new cases of HIV. However, few African Americans use PrEP, despite being disproportionately impacted by HIV. Understanding the influence of sociocultural and structural factors on PrEP use among multiple priority groups of African Americans, including but not limited to men who have sex with men, may improve PrEP engagement and uptake. The social ecological model (SEM) as a framework guided the understanding of how these factors operate on multiple levels to influence PrEP use among this population. Methods: This study derived data from the Afya PrEP study consisting of eleven focus groups (N = 63) with 18-29-year-old African American sexual and gender minority and heterosexual individuals at heightened behavioral vulnerability to HIV. We employed constructivist grounded theory processes to inductively analyze the data. A pooled kappa score of 0.90 indicated excellent inter-rater agreement. Results: Factors impacting PrEP engagement among African American young adults included: (1) Community/social network influences; (2) medical mistrust; (3) stigma; (4) PrEP availability and accessibility, which had two sub-categories: (a) cost and (b) where to obtain PrEP; and (5) PrEP engagement strategies, which had two sub-categories: (a) current AIDS service organizations' PrEP engagement practices and (b) recommended future PrEP engagement strategies. Categories one through three represent sociocultural factors, and categories four and five represent structural factors that influence perceptions and attitudes of African American young adults regarding PrEP. Conclusion: Our study highlights sociocultural and structural factors that act as barriers and facilitators to PrEP engagement. The SEM guided the understanding of how these factors operated on multiple levels. One of the sociocultural factors, community/social network influences operated at the interpersonal level of the SEM; the other two, stigma and medical mistrust, operated at the community level. The structural factors (PrEP availability, accessibility, and engagement strategies) operated at the institutional/organizational level. Thus, multi-level interventions are warranted to improve PrEP engagement among various African American young adult priority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical and current literature is reviewed and social psychological theory is applied to support novel theories about African Americans' attitudes toward nonhuman animals. Due to psychological reactions stemming from their brutal U.S. history, involving shared suffering with animals, African Americans are theorized to have either negative or positive beliefs about animals. Two studies revealed the latter: that African Americans have positive attitudes toward animals overall, as measured by a new, statistically reliable Attitudes toward Animals Scale. In Study 1, African American university students' attitudes were somewhat less positive than White students' attitudes, but in Study 2, older African American community members' attitudes were more positive than Whites'. This cross-study difference, however, results from less positive White attitudes in Study 2, rather than from any important difference in African Americans' attitudes across the two samples. The results and unique theoretical framework pave the way for future research on this important issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Knowing Him by Heart: African Americans on Abraham Lincoln" is a comprehensive collection of writings, speeches, and thoughts from African Americans spanning 150 years of U.S. history. The book explores the complex and evolving opinions and attitudes of African Americans towards Abraham Lincoln and his impact on their lives and American society. The editors, Fred Lee Hord and Matthew D. Norman, provide biographical and analytical context for each selection, identifying six major themes in Black Americans' responses to Lincoln. This collection is a valuable resource for scholars and educators in African American and U.S. history. [Extracted from the article]

Lorraine Hansberry's essay "Stanley Gleason" expresses her theory of Black existence. The essay depicts everyday acts that transform the body and, in so doing, expand what is possible. Her ideas about Black existence emerge as part of a long history of Black thought and in relationship to the artistic and political communities she organized. While working in Greenwich Village, Hansberry crossed paths with and learned from an international cadre of intellectuals and performing artists, including South African singer Miriam Makeba, how to shift the body to shape reality. The essay offers possibilities for locating live options within historical periods marked by despair and, therefore, for remapping the Black world from one of negation to one within what Hansberry called an affirmative movement in history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work extends examination of African American students' attitudes toward learning and achievement to contrast the oppositional culture (Ogbu and Fordham) and cultural integrity perspectives. We assessed 200 students' responses to classrooms designed to support competitive, individualistic, communal or high-verve thinking, and behavior. Students preferred activity structures and physical ecologies supporting the expression of communalism and high verve. Relationships with grade point average (GPA) were also examined. Interviews corroborated the questionnaires. Students' positive attitudes toward academic success are moderated by the value orientation of what must be done to succeed. Implications for reinterpreting students' resistant/disengaged behavior are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: In this study, we examine how attitudes about race, as well as ethno‐racial identities, influence support for various gun regulation policies. Drawing on the Racial Resentment and identity politics literature, we argue that attitudes about gun control are not simply driven by ideological, partisan, or demographic factors, but are often influenced by attitudes about race and identity, and region. Methods: Using data from a 2016 national survey of White, African American, and Hispanic/Latinx respondents, along with a comparable southern sample, we test for the effects of ethno‐racial identity, Racial Resentment, evaluations of the Black Lives Matter movement, and feelings about African Americans on individuals' attitudes about background checks and banning assault weapons. Using the 2016 American National Election Study, we test the generalizability of these