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The article discusses the history of the participation of African American Northerners in the Gettysburg Campaign and their efforts to turn military service into citizenship at the state level. It describes the African American companies from Harrisburg that joined the state militia and the enlistment of many members in the U.S. Colored Troops after the companies disbanded. It examines the reluctance of African American Northerners to serve in regiments in other states.

Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in schools in England is a pressing concern, especially since the 'Everyone's Invited' movement laid bare the extent of the problem across the country. This article analyses the national policy context, asserting that SGBV is a systemic problem rooted in young people's school and online peer cultures that requires transformative solutions, involving active youth participation. We introduce and explore the utility of the concept of postdigital sexual citizenship. We contrast this approach with the prevailing behavioural science 'nudge' philosophy of government policy making and societal discussions on youth sexuality and rights currently shaping Relationships and Sex Education (RSE) discourse and policy in England. Challenging adult-centric, top-down methods and instead empowering young people as post-digital sexual citizens entitled to comprehensive RSE is vital. While our focus is on England, the arguments apply globally to jurisdictions tackling SGBV in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formal social citizenship is limited in how it enables us to think about informal social citizenship and informal welfare. This informal perspective is important in all contexts where access to social rights is negotiated through local and transnational spaces, and where the state is a relatively minor player. By drawing on work on moral economy (Scott, 1976) and informal welfare (Gough and Wood, 2006) the article aims to propose a new theoretical model to understand the nature and social practice of both informal citizenship and welfare. This model departs from a western-centric understanding of nation-state-based citizenship and national welfare states, adopting instead the perspective that informal social citizenship and welfare have existed independently of the nation state as long as there have been human communities. Formal citizenship together with formal welfare rights represent just one particular crystallization of such informal practice. Our proposed model highlights the interdependent (rather than evolutionary) relationship between formal welfare at national level and informal welfare practices at local and transnational levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a large discrepancy in European countries between the measured impact of immigration on the welfare state and how this impact is perceived by citizens. This study examines the determinants of individuals' perception of the impact of immigration on the welfare state. A number of hypotheses at both the individual and contextual level are tested using a multilevel model with data from the European Social Survey. I find that the institutional features of welfare states are associated with different views on the impact of immigration on welfare states: generous contributory social welfare benefits are associated with more favourable attitudes about immigrants, while generous non-contributory benefits, by contrast, are associated with more pessimistic assessments about the fiscal impact of immigration. I argue that this can be because the latter potentially signals to natives that migrants could access generous benefits without any requisite work history. At the individual-level, the results indicate that subjective risk and general opposition to immigration are powerful individual-level predictors: people who feel more economically insecure or who are generally opposed to immigration are more likely to think that it constitutes a burden for the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a survey, interviews, and reflections by the teaching-research team, we explored the effects of almost a decade of experimentation, inspired by Freire's pedagogy for liberation, which applied participatory action research in engineering courses and in cities to develop professionals who are more committed to sustainability and more able to interact with 'ordinary' citizens in all their diversity. We found that using a planning-based participatory action research methodology, in the living laboratories of real city neighbourhoods, increased engineers' appreciation of citizenship, sustainability and equity. While this experience does not pretend to universality, it does suggest ways that structuring action research into course activities and critical reflection can improve students' understanding of sustainability and related social justice challenges. Moreover, this innovative pedagogy proved robust during two years of extreme disruption due to social protest and strict COVID-19 quarantines in Chile. The findings may benefit researchers and teachers grappling with similar challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes the concept of 'material politics' as an analytical category for the field of Nordic welfare history. We suggest that our understanding of welfare as a socio-cultural and historical phenomenon can be further enriched if we engage analytically with the multiple ways in which the Nordic welfare societies have been imagined, materialized and negotiated through various forms of material networks, architecture and devices. Thus, to elucidate the analytical potential of material politics for welfare history, we begin the article by surveying recent interdisciplinary research on the entanglements of materiality and power. Specifically, we point to three approaches to material politics that, we suggest, are particularly relevant for the field of welfare history. In the second part of the article, we explore the applicability of material politics by examining two empirical cases, both related to urban water and bathing, that exhibit different ways in which materiality have helped to problematize, mediate and signify different aspects of urban welfare politics in 20th-century Denmark. In doing so, we hope to spur further scholarly dialogue about the analytical categories through which we approach and interpret the social and cultural meaning of welfare in modern Nordic societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID‐19 highlighted interconnections between matters of identity and citizenship, vulnerability, and inclusion in/exclusion from systems of care in times of crisis. Migrant workers from Nagaland state, northeast India, were disproportionately impacted by the pandemic's socioeconomic consequences. The public health emergency brought into