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The last decades of the Ottoman Empire were characterised by mass violence that saw millions, mostly Ottoman Christians, perishing and forcibly moved within Ottoman borders, or expelled out. While it is generally accepted (except by Turkey and pro-Turkish commentators) that what befell the Armenians in 1915 and 1916 was a Genocide, in recent years many have taken to calling what befell other Ottoman Christians as a genocide as well, referring to a genocide of Armenians, Greeks and Assyrians from 1915 to 1923, and some even to a 30-year genocide. This essay attempts to scrutinise this recent trend, by contrasting what happened to the Armenians and the Greeks during the last years of the Ottoman Empire and during the rise of Nationalist Turkey, namely from 1915 to 1923. It first distinguishes between the terms genocide, genocidal and ethnic cleansing. It then establishes that population numbers are pivotal to genocide, as those killed and those that survived are important to evidence intent and application. The article then delves into the cases, comparing and contrasting across the criteria of intent and destruction processes, and the number of dead and survived. Finally, the article answers why the Armenian case (1915–16) is a Genocide, but not the Greek case (1915–23) or that of the Armenian case (1919–23). This article is important for the overall special issue on mass deportation because it clarifies the differences between various genocidal processes, including mass deportation, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sarkis Zabunyan, one of the prominent figures in Turkish contemporary art, was selected to represent the Turkish pavilion in the Venice Biennale in 2015. Since 2015 was the centennial of the Armenian Genocide, a genocide that has not been recognized by the Turkish Republic for more than a hundred years, and Sarkis being an Istanbul Armenian born and raised in Turkey, the selection caused quite a stir and sparked a public discussion on art and collective healing when it was announced. As a result, the catalog of Sarkis's work Respiro was subjected to censorship. Through this censorship case, this article scrutinizes various reconciliation discourses developed in Turkey in the early 2000s regarding the Armenian Genocide and how contemporary art could possibly engage/disengage with those discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish support for Azerbaijan in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war has renewed long-dormant Armenian perceptions of a neighboring threat. Turkey provided direct military support that helped its ally reconquer the ethnic Armenian exclave, leading to the forced exodus of most inhabitants after a final defeat in 2023. Continuing open hostilities stalled efforts to normalize Armenian–Turkish relations and reopen the border following the 2020 war. For Armenians both in Armenia and in the diaspora, including those living in Turkey, the war prompted comparisons to the 1915 Armenian Genocide and perceptions that a historical enemy was once again actively aggressive in a region that had long been considered part of Moscow's sphere of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Israel's involvement in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. It discusses Israel's military aid to Azerbaijan and its strategic interests in the region, particularly its concerns about Iran's influence. The article also examines the complex relationships between Israel, Turkey, and Iran, focusing on the Holocaust denial and the Armenian Genocide. It highlights the role of memory politics and the challenges of aligning the interests of the Armenian diaspora with those of the Armenian government. Additionally, the article discusses Israel's decision not to intervene or condemn Azerbaijan's ethnic cleansing in Artsakh in 2023. [Extracted from the article]

This article centers on the life of the late Ottoman and early Turkish Republican bureaucrat Mustafa Reşat to investigate how he turned into a genocide technocrat. It examines his career and decisions at critical junctions and depicts him as an outstanding representative of a category of perpetrators who prepare the propitious infrastructure, ground, and climate for such large-scale violence as the Armenian Genocide. By shifting the perspective to the type, scale, and level of perpetrating violence, this paper sheds light on how Mustafa Reşat used his administrative and political knowledge and experience to serve Talat Pasha, who was already organizing the deportation and extermination of Armenians. Drawing upon hitherto unmined sources such as his memoirs, it demonstrates how an ultranationalist and dedicated Ottoman bureaucrat played a pivotal role in determining the main contours of the Turkish state’s mindset on the “Armenian and Kurdish Questions”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most prominent issue influencing Turkish‐Armenian relations is the international recognition of the Armenian genocide. However, there is a notable absence of empirical analyses regarding the perceptions of the genocide among the Turkish population. This study aims to fill this scholarly gap by exploring, for the first time, the perspectives of Turkish Jews. It analyses evidence collected from interviews conducted with 14 Turkish Jews, utilising Stanley Cohen's (2001) theoretical framework, which aids in delineating significant factors by a categorisation of types of acceptance and denial. The findings highlight a diversity of responses linked to political attitudes, which can be broadly categorised into Kayades and Avlaremoz mindsets. They also show that Turkish Jews' views on the Holocaust influence how they perceive the Armenian genocide. Additionally, the results indicate that Cohen's approach is useful in explaining non‐denying responses. In conclusion, the study argues that Turkish Jews' perspectives appear to be strongly related to their stance towards the Turkish state and the Holocaust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the depiction of the Armenian Genocide in Turkish textbooks and examines correlations between changes in Turkish political dynamics and their impact on these educational resources. It analyzes concepts, methodologies, and linguistic constructs used to describe the '1915 incident,' tracking their evolution from 1980 to the present. The study also considers how events like the 1980 coup d'état, rising nationalism, and the Islamization of politics influenced textbook content, alongside changes during Turkey's bid for European Union membership. Despite a stated aim of historical accuracy in these textbooks, the research hypothesizes that their content is significantly shaped by the prevailing political climate. This work provides insights into the complex relationship between politics and historical representation in educational materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The perpetration of the Armenian Genocide did not originate as the direct implementation of ideological convictions; rather, stemmed from an amalgamation of certain theories adjusted to political and economic developments in the Ottoman Empire in tandem with the desire to transform a multi-ethnic and multi-religious empire into a Turkish nation-state. Within this nation-building project, the Young Turk's government chose to exterminate the indigenous Armenian minority, using forced transfer and the assimilation of children and young women into Turkish society as one of the methods of destroying the Armenian community. This fits well into the overall Turkish nationalist ideology, as women and children were deemed as not having a transmutable ethnic identity: while a woman's identity could be discounted, the identity of children could be reprogrammed by stripping them of their Armenian identity and imposing a new identity through change of personal data, religious conversion and education. Building on existing research, this article first presents the ideological foundations of Turkish nation-building and the implementation of the Armenian Genocide to achieve this end, focusing on the forcible transfer and assimilation which selected Armenian children endured. Informed by both published and unpublished memories of transferred children, the second part of the article reconstructs the actual process and methods of Turkification used in several state-run orphanages while also presenting the resistance of Armenian children to these efforts. This article expands the number of known state orphanages and widens the geographic scope of where Turkification practices took place, thus substantiating a general assimilation policy of the CUP towards some selected Armenian children and arguing that forced transfer and Turkification were used as a method of destroying the Armenian community. It also enters new testimonies into public circulation that help to better understand the role of forced transfer during the Armenian Genocide and its implications on the survivors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on ethnographic research on an urban regeneration project targeting the historically Armenian quarter of a provincial capital in the Kurdish parts of Turkey, the article engages with two related, but separate strands of anthropological scholarship on the 'fragmented' nature of sovereignty to think through the relation of sovereignty and extraction. It does so, firstly, in relation to contemporary transformations of statecraft under conditions of financialised neoliberalism and authoritarianism, and secondly, in relation to the historically contingent constellation of property relations, racialisation and violence in the transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish nation-state. The first leads me to argue that 'fragmentation' emerges here as a project internal to the practices of statecraft, that is, not primarily driven by market mechanisms, nor as something that extends beyond the nation-state. The historical account is offered as a case that further extends our scholarly archive of modern sovereignty as a global form intimately entangled with extraction and dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The United States and the Armenian Genocide: History, Memory, Politics" by Julien Zarifian is described as a seminal text on the US relationship with the Armenian Genocide. The book provides a meticulous historical analysis of events and primary and secondary resources, as well as interviews with decision makers and lobbyists. It explores the relationship between the US government, society, and media with the Armenian Massacres of 1915-1916, and highlights how US presidents repeatedly failed to recognize the genocide. The book also examines the influence of Turkey on US policy and the efforts of individual members of Congress and civil society to change the US policy of nonrecognition. Overall, the book is recommended for scholars and students interested in the Armenian Genocide, genocide denial, and the role of civil society in pursuing change. [Extracted from the article]