findings in the presence of additional controls. Results: Overall, we find that attitudes about race, ethno‐racial identities, and in some cases regional variations, help explain support for gun regulation policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study we examine the role of moral values in predicting COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among Black Americans. Guided by moral foundations theory, we assess the associations between six moral foundations (care, fairness, loyalty, authority, purity, liberty) and attitudes and intentions toward COVID-19 vaccination. Results of a national survey of Black Americans (N = 1,497) indicate that the care and loyalty moral foundations consistently predicted less vaccine hesitancy with overall more favorable attitudes and intentions toward COVID-19 vaccination, whereas the purity and liberty moral foundations were consistently associated with greater vaccine hesitancy. Relationships between the foundations and vaccine hesitancy were mediated by perceived vaccine effectiveness and safety. Implications of the findings for COVID-19 vaccine communication are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public opinion research has long demonstrated that white Americans are generally resistant to racially egalitarian policies. Using decades of national public opinion data, we re-examine opinion on race policy in the wake of considerable polarization and shifts in racial attitudes across white partisans. We find that white Democrats have in recent years shown both increasingly liberal racial attitudes and a marked increase in support for policies promoting racial equality that at times rivals the levels of support expressed by Black Americans. We also find, however, that these trends among white Democrats are tempered by heightened levels of racial resentment and continued opposition to racially egalitarian policies among white Republicans. Today, partisans appear to be far more polarized on matters of race and racism than at any point in the last three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from a national sample, I examine Blacks' feelings of closeness toward Asians in the United States. More specifically, I explore the following: (1) perceived closeness toward Asians, (2) correlates of perceived closeness, and (3) ethnic and national/cultural origin differences in perceived closeness. Results show that feelings of closeness toward Asians are rather similar between African Americans, Jamaicans, Haitians, Spanish-speaking Caribbeans, Trinidadians, and other English-speaking Caribbeans. Ethnic subgroup regression analyses reveal several interesting findings. Only among African Americans, everyday discrimination was negatively associated with feelings of closeness toward Asians. Living in the Northeast was positively correlated with perceived closeness toward Asians. Living in the Midwest, being married, financial strain, and higher educational attainment were correlates of closeness toward Asians only among Black Caribbeans. For Blacks overall, having immigrated to the United States more than 20 years ago was positively correlated with feelings of closeness toward Asians compared to native-born Blacks. While being female and everyday discrimination decreased feelings of closeness, positive Black group evaluation and higher religiosity levels increased feelings of closeness. Considering the growing diversity within the Black population in the United States to assess Black-Asian relations, these findings identify several correlates of their felt closeness toward Asians. These results can improve our understanding of Black-Asian relations more broadly, which is especially crucial given the unique dynamic between these two racial groups and ongoing perception of Black-Asian conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, a number of prominent Republican elites have argued that the economic plight of African Americans is attributable to undocumented immigration to the United States. Have these arguments concerning the link between black economic well-being and undocumented immigration become commonplace in the rhetoric of Republican elites, and if so, does exposure to these appeals impact black vote choice? Employing data from over forty years of congressional speeches, the campaign speeches and public addresses of President Donald Trump, televised campaign advertisements from the Wisconsin/Wesleyan Advertising Projects, and a survey experiment embedded in the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we find that Republican elected officials have increasingly made substantive appeals to blacks on the issue of immigration reform, that exposure to this type of substantive appeal leads blacks to more strongly support a fictional Republican candidate, and that this support is moderated by a respondent's level of linked fate. These findings challenge existing scholarship that Republican elites ignore the concerns of the black community and suggest that Republicans may be using the issue of immigration to drive a wedge in the Democratic electoral coalition by targeting the Democratic Party's strongest constituency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores differences among African Americans, Latinos, and whites regarding which attributes are most important to being truly American and how these competing conceptions relate to an individual's level of racial animus toward African Americans. Using nationally representative survey data, we first find that Americans of different races vary across six different components of national identity and do so in ways consistent with theorizing on symbolic racism and inter-group conflict. Specifically, Americans place more importance on those components shared with indivduals of the same race. We then analyze how these differing beliefs about national identity influence racial animus. Here, we find robust evidence that individuals who prioritize the ascriptive, exclusive elements of national identity are more racist, while individuals who embrace its most inclusive element are less so. Finally, we reveal that the relationship between conceptions of national identity and racism is moderated substantially by race, and this robust relationship for whites and Latinos is virtually identical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We sought to measure whether, and to what extent, correlations existed between trait-level cooperation and competition and different forms of intergroup prejudice. We recruited two samples of heterosexual European-American participants (n = 113 and n = 223) from a U.S. national panel survey service. Participants completed measures of racial, gender, and sexual orientation prejudice as questionnaires. In both samples, we found that trait competition tended to positively correlate with explicit measures, such that increasing trait competition was associated with higher degrees of prejudice. Interestingly, we found that different "families" of prejudice had different correlational profiles with trait competition, such that those with racial and gender prejudice had larger magnitudes than sexual orientation prejudice. Separately, trait cooperation only correlated reliably with prejudicial attitudes toward African Americans, such that increasing trait cooperation was associated with lower levels of prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined attitudes toward transracial adoption held by 104 African American master of social work (MSW) students. Consistent with previous studies, the students considered transracial adoption to be a necessary practice for the well-being of children but expressed concern about the racial and ethnic identity development of transracially adopted children and the parenting ability of White parents in raising those adopted children. Implications for social work research and practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on novel "Uncle Tom's Cabin" by Harriet Beecher Stowe, and explains that Lord Cockburn claimed that "Uncle Tom's Cabin" has done more for humanity than was ever before. Topics discussed include rationality and humanity of Stowe's slave characters; theatrical adaptation of novel at New York's National Theatre; and need to minimizing all forms of rent extraction for maximizing human flourishing.

The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has organized hundreds of disruptive protests in American cities since 2013 (Garza 2014; Harris 2015; Taylor 2016). The movement has garnered considerable attention from the U.S. media and is well recognized by the U.S. public (Horowitz and Livingston 2016; Neal 2017). Social movement scholars suggest that such robust mobilizations are typically predicated on clear social movement frames (Benford and Snow 2000; Snow et al. 1986). Tillery (2019b) has identified several distinct message frames within the social media communications of BLM activists. In this paper, we use a survey experiment to test the effect of three of these frames—Black Nationalist, Feminist, and LGBTQ+ Rights—on the mobilization of African Americans. We find that exposure to these frames generates differential effects on respondents' willingness to support, trust, canvass, and write representatives about the Black Lives Matter movement. These findings raise new questions about the deployment of intersectional messaging strategies within movements for racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social decisions are often imbued with biases that can lead to discrimination against certain groups of people. Racial minorities frequently find themselves on the receiving end of such discrimination. Recent work also reveals partisan bias such that members of one political party unfairly favor their copartisans or discriminate against members of the other party. In this article, we use an e-mail correspondence study to explore the impact of racial and partisan discrimination in higher education. We find no direct evidence of a racial or political bias; however, we do find that African Americans who reference politics in any way receive substantially fewer responses. This coheres with the theory of racial threat: members of a majority group are averse to minorities who might threaten their political, economic, or social status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown the harmful effects of stereotypical messages on viewers, including increased negative attitudes toward outgroup members. In contrast, positive or counter-stereotypical portrayals can lead to less prejudiced attitudes toward outgroup members; however, these kinds of portrayals are not always easy to come by. As a result, alternative methods for combating the effects of stereotypical messages are necessary. The current study examined the ability of self-transcendent emotions, specifically awe, to reduce the negative effects of stereotypical portrayals of African American men. Contrary to expectations, results showed that participants who watched an awe-inducing video before a stereotypical video reported more negative explicit attitudes toward African Americans compared to those in control conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research suggests there may be racial differences in how adults rate children's ADHD behavior. Differences in perceptions of Black parents and White teachers could have implications for ADHD diagnosis of Black children. This study compared ADHD ratings of Black parents to White teachers, and examined factors that may explain racial differences. Participants included 71 Black parents (65 women, 6 men; Mage = 33.92) and 60 White teachers (41 women, 19 men; Mage = 33.60), as well as a comparison group of 65 White parents (49 women, 16 men; Mage = 36.83). Participants watched video clips of children in classrooms and rated ADHD behaviors and ADHD likelihood. They then completed questionnaires regarding beliefs about ADHD stigma, verve (movement expressiveness), experiences with racial discrimination, and racial attitudes. White teachers rated Black boys' ADHD behaviors and their likelihood of having ADHD higher than Black parents. White teachers with more negative racial attitudes toward African Americans gave higher ADHD behavior and likelihood ratings to Black boys than did teachers with less negative racial attitudes. Across all participants, ADHD stigma beliefs and verve were not related to ratings of Black boys. Black parents with more experiences with racial discrimination gave higher ratings to Black boys' ADHD behaviors. Research is necessary to further explain the mechanisms by which discrepancies in ratings of Black boys' ADHD behaviors exist between Black and White adults to inform culturally sensitive assessment and diagnosis of ADHD in Black children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an interview with para-ethnographers Mary Ferguson and Tiffany Robertson on African American protests in St. Louis, Missouri. Some of the topics include the impact of African American teenager Michael Brown's death on Witnessing Whiteness, a white caucus, attitude towards the various protests, racial problem and the need for people engagement.