question who is 'Indian' and the citizenship rights attached to that identity, heightening migrants' exclusion from central structures. Communitarian responses in Nagaland enhanced resilience in the face of often inadequate government responses; however, COVID‐19 also exposed structural inequalities within and between Naga communities. This study shows that identity‐based citizenship regimes and multi‐nation federalism interact to increase minorities' exclusion during crises, and that crises can strengthen both divisions and solidarity at the local level in multi‐nation federal systems. Inclusion in and exclusion from systems of care are shaped by and can reshape notions of identity and citizenship, underlining the need for inclusive sociopolitical systems to mitigate crises in multi‐nation federal states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on a scoping review exploring understandings of family and domestic violence (FDV) against women with disability (WWD) within the literature and constitutes the second article in a two-part series, the first critiquing the categorization and measurement of FDV and disability. We report findings from qualitative studies included in the review, predominantly interpretivist and critical in orientation. The scoping review included 43 articles, 15 of which are included here, as they draw upon data directly from the perspectives of WWD. Reflexive thematic analysis was conducted, utilizing both inductive and deductive coding, and consultation between the authors. The analysis highlighted experiences of disability-based abuse, the nexus of ableism and sexism within the everyday, and meanings of justice and resilience for WWD. Disability-based abuse was perpetrated primarily by intimate partners, including financial and physical disability-based abuse, and was used to exploit and perpetuate situations of isolation. Sexist and ableist expectations, assumptions, and attitudes converged in everyday encounters within the community, with workers and systems. However, WWD reported strategies of resistance, healing, coping, and moving on in the aftermath of FDV and indicated what can be done to promote justice, both personally and within systems. The findings were discussed drawing on Axel Honneth's theory of recognition to highlight the mechanisms by which recognition and respect can be enhanced to enable full access to citizenship, in particular, for WWD to live free from violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peasant studies have long demonstrated the historical contribution of peasants to the stewardship of earth's commons. We enter the debate on ecological citizenship through a concern for environmental and food justice/sovereignty, two scholarly fields that have rarely been connected despite their theoretical complementarity. We argue that peasants have historically acted as eco-citizens, even if they still have to reclaim their political status as citizens with rights. We focus on the labor practices and advocacy efforts of peasants in Romania and Portugal and analyze their testimonies to identify rural civic engagements as acts of planetary eco-citizenship based on interdependence and care. Building on Wittman´s concept of agrarian citizenship, we look at three dimensions of collective action – peasant agroecology, seed sovereignty and re-localization of food – as political acts which expand prevailing visions of eco-citizenship by de-centering urban and national spaces as the locus of civic engagement and the promotion of transnational political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Platform food delivery workers have been under much scrutiny over the last couple of years. Undocumented riders, and their recent strikes and protests in France, have not received as much attention as other issues regarding platform labour (contract work, algorithmic control, surveillance). This article follows fieldwork conducted in Paris and interviews with food couriers. Building on work by critical urban studies, migration studies and science and technology studies, this research puts forward citizen‐rentier‐ship, a tool to understand how multiple parties profit from aspects of precarious status. Interviews with undocumented couriers who worked in Paris highlight how the subletting of accounts, the complicit role of the state, the hypocrisy of employers and the interdependency with the "regularised" put undocumented couriers in hyper‐precarious situations. This article concludes that labour laws, misclassification and migration policies are at the centre of the struggles of Paris' delivery workers and that they need changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many Western countries, it has become standard to demand immigrants that earn their right to citizenship by coming to meet a set of citizenship requirements. Moreover, many European governments justify the citizenship requirements on the grounds of fairness, because they are not discriminatory and because the demands of the requirements are to immigrants' individual efforts. This trend invites exploration of whether this practice is justified. We argue that citizenship requirements are justified from a liberal viewpoint only if differentiated to adjust for factors that are unmoved by the individual exercise of responsibility but have a strong impact on the chances of fulfilling citizenship requirements – such as age, prior education, economic cycles, and ethnic discrimination. Upon this, we develop a differentiated model for fair citizenship requirements inspired by the typological work of John Roemer. The model allows for different degrees of demandingness but preserves respect for fairness in so far as it differentiates requirements on the background of age, education, economic cycles, and ethnicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European states and international organizations employ migration information campaigns to discourage African youth from trying to get to Europe without the necessary papers. Campaigns count on a variety of actors, including local staff members of Non-Governmental Organizations in origin countries. Yet, little is known about how local campaign implementers perceive and perform their tasks. This article investigates why and how Senegalese citizens help to implement campaigns in Senegal when such campaigns try to curb the very mobility they aspire to themselves. Drawing on 15 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Senegal, where we observed how migration campaigns were organized and run, the article shows how local implementers produce borders in their daily activities while at the same time making use of the ambiguity campaigns create. We find that local campaign staffs are brokers who simultaneously reinforce and undermine 'soft' borders in their work of translating policy into practice. We analyze how campaigns are performed through the speech acts of local staff, which define and consolidate control over the mobility of Senegalese youth. At the same time, local implementers, in their practical and discursive labor, find fissures to contest dominant discourses and push an alternative message. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the contemporary civic integration policy trend of fusing migration control and integration requirements, by analysing Swedish immigration policies from a governmentality perspective. Through a genealogical analysis, the article focuses on policies on permanent residence permits and explores key concepts which underly contemporary policies on permanent residence permit, and the technologies of citizenship and anti-citizenship produced through them. The material consists of Swedish official documents published between 1951 and 2021. The analysis shows that 'incentives' and 'conduct' are key concepts which underly contemporary policies, where the permanent residence permit is constructed as part of an assemblage of technologies of (anti-)citizenship, governing non-citizens towards becoming law-abiding and working subjects. Furthermore, both these concepts have been given different meaning over time, especially the concept of incentives. This concept was central in the 1950s, then backgrounded during the late twentieth century and reactivated in 2015. The policies on permanent residence permit once again activated an assemblage of technologies aimed at governing the motivation of non-citizens who require residence permits. This reactivation relates to a wider trend of civic integration within western countries, where policies are recurringly designed to 'improve' non-citizens who are portrayed as morally lacking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mindfulness meditation has enjoyed growing popularity in the UK over the last few decades and is increasingly found in many educational settings. To date, existing empirical research on mindfulness in education has focused primarily on its efficacy, rather than more sociological concerns. This article draws on qualitative data from a major research study entitled 'Mapping Mindfulness in the UK' to investigate the motivations and aspirations of mindfulness practitioners for promoting and delivering mindfulness in educational contexts. The analysis argues that some of the existing theoretical critiques of mindfulness as a neo-liberalising self-technology are too reductive and do not take adequate account of the views and experiences of practitioners. For participants in this study, mindfulness in education was more than an individualised self-help therapeutic tool, but was instead a uniquely versatile practice, representing multiple possibilities for individuals and society. The research makes significant contributions to several fields of sociological inquiry, including on mindfulness, mental health and wellbeing, and education and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict between the Perso‐Shiite state and its opposition, especially Kurdish political organizations in Iran/Eastern Kurdistan, and their subsequent suppression, has led to the migration of many Kurds since the early 1980s. This exodus has affected their political identification. Here, changes toward nationality and citizenship in the attitude of the first‐generation Kurdish immigrants with a leftist political background living in Germany, The Netherlands, Sweden and France will be analyzed. From the perspective of the relationship between individual and political organization, state and society/community, it seeks to uncover that how these migrants think about different collective political identities, how their views have changed, and which collective social identity has had most impact on shaping their political view. Following a qualitative approach, data were collected through in‐depth semi‐structured and focus group interviews. The findings show that the interviewees within the extra‐organizational Kurdish convergence in Europe have tried to reidentify themselves politically by moving away from the political climate of Iran, while Kurdishness shapes their view on nationality and citizenship. Although the European states officially recognize them as Iranian nationals, they themselves see this as an imposed citizenship. In their current situation, many of them, while emphasizing their Kurdish nationality and wishing for Kurdistani citizenship, prefer to be recognized only as citizens of European countries and not be attributed to Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reexplores Ireland’s final exit from the Commonwealth in 1948–49, deploying Brexit as a comparative heuristic and organising device. The existing literature has stressed both Ireland’s symbolic motives in fully breaking with the Crown and how it retained many the advantages of Commonwealth membership whilst avoiding its obligations. It is true that, at least from the later 1930s, Ireland was more akin to an associate as opposed to a full Commonwealth member and that both significant support for the Irish position from Commonwealth members with large Irish diaspora populations and decentralisation in the Commonwealth itself made for a relatively hospitable negotiating environment. Nevertheless, the Brexit comparison helps highlights the considerable trade and citizenship links, including with the UK, which were linked to Commonwealth association and which secession thereby put at risk. It similarly highlights the price Ireland paid for its exit including a public commitment to make reciprocal citizenship rights generally available to all Commonwealth members, a strengthening of Northern Ireland’s links with Great Britain and a loss of participation rights in key Commonwealth preference, Sterling Area and related fora. The ultimately rather limited significance of that price may relate more to a subsequent fundamental refocusing of both Irish and UK geographic priorities towards Europe in subsequent decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theoretical interest in identity is long-standing and has witnessed many shifts, from the perception of identity as essential to its perception as the individual's ever-changing personal choice. In the current article, I argue that identity is dynamic and changes not only through different periods but also at any given moment as part of the negotiation the individual has with their environment. This argument will be established with a case study of the Palestinian citizens in Israel through in-depth interviews relating to the collective identity of a group of minority citizens. The main findings suggest that the identity of certain individuals is dynamic at any given moment. This dynamism is largely influenced by a liminal citizenship, giving rise to a discourse of stipulation. The Israeli-Palestinians’ Israeli identity is contingent upon the exercise