Search

In this paper, we explore the relations of the Bolivian National Revolution (1952-1964) with the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc (including Cuba) seeking to understand the implications for the structuring of discourses and hegemonic and counter-hegemonic power blocs in the political struggle, and, thus, for the developmentalist approach to planning. Our aim is to shed light on little-studied aspects of the Bolivian National Revolution. Research included revising primary sources (archives of the Bolivian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bolivian and Unites Stats (us) newspapers, technical and scientific documentation from Bolivian, us, and ussr institutions) as well as secondary sources (Bolivian historiography and opinion essays). On this basis, we discuss how, in the process of developing relations with both hegemonic blocs, the US and the ussr, Bolivia ended up complying with the former at the expenses of the latter. We argue that the reasons for this option are not only political but also economic, particularly, the actual content of the ussr development offers. Our analysis reveals that the relations with the ussr bloc played a key role in the self-determination of historically subaltern actors, and subsequent processes / forms of development planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about the representations, practices and cultural expressions carried out by groups of Bolivian immigrants and their descendants in the cities of Olavarria, Tandil and Azul in the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina. For this purpose, the three case studies presented are analyzed based on the theoretical notions of identities and ethnic groups proper to the field of social anthropology. It thus seeks to contribute to knowledge about the construction of the identities of Bolivian immigrants in Argentina and, especially, to the discussion of those perspectives that propose the cultural assimilation of these groups into the host society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the inclusion of "indigenidad" in Bolivia's foreign policy during the government of Evo Morales. It argues that indigenidad is used at least for two purposes: first, to justify a rather revisionist --even subversive- position of the country regarding issues of the international agenda in order to propose an alternative to the neoliberal model from the perspective of indigenous worldviews, such as "suma qamaña". Second, indigenidad is used as a constitutive factor for identity that, in turn, is not necessarily conceived for the international level, but for domestic audiences, too. The first part of the article contextualizes the process of change and transformation of the country since Morales became president (in what year?), in order to assess the purpose of the use of indigenidad. The second part analyzes Bolivia's "indigenous" foreign policy. The overall conclusion is that Bolivia's foreign policy is the result of a tension between revisionism and pragmatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the symbolic role of the coca leaf in the construction of a national identity in Bolivia, focusing on the period of the neoliberal economic reforms carried out in the country during the 1980s and the 1990s. It is the author's view that the neoliberal reforms disjointed most Bolivian social structures, particularly the sense of nation. Subjects include the international drug control policy, economic aspects of globalization, and the social movement of the coca leaf growers, known as the movimiento cocalero.

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent events in Bolivia have brought indigeneity to the center of the national stage. More and more people are identifying themselves as indigenous whereas in the recent past they would more likely have seen themselves simply as campesinos, peasants, or urban mestizos. International agencies such as the ILO, UN and World Bank stress the importance of self-identification for indigenous people; and in the last (2001) census just over 20% of the Bolivian population identified themselves as indigenous despite no recorded ethnolinguistic marker that would suggest they would be; others who do not self-identify as indigenous were recorded in the census as being indigenous. This paper explores some of the issues behind self-identification and in particular examines the case of an Aymara-speaking community where people were recorded as indigenous and "ethnolinguistic markers" abound, yet do not self-identify as such. Despite its apparent homogeneity in terms of a strong sense of shared culture and kinship relations, the people of Pocobaya vary considerably in how they identify themselves as ethnic/racial subjects. Whereas outside groups, agencies, and indigenous leaders are creating and recognizing an indigenous identity based on a particular view of history and conquest, many other people have a much more complex sense of who they are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We used camera traps to survey Geoffroy's cats, Oncifelis geoffroyi, at six dry forest sites in Bolivia. Cumulative activity patterns across all sites are principally nocturnal though the species is active by day in both summer and winter. At two sites the number of captures and recaptures was sufficient to estimate abundance using the software Capture, and in turn a population density of 9–40 per 100 km2 for the two sites. Geoffroy's cats are present in all dry forest types surveyed: Chaco savannas, Chaco dry forest, Chaco transitional forest, Chaco‐Chiquitano transitional forest, Chaco‐Cerrado transitional forest and Chiquitano dry forest. They are most abundant at the driest site, the only one with grassland formations and where ocelots are absent. Camera trapping records tend to be more numerous in the dry season, suggesting seasonal changes in behavior and habitat use.ResumenEmpleamos trampas‐cámara para muestrear Oncifelis geoffroyi en seis sitios ubicados en bosques secos de Bolivia. El patrón de actividad en todos los sitios es principalmente nocturno, pero la especie puede estar activa de día en verano como en invierno. En dos sitios tuvimos suficiente capturas y recapturas para estimar abundancia usando el programa Capture, y luego una densidad poblacional de 9–40/100 km2 para los dos sitios. Oncifelis geoffroyi está presente en todas los tipos de bosques secos muestreados: sabanas chaqueñas, bosque seco chaqueño, bosque transicional chaqueño, bosque transicional Chaco‐Chiquitano, bosque transitional Chaco‐Cerrado, y bosque seco Chiquitano. Es más abundante en el sitio con menor precipitación, el único sitio con formaciones de pampas y donde es ausente Leopardus pardalis. Se tiene más registros con trampas‐cámara en la época seca, sugiriendo cambios estacionales en comportamiento y uso de hábitat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the contribution of literary criticism to the construction of a national culture and literary autonomy in Bolivia. The author analyzes the concept of Bolivian national culture linked to literature, from the perspective of the work of three literary critics from different periods, such as Manuel María Caballero, Carlos Medinaceli, and Gabriel René Moreno. According to the author, most of the Bolivian literary criticism sees literature as a mean to build a national image that involves crisis of the modernization, otherness and cultural diversity.