This article argues that black workers' perceptions of racial discrimination derive not just from being in the minority, but also from their position in the organizational structure. Researchers have shown that black individuals encounter an enormous amount of racial discrimination in the workplace, including but not limited to exclusion from critical social networks, wage disparities, and hiring disadvantages. But fewer studies examine the extent to which black workers believe racial discrimination is a salient factor in their occupational mobility or the factors that might explain their divergent perceptions of racial discrimination. Based on 60 in-depth interviews with black medical doctors, nurses, and technicians in the healthcare industry, we show that black workers' status within an organizational hierarchy fundamentally informs perceptions of the nature and type of workplace racial discrimination. These findings have implications for understanding how racial dynamics at work are linked to mental health, occupational satisfaction, and organizational change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Black Lives Matter (BLM) Movement is the civil rights issue of our time, with opinions being fractured along racial lines. We examine how the relationship between identity constructs and BLM support operates differently among African Americans and White Americans. Our findings show ethnic identity predicts African Americans' attitudes on BLM, but is a poor predictor of White Americans' beliefs. Conversely, social dominance orientation better predicts White Americans' opinions of BLM, but does not associate with BLM attitudes among African Americans. The interaction of these constructs among White American respondents suggests that as White Americans discuss racial issues, the impact of social dominance is negated – leading to positive evaluations of BLM. These processes have implications for communication about racial issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wilderness has been constructed as White, in part through histories that marginalize African American attitudes and experiences. In response, we provide an overview of African Americans' relationships with nature during three historical periods: (a) Enslavement, (b) Reconstruction and Postreconstruction, and (c) 1936–1994. African Americans' relationships with nature were created through an ongoing dialectic of oppression and transgression throughout each historical period. Four types of transgression were identified: wilderness as a space free of White oppression, wilderness as a site to challenge White oppression, engagement with nature despite White oppression, and advocacy for more just relationships with wilderness. Transgression is discussed as a means to remember environmental history and envision new relationships between African Americans and wilderness in the present, bonds for which transgression may one day no longer be necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This study examined whether members of one racial or ethnic minority group (i.e., Dominican Americans) express fewer positive attitudes toward members of a different racial or ethnic minority group (i.e., African Americans)-with which they do not identify-when they perceive that their group faces discrimination on a basis that categorizes them together with that other group (i.e., race).Method: Ninety-nine Dominican-American undergraduate students (Mage = 20.23, SD = 1.64; 53% women, 18% first generation) were randomly assigned to read a brief article stating that discrimination against Dominicans was based either on language or immigrant status (n = 48) or race (n = 51). Afterward they reported their attitudes toward and similarity to African Americans.Results: Dominican-American undergraduates who perceived that they were dissimilar to African Americans expressed fewer positive attitudes toward the group when told that Dominicans face discrimination because of race as opposed to because of their language and immigrant status.Conclusions: The study suggests that perceived discrimination from White Americans can induce categorization threat and influence intraminority relations. Members of 1 racial or ethnic minority group can express fewer positive attitudes toward members of another group with which they do not feel similar when they perceive that members of both groups face discrimination based on a shared category. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This study examined whether members of one racial or ethnic minority group (i.e., Dominican Americans) express fewer positive attitudes toward members of a different racial or ethnic minority group (i.e., African Americans)—with which they do not identify—when they perceive that their group faces discrimination on a basis that categorizes them together with that other group (i.e., race). Method: Ninety-nine Dominican-American undergraduate students (Mage = 20.23, SD = 1.64; 53% women, 18% first generation) were randomly assigned to read a brief article stating that discrimination against Dominicans was based either on language or immigrant status (n = 48) or race (n = 51). Afterward they reported their attitudes toward and similarity to African Americans. Results: Dominican-American undergraduates who perceived that they were dissimilar to African Americans expressed fewer positive attitudes toward the group when told that Dominicans face discrimination because of race as opposed to because of their language and immigrant status. Conclusions: The study suggests that perceived discrimination from White Americans can induce categorization threat and influence intraminority relations. Members of 1 racial or ethnic minority group can express fewer positive attitudes toward members of another group with which they do not feel similar when they perceive that members of both groups face discrimination based on a shared category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies provide conflicting accounts of whether indirect contact with the American carceral state mobilizes. We revisit this controversy, using a large national survey of Black Americans that includes a novel measure of social connections to people