of their civil rights, the promotion of tolerance within the Jewish majority group, and the prevailing condition of the Palestinian people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological Institutionalists of education suggest that the first quarter of the 21st century has seen a paradigm shift in moral education worldwide toward depicting global citizenship as rooted in social diversity and common humanity, going beyond the locally focused interests of nation-states. Within the context of the ongoing nation building process in the self-governing territory of Taiwan in the past two decades, this study offers a telling example of the dynamics between the cosmopolitan turn in curriculum reforms and the parallel socio-political realities. Drawing on a large group of university students (N = 1,020) from Taiwan, this paper offers an empirical perspective regarding how multiculturalism promotes civic and political participation as a process of global citizenship making. The indirect effects through the mediating variables of political self-efficacy and trust in the democratic system have also shed some light on how the process works on certain individual and social conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the first films made by a female director, Kangdrun (T: Gangs sgron, གངས་ྒྲསྒྲོན་, Gangzhen, 岗珍, b. 1995) belonging to the Post-2000s Inland Tibet Class (ITC) generation. Following the experience of the Sinophone-Tibetan filmmaker Kangdrun in a Chinese language education environment, her films, and Tibetan cultural communities, this study discusses Kangdrun’s visual strategies for telling stories from the perspectives of children and youth through a feminine camera eye. The Chinese language education and Tibetan cultural community relations have reshaped the ethnic awareness of the post-2000s ITC generation regarding what can be called ‘a safe Chinese Tibetan citizenship’. This study contributes to a new understanding of modern Tibetan authors’ generational relationships, the expressive styles of the female Sinophone-Tibetan filmmaker, and how affective visuality mediates the cultural, political, and gender identity formation of female artists of the post-2000s ITC generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks “who cares” in the precarious city when the state fails. In Los Angeles, one of the largest immigrant-based economies in the United States, the COVID-19 pandemic exposed the extreme vulnerability of low-paid immigrant workers who were unable to do paid work during government-mandated shutdown periods. Unauthorized workers and immigrants in mixed-status households, who are the focus of our study, faced additional challenges, contending with hunger, eviction, and lack of access to essential medicine and public health care due to their exclusion from federal relief assistance. The role of civil society organizations in addressing the gaps and fissures of the neoliberal state is heavily criticized, we argue that scholars—as well as policymakers—need to pay closer attention to exactly how organizational actors are rebuilding state-society relations guided by principles of relational care, strategic responsiveness, and infrastructural efficacy, rather than neglect, incompetence, and criminality. As we face a future of ongoing epidemiological and ecological crises, our public institutions have much to learn from immigrant workers and social justice organizations that are working in concert to build caring cities in precarious and carceral times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collegiality and the contribution to the sustenance of the academy through academic citizenship are central to commonly held conceptions of what it is to be a university. This study investigates the articulation and recognition of academic citizenship through institutional promotion criteria, including both traditional research and teaching‐focussed career pathways. The study adopts a qualitative research approach and examines promotion criteria from a sample of 55 mid‐sized universities in the UK. Findings point to a progressive shift in formal recognition of service activities associated with citizenship as part of the core academic workload. Institutional service is pervasive across all academic roles and levels, student service is largely invisible, and activities associated with public service are most notably acknowledged in traditional academic roles at the professorial level. The evolving nature of expectations of citizenship necessitates a more nuanced consideration of the core dimensions of an academic role and citizenship activities to ensure equity and inclusivity in career progression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractEngagement with socioscientific issues (SSI) is seen as an important citizenship goal of SSI-based science education. In this experimental study, Dutch students (age 8 to 13) participated in lesson series in which they learned about and discussed SSI, such as issues related to the textile industry and wastewater. Attitudes toward SSI indicating engagement were measured among relatively large experimental (n = 236) and control (n = 192) groups prior to and after the intervention. Multilevel analyses showed a positive effect of SSI-based teaching on collective efficacy and no effects on the other seven attitude components. Furthermore, we investigated whether the effects depended on students’ SSI-related resources. Students’ profiles for use of sources of knowledge (USK) moderated the effect of condition on self-efficacy and—depending on analysis type—on personal relevance, positive feelings, and collective efficacy. The positive impact occurred mainly for students with low USK. We discuss implications thereof for SSI education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of Indian religious traditions have described how Muslims belong to Indian society as a charismatic other, a sectarian minority, and a liminal community (Ahmad and Reifeld 2004; Gold 2013; Sila-Khan 2004; Robinson 1979). While these are important analyses, they do not adequately address recent developments in Muslim self-statement and identification that are determinedly Indian and Muslim, grounded in a rejection of the limited terms of their acceptance and inclusion. This article identifies a new trend in understanding Indian Muslim affiliation, one that is continually shaped by the long-standing question of Muslim belonging. I turn to data from contexts of public and private performances of Muslim identities that emerged throughout India, and around the world, in response to the official exclusion of Muslims from the premises of citizenship in the 2019 CAA (Citizenship Amendment Bill) legislation. From late 2019 to early 2020, Muslims and their allies in the anti-CAA movement publicly recited poetry, staged theatrical performances in the street, and organized a