Relying on a biographical approach that reconstructs the life and work of Johannes [Hovhanness/Յովհաննէս] Jakob [Hagop/Յակոբ] Manissadjian [Manisacıyan/Մանիսաճեան] (1862–1942), a highly successful scientist at the Anatolia College (Merzifon/Marsovan/Մարզվան), who established a meteorological station and a natural history museum with an extensive collection of specimens, the paper traces the routes of disappearance, dispersal and ruination of indigenous lives, people, and knowledge within the context of the Armenian genocide. Drawing on documents from Ottoman, German, and American archives, I stress the potential of biographical methods to study the processes and structures of mass violence targeting the Ottoman Armenians, as well as to foreground the agency and subjectivity of genocide survivors. The article also focuses on post-genocide scientific (dis)engagements of Manissadjian in light of Theodor W. Adorno’s ‘after Auschwitz’ discussions and from the perspective of indigenous knowledge production. In particular, his two ‘archival acts’ in the post-genocide context, the ‘Catalogue’ of the collection of the Anatolia College Museum that he prepared as ‘the former Curator’ and his small pamphlet entitled Proverbs of Turkey, which provided an ethnographic portrait of Anatolia, were his humble acts of saving a treasure trove of knowledge that was in danger of becoming debris. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractScholars often associate the political instrumentalisation of memory with right-wing populists. But this focus somewhat obscures the fact that elected officials across the political spectrum instrumentalise memory in their efforts to shape perceptions and influence behaviours. In fact, the success of memory laws often depends on the fact that MPs from diverse political parties support the same projects not only to validate their own views but also to delegitimise those of others. I refer to the conflicts resulting from different political actors’ support of the same memory laws as embedded memory wars. Based on documentary analysis and fieldwork interviews, this article examines embedded memory wars through the illustrative case of the 2019 recognition of the Armenian Genocide in Italy's Chamber of Deputies. In supporting Armenian Genocide recognition, Italian MPs from both right and left-wing parties developed competing narratives to debate contemporary topics related to European integration, multiculturalism, and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Armenian Diaspora and Stateless Power: Collective Identity in the Transnational 20th Century" is a comprehensive edited volume that explores the role of diaspora elites in shaping Armenian collective identity across various post-genocide diaspora communities. The book, which emerged from a conference honoring diaspora studies scholar Khachig Tölölyan, offers a diverse range of case studies from scholars in the United States, Europe, and Armenia. Through theoretical innovations and rich case studies, the volume challenges traditional state-centric models of diaspora studies and provides valuable insights for scholars of diaspora and Armenian studies." [Extracted from the article]

Traditionally perceived as a historical enemy, Turkey was 'rediscovered' in Armenia after it actively supported Azerbaijan in the 2020 Armenian-Azerbaijani war over Nagorno-Karabakh. This article traces some of the cultural-ideational reverberations of Turkey's 'return' within Armenian society. It argues that the war was a (re-)formative moment since it simultaneously resulted in the emergence of new meanings and the revival of traditional ones. It brought the 'distant' neighbour into Armenians' geographical/geopolitical imaginations, reshaping the meaning of Turkey and of the larger region for them. But it also reinforced long-established complex semantics of the ethnonym 'Turk', setting the stage for its instrumentalisation in internal politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the extermination process of the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire in the World War I, there were two related, but dynamically different forms of violence at work. The first of these can be termed "top-down" violence, in the form of government policies put into practice by the ruling Union and Progress Party through the decisions of its Central Committee. The other form, "bottom-up" violence, was perpetrated by local forces who took advantage of the possibilities and opportunities created by wartime conditions and central government decisions. The target of both types was the population of Ottoman Christians, and the Armenians, first and foremost. The origins of the "top-down" violence are to be found in the century of "accumulated experience" of the Ottoman regime in dealing with various Christian populations within its European territories and their demands for greater economic, social, and political rights, as well as the Great Power intervention on their behalf. Against this background, the Armenian genocide can be seen as a "preventive