with felony convictions to examine spillover dynamics. We find that while ties to the carceral state are widespread, the impact of these connections on participation is moderated by the severity of state-level felony disenfranchisement laws. In states with the most severe disenfranchisement policies, close ties to people with felony convictions increase both voting and nonvoting participation, but there is no effect in states with more moderate laws. The findings suggest that surrogate participation may be at work, whereby formally removing the rights of one group in a way that seems extreme or unjust mobilizes those close to them, and highlight the importance of policy context on political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: In the historic 2018 Georgia gubernatorial election, which for the first time featured a black Democratic woman against a white Republican man, we assess opinions toward voting‐related concerns and their impact on voters' preferences. Methods: We surveyed political behavior with a representative sample of likely Georgia voters to gauge their perceptions of voting‐related improprieties and their possible effect on vote choice. Results: Our analysis makes it clear that not only did voters divide over election‐related concerns, which dominated the narrative of the gubernatorial contest, but opinions on this matter strongly influenced the choice for governor. Conclusions: Reflecting a national development, but amplified in Georgia because demographic changes and growing minority participation are increasing competition, election administration has become highly politicized and it was the focal point of the 2018 gubernatorial campaign and the principal short‐term factor shaping mass voting behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial attitudes are multidimensional, and the corresponding picture we get from survey data on racial attitudes is complex. Tracing the results of major national surveys that provide trends over at least 10 years, and with at least three time points (primarily the General Social Survey and the National Election Studies), this article reveals that complexity. Some survey questions show dramatic changes in support of racial equality, while others reveal stagnation or even increasing negativity or disinterest. The article also describes the differences between whites and blacks in patterns and trends. Although compared to some issues, the survey record on racial attitudes is robust and lengthy, we draw attention to important ways in which it is uneven. We conclude by highlighting areas for future research that focus on improved survey measures that will capture more fully the complexity of contemporary public opinion on racial matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the Family and Community Health Survey, the current study explores developmental pathways from age 11 to 24 of African American males and females. This study describes the number and type of trajectories of offending for male and female African Americans, as much research in the past on trajectories has focused on White and/or male samples. We also investigate predictors of offending for the females both between and within trajectory groups. Results indicated that females who experienced higher levels of racial discrimination and greater parental hostility were more likely to be in a late bloomer group, compared with the low-level group. In addition, higher levels of racial discrimination and deviant peer affiliation were predictive of more offending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The variety of experiences of African American adolescents is still misunderstood and neglected. Empirical and lay reports consistently report that drug use is rampant within African American communities despite the fact that national statistics show that African Americans engage in substance use less than their White counterparts. Thus, the current study investigates the relations between African American adolescents' school encouragement, academic future expectations (AFE), and substance use engagement. The participants are 206 African American adolescents (females = 65.7%), mean age 15.78 (SD = 1.18), who reside in a southern, urban city. The regression results indicated that there was an inverse, trend level relation between school encouragement and the global substance use assessment (β = −.05, p < .10; ΔR2 = .02). AFE moderated the relation between school encouragement and all of the substance use variables except alcohol. Simple slopes analyses revealed that AFE only significantly moderated the relation between school encouragement and substance use for students who reported low levels of AFE, indicating that increased school encouragement may serve as a protective factor against substance use engagement for those students who may be disconnected from academic achievement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African American women living with HIV were asked to reflect on the perceived risks and benefits of research participation after completing a study examining socially sensitive issues in their lives, including intimate partner violence (IPV) and HIV. Administration of standardized quantitative instruments yielded positive responses to the research experience. However, qualitative assessments of perceived risks and benefits revealed more nuanced responses. For example, confidentiality concerns were more prominent in open-ended responses as was participants’ positive attitudes toward monetary compensation. In addition, some women reported that study participation provided them with new insights about their experiences with IPV. Findings suggest that empirical studies on research protections involving potentially distressing and socially sensitive experiences with vulnerable populations require both quantitative and qualitative assessments of perceived risks and benefits. We discuss implications of our findings for ethics practices in trauma-related research among populations with multiple social vulnerabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, scholars have pointed to the Black church as the driving force behind Blacks’ more conservative lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) attitudes. Although evidence suggests a robust association between religiosity and LGBT attitudes, contemporary scholarship has not examined the role of class or the extent to which religiosity actually explains these trends. Using the 2004-2014 waves of the General Social Survey, we find that class moderates in the effect of race on negative LGBT attitudes, resulting in a noticeably larger gap between middle-class Blacks and Whites than in the top or the bottom of the class distribution. Although religiosity and moralization explain a portion of racial differences in homosexual attitudes across class groups, we find that neither fully accounts for the more conservative attitudes of the Black middle class. We conclude by discussing the shortcomings of these narratives for understanding Blacks’ more conservative LGBT attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was widely heralded as a solution to persistently high levels of Black political alienation and cynicism. But despite the importance of the Voting Rights Act for the political representation of historically marginalized groups, little is known about how citizens protected by key provisions of the Act viewed democratic institutions. Integrating insights from the policy feedback literature with studies on the relationship between electoral institutions and attitudes toward government, we predict that the voting protections embedded in the Voting Rights Act led to more favorable attitudes toward government among affected communities. Analyses of data from 1972 to 1998 show that Black citizens in jurisdictions covered by Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, the preclearance provision, exhibited consistently higher levels of trust in government and more positive perceptions of governmental responsiveness. However, we find no evidence that preclearance was associated with similar patterns among whites. Our results may have especially important contemporary relevance given recent controversies over changes to state and local election laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This article examines the effects of southern culture on the attitudes and political predisposition of southern African Americans. Method: Using unique survey data, with large oversamples of African Americans, this article explores whether southern blacks have a more positive opinion of the American system than African Americans who reside outside the south. Results: We find a “southern effect” occurs among African Americans. Southern blacks express more support for traditionally defined American political and social values than nonsouthern blacks; however, this gap is less than a third the size of the regional gap among whites. Conclusion: Together, these findings suggest a complex interplay of race and region on political values and raise profound normative concerns. A group that arguably stands at a greater disadvantage in the political system expresses higher levels of support for that system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: To examine attitudes toward tobacco control policies among older African American homeless-experienced smokers.Approach: A qualitative study.Setting: Oakland, California.Participants: Twenty-two African American older homeless-experienced smokers who were part of a longitudinal study on health and health-related outcomes (Health Outcomes of People Experiencing Homelessness in Older Middle Age Study).Method: We conducted in-depth, semistructured interviews with each participant to explore beliefs and attitudes toward tobacco use and cessation, barriers to smoking cessation, and attitudes toward current tobacco control strategies including raising cigarette prices, smoke-free policies, and graphic warning labels. We used a grounded theory approach to analyze the transcripts.Results: Community social norms supportive of cigarette smoking and co-use of tobacco with other illicit substances were strong motivators of initiation and maintenance of tobacco use. Self-reported barriers to cessation included nicotine dependence, the experience of being homeless, fatalistic attitudes toward smoking cessation, substance use, and exposure to tobacco industry marketing. While participants were cognizant of current tobacco control policies and interventions for cessation, they felt that they were not specific enough for African Americans experiencing homelessness. Participants expressed strong support for strategies that de-normalized tobacco use and advertised the harmful effects of tobacco.Conclusion: Older African American homeless-experienced smokers face significant barriers to smoking cessation. Interventions that advertise the harmful effects of tobacco may be effective in stimulating smoking cessation among this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2012, the United States has seen a renewed focus on police killings of racial and ethnic minorities, as well as protest against such violence. Moreover, recent polling data show an intensification of long-standing differences in Black and White Americans' attitudes toward police violence and protest. Here, we review recent polling, as well as our own series of experiments, to elucidate racial divides in attention, attitudes, and reactions to police violence and protest against it (e.g., Black Lives Matter). In addition, we report linguistic analyses of descriptions ( N = 195) of protest images, showing that Black participants better understand the causes of these protests ( d = .30) and view them more positively ( d = .38) than Whites. If we wish for consensus on how to address police violence and protest against it, we must understand how and why the sociopolitical reality of race leads to divergent views of these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars have documented the contentious relationship between law enforcement and communities of color, most studies tend to compare perspectives of specific communities of color (e.g., Black Americans, Latina/os, Asian Americans) to White Americans-without examining between-group differences of the historically marginalized racial groups. In Study 1, 543 participants of diverse