weeks-long women-led sit-in in Delhi to collectively reject the exclusionary premises of the new citizenship legislation and argue that being Muslim and Indian is no contradiction. How the question of Muslim affiliation is articulated and contested in genres of performance not only newly theorizes Muslim belonging in India today, but also reveals the important role of performance in constructing notions of religion, community, and nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of perceived injustice, a huge number of intense anti-World Cup movements took place throughout almost every host city from June 2013 to July 2014 in Brazil. Over a million Brazilians joined anti-World Cup protests in more than 100 cities throughout Brazil in early July 2013, and this civil resistance lasted until the beginning of the World Cup. After the Cup, a number of violent protests in Rio de Janeiro against the 2016 Olympics occurred as well, and these produced far more controversy over the event. This study examines the emergence of social movements against the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games held in Brazil. Despite the importance of the subject, there has been a scarcity of literature addressing networked social movements in Brazil that opposed mega-sporting events and how this relates to theoretical debates about differentiated citizenship and the right to the city. To fill this gap, this article aims to explore the characteristics of protests. Drawing on an analysis of archival sources and interviews conducted during fieldwork in Brazil, this study shows that such demonstrations can be best seen as “networked social movements” that had been struggling for the asymmetric distribution of rights around the neoliberal mega-events. These networked social movements entailed the characteristics of the right-tothe-city movements that intended to subvert the social systems of differentiated citizenship in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing availability of extensive governmental data, technological advancements, and a rising standard for government openness are encouraging global governments to implement open data initiatives. While some governments are actively adapting to these trends, others remain behind, despite the pressure. This research explores the political and administrative reasons behind these differences. By analyzing how local governments in South Korea handled requests for open data from citizens between 2007 and 2016, the study highlights the importance of political competition and administrative strength in fostering government transparency and effectively addressing citizen data requests. The study assesses open government data based on its scope, time, and quality, finding that higher levels of electoral competition and better administrative capabilities contribute to increased transparency and responsiveness. However, the study's use of a regression discontinuity design reveals that the political party controlling local governments had minimal influence on these factors. Related Articles: Heo, Inhye. 2013. "The Political Economy of Policy Gridlock in South Korea: The Case of the Lee Myung‐bak Government's Green Growth Policy." Politics & Policy 41(4): 509–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12029. Heo, Inhye. 2022. "Energy Democratization Policy without Democratization of Policy Governance in South Korea: A Participatory Democracy Perspective." Politics & Policy 50(4): 834–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12480. Nam, Aerang, and Christopher M. Weible. 2023. "Examining Experts' Discourse in South Korea's Nuclear Power Policy Making: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Approach to Policy Knowledge." Politics & Policy 51(2): 201–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12522. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Brexit-driven remaking of some EU families into mixed-status families. Drawing on original research conducted in 2021–2022 with British, EU/EEA and non-EU/EEA citizens living in the UK or the EU/EEA, it shows how families whose members have previously enjoyed equal rights to freedom of movement across the EU/EEA variously negotiate the consequences of Brexit on their lives. Central to our analysis is the interplay between hardening borders and the stickiness of family relations, and its effects on families' migration and settlement projects. The article brings to the fore these emerging entanglements offering a much-needed relational analysis of the impact of Brexit on the directly affected populations, while contributing more widely to expanding the existing scholarship on mixed-status families, by attending to the peculiar ways in which families whose members previously enjoyed equal status under EU law have experienced their transformation into subjects with unequal rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For most of its postcolonial history, Fiji's government was under iTaukei (Indigenous Fijian) control, viewed by iTaukei as the guardian of their status and rights. However, iTaukei-headed governments from the military coup in 2006 until the parliament elections in 2022 undertook modernizing reforms that emphasized equality and enjoyed predominantly Indo-Fijian support. Central in the governing political party's manifesto from the resumption of elections in 2014 was the new constitutional principle of 'common and equal citizenry'. Electoral competition and parliamentary debate under the 2013 Constitution have been marked by protests against the removal of much of the institutional support for Indigenous group rights that existed in Fiji's political system until the 2006 coup. The December 2022 elections brought a new government by a coalition of parties led and supported mainly by Indigenous Fijians. Its agenda includes a promise to redress the weakening of Indigenous status and rights under Bainimarama's rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs interviews and primary and secondary sources to examine the discrimination, securitization, and instrumentalization faced by four main Christian denominations throughout Turkish history: the Armenian, Greek, Assyrian, and Protestant communities. We shed light on how some religious minority groups have been utilized and represented within the framework of Turkish diplomacy and the pursuit of neo-Ottomanism. We contend that the blanket term 'Christian' is less applicable in Turkey's context, where religion becomes intricately intertwined with ethnicity. Thus, it becomes imperative to investigate each non-Muslim community independently, considering their unique trajectories, historical traumas, internal divisions, and relationships with the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We contrast the approach taken by Italy and two constituent parts of the UK (England, Wales, and Northern Ireland) toward legalization