measure". Its main purpose was the search for "permanent security", and in this sense the article acts as a case study based on the theses found in Dirk Moses' book The Problems of Genocide. As for the phenomenon of "bottom-up" violence, the article also presents a number of previously unpublished documents that give hints as to the role played by different groups—especially the Kurds in the Armenian genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars often emphasize how right-wing political actors in Europe use memory laws to undermine democratic traditions and revise historical accounts. But a broad range of political actors (with diverse motivations) support memory laws. Synthesizing research in international political sociology and memory politics, this analysis examines the relational and social practices of diplomats from small states and the creative strategies of center-left political insiders in the creation and passage of memory laws. Based on data collected in the Czech Republic, the article investigates how relational and social dynamics, in part, inspired members of parliament (from the Czech Social Democratic Party) to insert Armenian Genocide recognition into memory laws about the Holocaust and Second World War in the Chamber of Deputies (2017) and the Senate (2020) – a strategy I refer to as memory fusion. In developing the framework of memory fusion, however, the findings also explore how Turkish diplomats use a similar strategy to pursue their own goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Locusts of Power: Borders, Empire, and Environment in the Modern Middle East" by Samuel Dolbee explores the relationship between locust migration and human migrations in the Jazira region during the late Ottoman and post-Ottoman periods. Dolbee argues that locusts were seen as pests, much like the unwanted ethnic minorities and relocated Armenians in the region. The book highlights the Jazira as a misunderstood imperial frontier and challenges the perception of it as a desert. It follows a chronological structure, discussing Ottoman notions of the Jazira, the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the First World War, and the subsequent colonial period. Dolbee's work contributes to the field of environmental history and sheds light on the complex history of the Jazira and its inhabitants. [Extracted from the article]

Armenian (or , /hɑjeˈɾen/, ISO 639-1 hy) comprises an independent branch of the Indo-European language family.1 Its earliest attested ancestor is Classical Armenian in the fifth century CE (see Godel 1975; Thomson 1989; DeLisi 2015; Macak 2016). Modern Armenian is classified into two dialect families: Eastern Armenian (ISO 639-3 hye) and Western Armenian (ISO 639-3 hyw). Eastern Armenian is spoken in modern-day Armenia, and large speaker communities also exist in Georgia, Russia and Iran (shown in Figure 1). Western Armenian was historically spoken in the Ottoman Empire, but now includes varieties spoken throughout the Armenian diaspora in the Middle East, Europe, and the Americas (Donabédian 2018). There are substantial Western Armenian speaker communities in Turkey (Istanbul), Lebanon (Beirut), Syria (Aleppo, Damascus), California (Fresno, Los Angeles County), France (Marseilles), Australia (Sydney) and Argentina (Buenos Aires). There are also recent diaspora communities of Eastern Armenian speakers in California (Karapetian 2014), as well as communities of Western Armenian speakers in Armenia who escaped the Armenian genocide during World War I, who repatriated after World War II, or who fled the ongoing Syrian civil war. UNESCO lists Western Armenian as an endangered language in Turkey, and there are significant language promotion efforts in many diaspora communities that are intended to combat declining use by speaker generations born in the Americas and Europe (Al-Bataineh 2015; Chahinian & Bakalian 2016). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconstructs the shrouded career of undercover reporter Natalie de Bogory (mostly from 1911–1922) to illustrate how reporters collaborated with public-private networks to regulate real or perceived crime and extend the reach of the security state, before the practice later expanded within the FBI. De Bogory was twice a guide. Undercover for newspapers, she escorted readers through an urban working-class underworld of dance, sex, and employed single women. Her journalism, however, obscured her more covert work. For private reformers who partnered with city officials, she investigated social issues, including allegations of "White slavery," the alleged sex trafficking of immigrant women. That work, during the nativist hysteria of World War I, drew de Bogory into a scheme to promote the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion," a forged anti-Semitic conspiracy theory that was later dubbed a "Warrant for Genocide." This history of de Bogory is an argument for studying the careers of relatively unknown journalists who often worked multiple jobs to understand their impact, and expose the interconnectivity of journalism with other professions and institutions. This article reconstructs de Bogory's career to reclaim the tradition of reporters collaborating with reformist public-private networks. Then, that neglected history is framed as a model for Henry Ford's newspaper, the Dearborn Independent, which publicized