racial/ethnic groups (e.g., Black, Latina/o, Asian, White) completed the Perceptions of Police Scale (POPS)-a measure of general attitudes toward law enforcement and beliefs about police bias. Findings demonstrate that Black participants were more likely than Whites and Latina/os to view police negatively. While there were no significant gender differences in participants' perceptions of police, Black men were more likely to have negative perceptions of police than White and Asian men. In Study 2, we extracted 222 participants from the larger sample who were asked about the number of times police had unlawfully stopped them, while providing a guided narrative to explore their reactions to these experiences. A total of 61 participants (or 27.8% of the total sample) reported being unfairly stopped by police officers. Using the Consensual Qualitative Research method, three domains emerged: (a) Perceived Reasons for Police Stop, (b) Types of Responses, and (c) Perceived Characteristics of Multiple Stops. Implications for community relations and improving the relationship between law enforcement and communities of color are discussed. We also explore the psychological implications for participants who perceive being mistreated or discriminated by the police, particularly for those who are racially profiled. Finally, recommendations are provided to address systemic ways that racial bias can be monitored or minimized in training and hiring processes in police departments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on multiracial categorization has focused on majority group social perceivers (i.e., White Americans), demonstrating that they (a) typically categorize Black-White multiracials according to a rule of hypodescent, associating them more with their lower status parent group than their higher status parent group and (b) do so at least in part to preserve the hierarchical status quo. The current work examines whether members of an ethnic minority group, Black Americans, also associate Black-White multiracials more with their minority versus majority parent group and if so, why. The first 2 studies (1A and IB) directly compared Black and White Americans, and found that although both Blacks and Whites categorized Black-White multiracials as more Black than White, White's use of hypodescent was associated with intergroup antiegalitarianism, whereas Black's use of hypodescent was associated with intergroup egalitarianism. Studies 2-3 reveal that egalitarian Blacks use hypodescent in part because they perceive that Black-White biracials face discrimination and consequently feel a sense of linked fate with them. This research establishes that the use of hypodescent extends to minority as well as majority perceivers but also shows that the beliefs associated with the use of hypodescent differ as a function of perceiver social status. In doing so, we broaden the social scientific understanding of hypodescent, showing how it can be an inclusionary rather than exclusionary phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African American and Black Caribbean relations dominate research on interactions across black ethnic divides. Using National Survey of American Life data, we explore a different aspect of black interethnic attitudes: how close these groups feel towards Africans. African Americans and Black Caribbeans were largely similar in their feelings of closeness to Africans. For Black Caribbeans, younger and male respondents, those reporting higher levels of financial strain, living in the northeast and persons who immigrated to the US at least 11 years ago, report feeling especially close to Africans. Being male was the only significant correlate among African Americans. The findings are discussed in relation to how race, ethnicity and national origin shape personal identities within the US and their significance for intergroup perceptions. These broader issues warrant further consideration in light of assertions that race as a defining feature of American life and intergroup relations is obsolete. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People think and feel more negatively about outgroup members, even though such attitudes are rarely expressed explicitly; people may be unaware of them or express them only symbolically. The literature suggests that, cross-culturally, negative attitudes against outgroup members are more pronounced among men than among women, and that implicit negativity may be malleable by visual or textual stimuli. This study used two experiments to explore the effects of news stories about African Americans and Native Americans on implicit attitudes toward these groups. Story valence and participant gender were the main independent variables. In the first study, participants took the Implicit Associations Test (IAT) before and after reading news stories about professionally accomplished African Americans, who had overcome poverty and discrimination. The results suggested that these stories did abate implicit bias against African Americans; the effect was weak but statistically significant. Contrary to expectations, the degree of bias abatement was not significantly different in men versus women. In the second study, participants took the Implicit Associations Test (IAT) before and after reading news stories about either successful Native Americans or about tragic events (murder, suicide) involving Native Americans. Both types of stories detailed systemic obstacles faced by Native Americans and participants assigned to either category showed a decrease in negative attitudes on the post-test IAT; however, this abatement effect was statistically significant only after exposure to narratives that culminated in tragic events. Bias abatement was more pronounced on women than on men. Empathy and intergroup contact are discussed as possible factors in decreasing implicit bias against members of minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses for the Zulu prince and the African culture in terms of education, reasoning, and religion. The article focuses on elements including presentation, appearance, Zulu customs and manner. Topics include Zulu circus, African Americans culture, and Christianization.