of same-sex marriage. The incrementalist theory or "step-by-step approach" first advocated by Waaldijk in 2000 predicts that states will take prescribed steps en route to same-sex marriage. The core of incrementalism is that each step (decriminalization of same-sex sexual relations, equality of treatment for gays and lesbians, civil partnership, and finally same-sex marriage) is the logical premise for and in fact necessarily leads to the next step. Reflecting on 22 years of experience, we analyze whether this has been followed in practice in the jurisdictions under study. We demonstrate that although helpful in the early stages, incrementalism does not always reflect how legal changes have occurred and in Italy's case gives no answers as to when or if same-sex marriage will be legalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As both a marriage act and an immigration act, the Expatriation Act of 1907 restricted U.S. women's freedom of marriage by stating that marrying aliens would lead to loss of U.S. citizenship. To study the effects of the Expatriation Act, I conduct a statistical analysis using 1910 full-count U.S. census data. I find that the Expatriation Act of 1907 generated significantly negative effects on intermarriage between American women and foreign-born men, particularly noncitizens. In particular, I find that it was the citizenship, rather than men's non-U.S. origin, that accounted for the negative effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage. These results show a decline in male immigrants' marital assimilation, and potentially social and economic assimilation. As for the magnitude, the effects were large: the decline in intermarriage was at least 15 percent relative to the pre-Act intermarriage rate. Besides these main results, selective emigration to Canada and Europe driven by intermarriage cannot explain the main empirical results of the paper. The Expatriation Act of 1907 also had no significant effects on women's entry into the marriage market. Finally, the effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage were heterogeneous by family immigration background, but less so by geographic region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article represents the transcript of a 2022 witness seminar on the theme of members of the British public writing to politicians. Collectively, the witnesses have experience of this issue dating from the early 1970s through to the present day. Angie Williams shares her experience of handling correspondence for Ed Miliband and Jeremy Corbyn as leaders of the Labour Party. Lord Kinnock (Neil Kinnock) describes what it was like to receive correspondence both as an MP and as Labour Party leader. David Beckingham relates his experience working in the Number 10 Political Office under Theresa May and Boris Johnson. Lord Parkinson (Stephen Parkinson) also gives a perspective on May, for whom he worked both at the Home Office and in Downing Street. Camilla Jequier explains her role dealing with correspondence for two Conservative MPs. The issues explored include attempts to use correspondence to measure public opinion, the shift from letters to email, gifts enclosed with letters, correspondents with mental health issues, death threats, and the emotional dimensions of correspondence. The witnesses had similar or overlapping experiences. There was agreement that correspondence is often misdirected or phrased in ways that are unlikely to be productive. This may point to a failure of citizenship education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to assess relationships between previous stroke diagnosis and demographic or disability status variables, stratified by U.S. citizenship status. The 2019 and 2021 National Health Interview Survey data were analyzed for both descriptive statistics and logistic regression models. Age, sex, income level, race/ethnicity, health insurance status, and indicators of disability common after stroke were predictor variables of interest. For each disability predictor variable, higher odds of having stroke were seen regardless of citizenship status, except for the 'difficulty remembering' variable. For U.S. citizens, increasing age corresponded with higher odds of stroke diagnosis. For noncitizens, odds ratios decreased from 40.3 (95% CI 38.88–41.82) for the 40–65 age group to 29.6 (95% CI 28.38–30.77) in the 80 + group, when compared with the 18–39 age reference group. Female noncitizens had higher odds of stroke, while male citizens had higher odds. Non-Hispanic Black citizens had higher odds of stroke, while the other racial/ethnic groups had higher odds for noncitizens. The results indicated the existence of several socio-demographic disparities in stroke. Notably, noncitizens experienced stroke at a younger age and reported more severe disability outcomes after stroke diagnosis than citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revisiting the citizenship regimes of Myanmar and India through a comparative lens, this article argues that a specter of the "potential foreigner" is decisive in the adjudication of citizenship in both countries. Citizenship is conceptualized not only on the basis of who is a citizen, but a perennial suspicion towards those who may not be. We frame this argument in the context of increasingly restrictive atmospheres in both countries, epitomized by violence towards the Rohingya in Myanmar and the Citizenship Amendment Act in India. This paper employs an historical perspective, tracing the evolution of citizenship since the partitions of Burma and Pakistan from India. It interrogates the very notion of foreignness that is embedded in these discourses, through a detailed description of the religious, ethnic, racial, and administrative "other" etched in the legislative and socio-political fabric of both countries. In order to develop the idea of potential foreigner as a key element of national identity and citizenship policy, the paper examines crucial legislation over the last three-quarters of a century, and the consequences of linking narrowing definitions of ethno-national belonging to citizenship status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the endorsement of the nationality stereotype Dutch = White among children and associations with citizenship representations of their mothers (Study 1). Additionally, Study 2 explores how mothers include the concept of Dutch citizenship in the upbringing of their children. Study 1 shows that children (n = 197, 57% girls, 7–13 years old) from different ethnic‐racial backgrounds (White Dutch, Turkish‐Dutch, Black Dutch, Chinese‐Dutch) all endorsed the nationality stereotype and did so to a similar extent. Most mothers rated civic citizenship as more important than ethnic citizenship, but maternal citizenship representations were unrelated to child nationality stereotype. Study 2 shows that mothers often