the Protocols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elyse Semerdjian's book, "Remnants: Embodied Archives of the Armenian Genocide," provides a nuanced and intersectional approach to studying the Armenian Genocide. The book explores the themes of gender, sexuality, agency, and resistance within the context of the genocide. Semerdjian draws on a wide range of sources, including memoirs, letters, newspapers, and oral histories, to challenge traditional archival biases and amplify subaltern voices. The book also examines the ways in which the body is used as a site of violence and resistance, and explores the lasting impact of the genocide on Armenian identity and memory. Overall, "Remnants" offers a fresh perspective on the Armenian Genocide and its aftermath, and contributes to ongoing discussions in Armenian Studies and beyond. [Extracted from the article]

Scholars have analyzed how political actors appropriate Holocaust-related memory laws to whitewash the past and undermine democratic traditions in various European countries. However, political actors in Europe have debated several other memory laws, which far-right MPs appropriate to serve their own purposes. The recognition of the Armenian Genocide is an understudied example of this phenomenon. Drawing from data collected in four countries—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Latvia, and Sweden—this analysis introduces the rhetorical strategies of memory justification and memory extrapolation to examine how far-right MPs, in very distinct geopolitical contexts, appropriate and instrumentalize Armenian Genocide memory to attack pluralism and promote their own versions of Europe. Through an analysis of the instrumentalization of the Armenian Genocide, this article examines a growing crisis at the center of contemporary European politics. This crisis, which involves actors promoting very different goals and values, increasingly threatens the socio-political cohesion of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of the Armenian presence in mainland France from 1891 to 1990 is described on the basis of an inventory of more than 7000 family names of Armenian origin extracted from the INSEE surname database. Several surname samplings are proposed, and parameters such as the number of different Armenian names, the number of births with these names and their proportions are used as descriptors for each of the 320 French arrondissements and the four successive 25-year periods between 1891 and 1990. Before 1915, Armenian surnames and births with these names are infrequent and almost exclusively located in Paris and the arrondissements of Marseille. From 1915 onwards, subsequent to the genocide in Turkey, the number of births and the diversity of Armenian surnames rose sharply until 1940, before stabilizing thereafter. The diaspora remains essentially centred in Paris, Lyon, and Marseille, with little regional extension around these poles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the discovery of three boxes containing the photographic work of the author's grandfather, Kegham, who was a photographer in Gaza from the 1940s to the 1970s. The author describes their process of unboxing and exploring the contents of the boxes, which included negatives, photos, documents, and letters. Rather than attempting to create a comprehensive archive, the author focuses on constructing meaning and discourse from the material, emphasizing the disrupted histories of Kegham, the Armenian community, and Gaza itself. The author also expresses a desire to create a collective archive of visual and oral histories to preserve Gaza's memory. [Extracted from the article]

Growing up in Aleppo, Syria, for the first twenty years of my life, I listened to my grandparents' stories of their experiences and their survival of the Armenian Genocide (1915 to 1916) alongside the stories of my parents growing up as refugees in Syria. Approaching the 100th anniversary of the Genocide when I was 18, I did not ever expect to relive the suffering and challenges faced by my grandparents and parents let alone end up with the status of refugee. At the time of my graduation from high school, the war hit Syria. Everything that had been beautiful was annihilated or destroyed and happiness turned into profound suffering. In front of me was evidence of the terrible experiences that I had heard about only in the stories of my parents and grandparents. In addition to this, I saw my opportunity and my right to higher education vanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Armenian Memory Project (AMP) is a collaborative effort designed to harness the energy and resources of the University of Connecticut and the New England Armenian community for the goal of fostering greater understanding of the region's Armenian cultural heritage and the impact human rights crimes had on the Armenian community. In 2019, students and faculty from the university worked with Armenian American institutions and individuals on an initial component of the AMP, employing digital media technology to tell the story of one immigrant Armenian family, the Dildilians. A unique course was created to produce a documentary film centring around this family's experiences in Ottoman Turkey before, during, and after the Armenian Genocide. Designed and taught by a documentary filmmaker with support from a family