Introduction Racial disparities in adult flu vaccination rates persist with African Americans falling below Whites in vaccine acceptance. Although the literature has examined traditional variables including barriers, access, attitudes, among others, there has been virtually no examination of the extent to which racial factors including racial consciousness, fairness, and discrimination may affect vaccine attitudes and behaviors. Methods We contracted with GfK to conduct an online, nationally representative survey with 819 African American and 838 White respondents. Measures included risk perception, trust, vaccine attitudes, hesitancy and confidence, novel measures on racial factors, and vaccine behavior. Results There were significant racial differences in vaccine attitudes, risk perception, trust, hesitancy and confidence. For both groups, racial fairness had stronger direct effects on the vaccine-related variables with more positive coefficients associated with more positive vaccine attitudes. Racial consciousness in a health care setting emerged as a more powerful influence on attitudes and beliefs, particularly for African Americans, with higher scores on racial consciousness associated with lower trust in the vaccine and the vaccine process, higher perceived vaccine risk, less knowledge of flu vaccine, greater vaccine hesitancy, and less confidence in the flu vaccine. The effect of racial fairness on vaccine behavior was mediated by trust in the flu vaccine for African Americans only (i.e., higher racial fairness increased trust in the vaccine process and thus the probability of getting a flu vaccine). The effect of racial consciousness and discrimination for African Americans on vaccine uptake was mediated by perceived vaccine risk and flu vaccine knowledge. Conclusions Racial factors can be a useful new tool for understanding and addressing attitudes toward the flu vaccine and actual vaccine behavior. These new concepts can facilitate more effective tailored and targeted vaccine communications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that in order to understand the anti-Apartheid campaign in Portland, Oregon it must be located within the particular socio-historical context of race and racism in the city and state. Thus, Black people living in Portland had good reason to compare the Apartheid system in South Africa to their own experience. Therefore, the confluence of national and local issues that move the local anti-Apartheid campaign forward is examined; the paper documents the rise and development of critical organizations in the anti-Apartheid campaign in Portland; the paper focus on the closure of the Honorary South Africa Consulate in downtown Portland and the passing of South Africa divestment legislation at the state level which paralleled actions of the national movement. This study is based on an analysis of historical documents, and interviews with four prominent community activists and politicians regarding their participation. In conclusion, it is argued that this research is important because there is little scholarship of the anti-Apartheid movement in the Northwest region of the U.S., and even less on the role Black people in the state of Oregon played in the anti-apartheid movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Significant associations between childhood adversity and adult mental health have been documented in epidemiological and social science research. However, there is a dearth of research examining this relationship among black Americans, as well as into what cultural institutions and practices may help individuals in dealing with childhood adversity. This study suggests that religion may be an important resource for black Americans in the face of early-life socioeconomic and health disadvantage. Using data from the National Survey of American Life, a nationally representative sample of both African Americans and black Caribbeans ( n = 5,191), this study outlines a series of arguments linking childhood adversity, religiosity, and self-perception among black Americans. The results suggest some support for religious involvement in moderating-or buffering-the harmful effects of childhood adversity on the self-esteem and mastery among black Americans, specifically religious service attendance and religious coping. In addition, the results reveal that religion may also amplify the deleterious effects of childhood disadvantage on adult mental health. Study limitations are identified and several promising directions for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past evidence has documented that attitudes toward marriage and cohabitation are related to sexual behavior in adolescence and young adulthood. This study extends prior research by longitudinally testing these associations across racial/ethnic groups and investigating whether culturally relevant variations within racial/ethnic minority groups, such as skin tone (i.e., lightness/darkness of skin color), are linked to attitudes toward marriage and cohabitation and sex. Drawing on family and public health literatures and theories, as well as burgeoning skin tone literature, it was hypothesized that more positive attitudes toward marriage and negative attitudes toward cohabitation would be associated with less risky sex, and that links differed for lighter and darker skin individuals. The sample included 6872 respondents (49.6 % female; 70.0 % White; 15.8 % African American; 3.3 % Asian; 10.9 % Hispanic) from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health. The results revealed that marital attitudes had a significantly stronger dampening effect on risky sexual behavior of lighter skin African Americans and Asians compared with their darker skin counterparts. Skin tone also directly predicted number of partners and concurrent partners among African American males and Asian females. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of these findings for adolescence and young adulthood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]