do not actively and consciously include the topic of Dutch citizenship in their upbringing, but might confirm the nationality stereotype in more implicit ways. Future studies are needed to examine how to work towards a more inclusive view of nationality among children in the Dutch context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that North Korea uses political propaganda to elicit popular support, and this article focuses on how primary and secondary schools play an essential role in conveying the regime's messages. The article asks how this process shapes North Koreans' perceptions towards citizenship and how their perceptions of 'democracy' differ from those in other parts of the world. School education, I argue, socialises North Koreans and shapes their everyday political attitudes and citizenship perceptions. This study examines 32 North Korean Socialist Moral textbooks and identifies four core regime messages embedded in these texts: Personality Cult education in relation to the Kims, promoting socialism, fostering nationalism, and cultivating communitarianism and collectivism. I propose that these regime messages positively and negatively affect perceptions of democratic citizenship. Messages that promote communitarianism can encourage North Koreans to engage in democratic politics, but messages about political leadership, nationalism, and collectivism can hamper North Koreans' understanding of democracy and their capacity to develop democratic norms. This study has implications for research into how North Korean defectors are integrated into democratic South Korea, suggesting that these defectors' longstanding exposure to authoritarian education in North Korea will necessarily influence how they conceive of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I show how critical projects of decoloniality might help build a new humanity. I focus on the intellectual output of Chielozona Eze, arguing that, as public-service scholarship, it bears witness to the shifts occurring in contemporary decolonial thought and thus exemplifies the role the humanities can play to midwife an inclusive and empathetic global democratic culture so central to decolonial studies. My analysis aims to demonstrate how the humanities can be a tool in meeting civic needs and interests and thereby help rehabilitate modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People sometimes limit themselves to doing what is explicitly expected of them and purposely avoid engaging in socially desirable behaviors. Against this background, this study tested a moderated-mediation model based on Conservation of Resources theory and equity theory in academic context through a mixed-methods approach. More specifically, it examined the role of equity sensitivity in influencing the indirect effect of teacher injustice (TI) on classroom citizenship behavior (CCB) through burnout. Results achieved through a four-wave data collected from Pakistani nursing students partially supported the model. They demonstrated that while burnout serves as a mediator in the TI–CCB relationship, the mediation effect is independent of the level of equity sensitivity. A follow-up focus group was also conducted whose findings gave additional details regarding the psychosocial processes underlying the effect of TI on targeted students' attitudes and behaviors. Overall, the study offers theory- and evidence-based insights into the CCB withdrawal process, and provides guidance to education management practice and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over recent decades, there have been increased public debates about rising level of ethnic and religious diversity and their implications for social cohesion and intercultural relations. These contestations are often situated within a diversity governance continuum with two opposing and often extreme poles both in the policy arena as well as the academic literature. The first pole sees diversity as potentially contributing to social fissures and intercultural discord. The second pole highlights the benefits of an acceptance of diversity for cross-cultural awareness and social peace. Using empirical evidence from a multi-year project, this article assesses the key assumptions underlying these oppositional approaches through a study of the provision of social services to multicultural communities and its association with civic engagement and national belonging. Study findings show that access to multicultural services is significantly associated with higher levels of civic engagement among migrants, rather than social exclusion and urban segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the conflict between press censorship and free speech in post-partition Delhi, focusing on the Urdu press. It demonstrates how conflicts over free speech became a focal point for the intersection of two fundamental tensions underlying postcolonial state formation—between civil liberties and the authoritarian legacy of colonial rule, and between a secular democracy and a religion-based partition. The article explores the Urdu refugee dailies that relocated from Lahore to Delhi amid the partition upheaval and emerged as significant media voicing refugees' interests, often at the expense of Muslim residents. Their provocative writings simultaneously challenged the boundaries of free speech and advanced an exclusionary notion of citizenship based on blood-based descent (jus sanguinis). This narrow conception of citizenship, underlying the partition migrations themselves, challenged the secularist vision of India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. In response, the Delhi administration took actions against the refugee papers, making them central to contemporary struggles over press censorship. By taking the state to court, refugee editors promoted citizens' right to free speech, but simultaneously advanced a circumscribed notion of ethno-religious citizenship. Navigating this dual role, the article unveils the exclusions and contradictions that marked citizenship formation in the early postcolonial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Encouraging children to become 'good citizens' who positively contribute towards society through charitable and philanthropic action as part of their civic participation has become a core focus of policy and practice. Yet the opportunities afforded to children for active civic learning within primary education remain under‐researched. This article presents findings from a multi‐survey study that seeks to unpick 'what' and 'how' active civic learning is happening in primary schools across England. By mapping active civic learning across the country, we find that these opportunities are unequally dispersed. Specifically, from an early age, children from more affluent backgrounds are more likely to be prepared for active civic engagement, orientated around ideas of