archivist/historian, the course brought students together in a collaborative learning experience. By immersing themselves in the family's extensive photograph archive, these students came to understand the important role that the past continues to play in the lives of present-day Armenians. Furthermore, by taking on the responsibility as storytellers of the Dildilian narrative, students developed a deeper identification with this distant history and, in a wider sense, an appreciation for the ethical value of memory in bearing witness to the past. This collaborative and participatory framework for teaching using archival collections can serve as a model for creating a transformative learning experience in the study of human rights, war, and genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the memoir of Hovhannes Der-Pilibbossian, a survivor of the Armenian Genocide, detailing his experiences from his birth in Arabkir to his life in France and Soviet Armenia. The memoir provides insights into the genocide period, deportation of Armenians, and the survival strategies employed by survivors. It also sheds light on the conscription, forced conversions, and hardships faced by Armenians during the genocide, as well as the cultural practices and community organizations in Arabkir. The memoir serves as a valuable historical source for understanding the impact of the Armenian Genocide on individuals and communities. [Extracted from the article]

The article reviews Levon Ashpahyan's memoir, "About My Life," which details his experiences as a survivor of the Armenian Genocide in Sebastia. Ashpahyan's account sheds light on the atrocities, deportations, and massacres endured by Armenians in Sebastia during the genocide. The memoir provides a personal and emotional perspective on the events, offering valuable insights for researchers studying the Armenian Genocide, particularly from psychological, literary, and sociological perspectives. Ashpahyan's story is situated within the broader historical context of the Armenian Genocide, contributing to the preservation and transmission of survivor narratives. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the intergenerational transmission of memories among descendants of Armenian Genocide survivors, focusing on perspectives from both males and females. Using an oral history methodology in three provinces– Erznka (modern-day Erzincan), Malatya, and Dersim – the study investigates how narratives of the genocide have been passed down and changed within families. The research emphasizes the gender-specific tactics of the genocide, where Armenian men were often targeted for extermination, while women and children endured forced marches, sexual violence, abductions and forced marriages. By connecting with descendants who carry the post-memory of these events, the study reveals the deep and lasting impact of these atrocities on the Armenian community. Their stories unveil the intricate layers of trauma and resilience that define the Armenian experience and contribute to a broader understanding of genocide and its enduring effects on future generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The second decade of the 20th century saw two pivotal events from the Middle East and South Asia: the Armenian Genocide and the Khilafat movement. Both events were influential in setting into motion a cascade of events whose repercussions are still felt acutely to this day. Simultaneous interest in these two pivotal moments has generated considerable scholarship over the last few decades. However, the prospect that these two events could be interlinked in underlying ways is a proposition that has not yet found any traction. Using a range of sources, this article attempts an initial foray into a critically understudied area: the denial and justification of the Armenian Genocide that was integral to the Khilafat movement in South Asia. Arguably one of the most potent examples of denial perpetuated by a non-perpetrator, the South Asian version of this narrative was cobbled together through a convergence of interests between the Muslim and Hindu elite in the region. Unraveling this vast network of denialism and justification warrants attention to underlying motivations and power configurations across a kaleidoscope of identities and geography – which this article seeks to uncover. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Image and reputation are key factors in how nations are perceived by global audiences. Current and historical issues can pose as challenges to a nation's reputation prompting the need to save face. The Armenian genocide is one of the most critical issues the Republic of Turkey has had to manage in terms of its global image and reputation. While the vast body of literature on the subject borrows from history and political science focusing on the mechanism of denial, this paper offers a communication framework to understand the rhetoric of Turkey's image repair. Turkey's crisis communication strategies vis-à-vis the centennial of the Armenian genocide are analyzed by employing Benoit's image repair theory through a content analysis of official statements and declarations by the heads of state given in 2014 and 2015. In response to the emerging political crisis, the Turkish government primarily employed image repair strategies of evading responsibility and reducing offensiveness with the aim to appeal to international audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comprehensive exploration of the relationship between Armenian Americans and Armenia. It discusses the various ways in which Armenian Americans have contributed to preserving their culture, supporting Armenia, and advocating for causes such as the recognition of the Armenian Genocide. The article also highlights the complexities and disagreements that have arisen within the Armenian American community and their relationship with the Republic of Armenia. It emphasizes the importance of understanding the diverse and multifaceted nature of diaspora engagement with the homeland. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the concept of criminal intent in relation to genocides, with a specific focus on the Ukrainian genocides. It explains that while criminal intent is necessary to establish a crime, international courts do not consider historical crimes predating the Genocide Convention and the formation of these courts. The article identifies three attempted genocides against the Ukrainian people: the Holodomor in 1932-33, the "Vistula Action" in 1947, and a contemporary attempted genocide by Russia since 2014. It emphasizes the importance of recognizing and condemning genocides for historical purposes and to prevent future genocides. The article also discusses the limitations of international courts and the role of public opinion in acknowledging past genocides. It frames the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine as an attempt at genocide against the Ukrainian people, highlighting the legal issues surrounding war crimes and genocide. The text emphasizes the significance of commemorating past genocides to honor the victims' memory and mentions the involvement of international institutions such as the International Criminal Court and the United Nations in addressing the conflict. It calls for global action to end the conflict and prevent further atrocities. [Extracted from the article]

Between the years 2013–2016, the artist İz Öztat created four distinct bodies of work, all of which engaged aspects of water. This period was marked in Turkey by the heightened tensions around the neoliberal (re)distribution of public space and public resources, which escalated in the aftermath of the Gezi Park Protests of 2013. In this article, the author argues that, beyond its immediate critique of contemporary capitalist appropriation, Öztat's engagement with water builds relations across time, space, and species to recall histories of the Armenian Genocide, challenging the denials of official historiography. By tapping into the linguistic, cultural, and material imaginaries of water, and learning from the present-day water protection movements, Öztat engages the diverse histories carried across waterways. Water becomes a nexus through which the artist locates and articulates the physical and epistemic violence of modernity, particularly as it indexes community, conscience, and ecology from the late 19th century to the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the novella Ergrort Amusnut'iwně (The Second Marriage) by Hagop Demirciyan (pen name Hagop Mnts'uri) in a larger historical context including the conditions which led to the Armenian genocide, the ramifications it had on the life of the survivors and the irreversible realities it created in post-genocide Turkey. Published in Istanbul in 1931, the book represents the deep historical and structural differences between Istanbulite Armenians and those from the provinces. Reading and explaining these differences in their context through the lenses of Mnts'uri's characters as well as through the lens of the literary theories of uneven development, I argue that the Armenians in the provinces and in Istanbul were deeply separated from each other, becoming non-contemporaneous contemporaries. This unevenness was coupled with genocide denial in the decades after 1915, imprisoning the survivor as kaght'agan² within silence over generations, not just in Istanbul but also the communities where they sought refuge abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main source of animosity in modern Turkish – Armenian relations is the debate on the international recognition of the Armenian genocide. To provide an evidence-based and thorough perspective on the Turkish political stance in this discussion, this article explores all the relevant speeches in Turkish parliamentary records. It pays particular attention to political parties' stances, the historical evolution of the debate, and the significance of the individual profiles of parliamentarians who contributed to the discussion. The findings show that most political parties in Turkey articulated versions of denial, except for a few marginal anti-denial voices. The study concludes that while political parties' ideological orientations predominantly shape the Turkish debate on the international recognition of the Armenian genocide, historical contexts, local memories, and the individual backgrounds of parliamentarians seem to inspire minor variations in their tones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the question of the possible linkages between the Gallipoli campaign and the Armenian genocide, which began in Ottoman Turkey at about the same time. A case is made for the nexus, and a large international body of work is explored to