social justice, than those from disadvantaged backgrounds. This raises significant challenges for education policy and practice and calls for greater attention to be paid to civic learning for all children in early and middle childhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the rise of contemporary populist movements in Europe and North America. These movements are driven primarily by working-class men who feel marginalized by developments in employment, work conditions, family life, and, in particular, by gender politics and the modern status of women. The growth of the service sector has created new opportunities for women. Demography, especially the decline in the fertility rate, has been neglected in sociological theories of the modern development of radical populism. With a declining and ageing population, the labor market depends increasingly on immigrant workers. These circumstances—feminism and migration—fuel the frustration of marginalized men who form the basis of radical populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa is undergoing a rapid decline in social and political cohesion at various scales. This paper explores Cape Town's experience of socio-territorial messages and identities deployed by the City administration and the leading party, the Democratic Alliance. I focus on relational constructions of the subjectivity of the 'ratepayer' and the deserving Capetownian as constructed in the City and the DA's discourse and policy measures in juxtaposition to 'street people' and other supposedly deviant urban subjects and how, as such, the wilful ignorance of the first remains both unchallenged and in service of an exclusionary and unjust spatial order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compulsory citizenship behaviour (CCB) refers to extra‐role behaviours that are not necessarily voluntary or driven by goodwill, and are often conducted under duress or performed in response to supervisor or coworker pressure. The literature is currently unclear about whether these behaviours have negative, positive, or a nuanced combination of outcomes. We address this confusion by drawing on Conservation of Resources Theory to explain employees' daily depletion and organization‐based self‐esteem (OBSE) mechanisms that capture respective costs and benefits of daily CCB. We also explain how employees' extraversion and leader–member exchange (LMX) are critical boundary conditions of these effects. Using an experience sampling method, we collected data twice per day from 186 full‐time employees across 10 working days, yielding 1551 valid daily responses. The results of multilevel path analyses showed that: (a) daily CCB had a positive indirect effect on next‐day interpersonal deviance via increased ego depletion, with extraversion buffering this positive indirect effect; and (b) daily CCB had a positive indirect effect on next‐day proactive helping via increased OBSE, with LMX strengthening this positive indirect effect. These results suggest that employees' daily CCB has both costs (i.e., resource depletion) and benefits (i.e., positive self‐focused beliefs). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the enactment of legislation on public interest disclosures, whistleblowers still face significant retaliation. Perceptions and expectations of loyalty to a firm, organisation or a government continue to be seen as antithetical to 'voice', that is, the disclosure of wrongdoing, thereby triggering strategies of organisational exit and punishment. Real change can occur if whistleblowing is elevated to a civic duty of equal importance to other civic duties, such as to protect and defend the rule of law, human rights and democracy and to report suspected criminality to authorities. In this article, I justify whistleblowing on a good citizenship concept which transcends particular national institutional characteristics and critically examine the content and contribution of the European Union's Directive on Whistleblower protection. By deploying a tripartite lens blending analytical questions and a discoursive theoretical perspective with a comparative assessment of instruments in the Member States and the EU, the discussion makes the case for the urgent change in the culture of punitive treatment of whistleblowers in the European Union and for further institutional reform when the Directive is reviewed in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sustainability is about carrying life on. If it is to mean anything, it must be for everyone and everything, and not for some to the exclusion of others. What kind of world, then, has a place for everyone and everything, both now and into the future? What does it mean for such a world to carry on? And how can we make it happen? To answer these questions, I take a closer look at what we mean by 'everything'. I argue that it is not the sum of minimally existing entities, joined into ever larger and more complex structures, but a a fluid and heterogeneous plenum from within which things emerge as folds. How, then, does such an understanding of everything affect our concept of sustainability? It can no longer be understood in terms of the numerical balance of recruitment and loss. It is rather about lifecycles, about things' lasting. In the sustainability of everything there is no opposition between stability and change. The more that global science has committed itself to a numerical calculus of sustainability, the more it has fallen to art to present the alternative. This has crucial implications for the ways we think about democratic citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the contested legal–political dynamics around forced migration flows to and through an unrecognized state: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). We adopt an analytical perspective drawn from the literature on performative politics and the legal anthropology of documents to explore how migration dynamics interact with the contested legal status of the TRNC. Our two main questions are: What practical shape do the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers take in an interstitial legal space, where the foundation of law is itself subject to ambiguity, suspension, and contestation? And what implications—opportunities and hazards—does this constellation have for refugees and asylum-seekers? Drawing on interviews, lived experience and fieldwork observations, we make two arguments. First, we contend that the interstitial status of the TRNC represents both an opportunity for refugees and a threat. Secondly, we argue that a purely legal or technical understanding of legal identity and concurrent rights is inadequate; we must subject these phenomena to a politically informed analysis of the everyday practices through which legal norms and spaces are continuously shaped and reshaped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]