assess the scholarly support for it. The article then examines some recent publications that threaten to undermine the nexus thesis and assesses their impact. It pays particular attention to research by Taner Akçam, an important student of the genocide and one of the first scholars to emphasise Gallipoli's role in it. This research purports to shift the crucial extermination decisions by the Turkish authorities to earlier dates than previously thought, thus potentially reducing the likelihood of the Gallipoli landings being a factor in those decisions. The notion that the eight-month battle of Gallipoli played a part in maintaining, if not precipitating, the genocide is also briefly discussed. Finally, the article looks at a 2022 publication with an Australasian orientation, which promises to examine 'the entangled relationship' of Gallipoli and the Armenian genocide, and notes the curious and continuing reluctance of Australian historians to engage fully with this relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution aims to analyse the postmemory of the origins through the work of an Italian author of Armenian descent, Antonia Arslan, and stems from an ongoing research project about "Narrating the Trauma in European Literatures and Cultures" based at La Sapienza University of Rome. I will therefore focus on the link between this research project, which serves as a theoretical framework, and the specific case study concerning Antonia Arslan. The project originates from two concerns: the first one being the awareness of the loss of poets and writers' long-lived faith in the creative power of the artistic gesture, a widespread belief before the two world wars, and the second one consisting in a reflection on a general change of the theoretic framework of literature, especially in the case of the narration of traumatic experiences such as wars, genocides, migrations and displacements of people, which have taken place in Europe during the 20th Century [Neohelicon, 2004(1), Migratio et litterae]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the significance of perceived threats about dismemberment in Turkish politics, also called the Sèvres syndrome. Relying on a qualitative content analysis of Turkish parliamentary records, it scrutinises how the syndrome influences the debates about Armenians between 1983 and 2018. It demonstrates that Turkish politicians refer to the syndrome in three manners: (1) Armenians had tried to dismember; (2) Armenians could create conditions to dismember again and (3) Armenians are actively attempting to dismember. The study concludes that the syndrome presents an obstacle to a peaceful Turkish–Armenian relationship by recalling Turkish victimhood in the past and relating it to contemporary contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on how films are used as part of public policy to reproduce institutional denialism, normalizing denialist narratives in the public understanding of what happened to Ottoman Armenians in 1915–1918. I analyse the deployment in Turkey of two films that reimagine the events of 1915: 120 (2008) and The Ottoman Lieutenant (Osmanlı Subayı, 2017). The films seek to educate the public regarding how to understand and remember events that international actors have "unjustly" depicted as genocide. The films are thus "defensive tactics" to protect the institutional denialist architecture. This article highlights an evolving public policy strategy that uses denialist representations to bolster public belief. The analysis shows how such policies strengthen an "us/them" logic, where "us" indicates a "rightness" framed by ethnoreligious othering that underpins "our" narratives of belonging in contemporary Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last twenty years, memory has gained broader attention in Turkey's social, cultural and political arena. In line with this movement, independent and subsidized theatres produced plays engaging with Armenian history through diverse political and aesthetic agendas. Among these works, public and state theatre productions remained mostly invisible in theatre scholarship due to their ambiguous position that does not directly align with the framework of political theatre. This article examines the adaptation of the Ottoman Armenian playwright Hagop Baronian's Adamnapuyj aravelyan (1868) as Şark Dişçisi (The Oriental Dentist) (2011) by the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality City Theatres (İBBŞT). While promoting confrontation with the past, Şark Dişçisi eliminates the crucial political insights of its source text and their ramifications for contemporary demands for historical justice regarding the 1915 Armenian Genocide. The intersection of revisionist theatre historiography and broader political dynamics in the adaptation process reveals the ambivalences of post-Genocide memory work in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much ink has been spilled on the Armenian-American Lobby's efforts to achieve the formal recognition of the tragic events in Anatolia of 1915–1918 as a Genocide, little is known about how the Turkish Lobby sought to prevent such recognition. This article is the first in the literature to offer a systematic account of how the Turkish Lobby advocated in the United States to prevent the recognition of the Armenian Genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]