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Mark Stout's book, "World War I and the foundations of American intelligence," provides valuable insights into the achievements and shortcomings of the US intelligence community during World War I. Stout challenges the prevailing narratives that view World War I intelligence as negative and that attribute the foundations of American intelligence primarily to World War II. He argues that modern intelligence for modern warfare emerged during World War I and explores the precedents and key figures that contributed to its development. Stout's research paints a comprehensive picture of the maturing intelligence community during the war and highlights its impact on subsequent intelligence practices. [Extracted from the article]

Spanish Olive Jar is a ubiquitous marker of the Spanish colonial period in the southeastern United States, appearing on both terrestrial and maritime sites where colonists resided and traveled between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. The Olive Jar ceramic type has been the subject of many archaeological studies, most of which use vessel shape typologies and rim morphology to aid in the chronological placement of sites and proveniences where they are found, and more recently also using compositional analyses to determine locations of manufacture. Frequently lacking, however, is anything more than a cursory generic reference to what these vessels were likely to have originally contained, and how exactly they were used and reused by the people who lived and worked at the archaeological sites where their remains are so commonly found. The intent of this article is to explore primary source documents that provide quantifiable data to answer such questions, with the goal of enhancing the utility of Spanish Olive Jar for archaeological interpretation by situating it within its broader functional context as one of a number of different types of shipping containers used and reused in a variety of circumstances during the Spanish colonial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kathryn Gin Lum's book, "Heathen: Religion and Race in American History," explores the history of Christian efforts to save the "heathen" and how these ideas continue to shape American ways of conceptualizing and managing race. The book challenges the assumption that race replaced religion as modernity's primary marker for difference and shows how religious ideas, particularly Christian ones, have continued to inform American views on race. Gin Lum argues that the concept of heathenism remains alive today, perpetuating the idea that people in the so-called "Third World" are suffering victims in need of salvation from Americans. In contrast, Lucia Hulsether's book, "Capitalist Humanitarianism," exposes the capitalist delusions behind neoliberal humanitarian initiatives like microfinance and fair trade. Hulsether critiques these initiatives for facilitating economic exploitation while allowing well-meaning elites to feel good about themselves. Both books raise important questions about the entanglements of race, religion, and global capitalism, urging historians and scholars of religion to consider the ongoing power of these ideas and structures. [Extracted from the article]

"We Are Cuba! How a Revolutionary People Have Survived in a Post-Soviet World" by Helen Yaffe is a book that offers a comprehensive and nuanced perspective on the history, politics, and economy of Cuba. Yaffe's work challenges the traditional Western-centric perspective that dominates social sciences and aims to rebalance the field by incorporating the views and experiences of Cubans themselves. The book explores the complexity of Cuba's social, political, and economic system, considering both internal and external factors that shape it. It also highlights the diversity of opinions and debates within Cuba's history, providing a more nuanced understanding of the country. While not definitive, the book is an important contribution to the study of Cuba and offers readers a different lens through which to view the country. [Extracted from the article]

Benjamin Abrams and Peter Gardner have skilfully combined 15 contributions, examining a range of symbolic objects that feature in contentious politics, including social movements, civil wars and revolutions. As Abrams and Gardner argue, contentious objects are the "collaborators in the execution of contentious action" (p. 293). Politics is inevitably contentious. [Extracted from the article]

This article centers Indigenous epistemologies to critique the United States oceanic security state, a modality of militarization and blue-washing conservation that extends beyond land borders to encompass federal conceptualizations of national security throughout the Pacific Ocean. Beginning with Indigenous perspectives from Oceania, it provides examples of Indigenous peoples' continuing connections to ocean spaces and challenges to United States colonial geographic imaginaries and militarized destruction. Then, advancing the concept of the oceanic security state, it examines how United States assertions of sovereignty over Oceania are used to justify hyper-militarization while simultaneously destroying the environment and contributing to the climate crisis. These phenomena occur while the USA remains exempt from federal environmental conservation laws through 'blue-washing', and the United States government benefits from the exclusion of military emission data within international climate targets. The findings reveal how militarizing all ocean space in the name of United States national security operates within delineated borders of Exclusive Economic Zones, Marine National Monuments, and Marine Protected Areas. Guided by Indigenous epistemologies, the article concludes with alternative ways of understanding ocean spaces and constructing futures of genuine security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After showing Jeeyon's tweet about the tiny person's campsite and a rich conversation about being resourced vs. being safe, we decided to make a tiny campsite, each of us, for someone impacted by the surge in anti-LGBTQIA2P laws and policies that were being debated, approved, and the site of much contestation over, quite simply, who get to be human. These critical policy classes departed sharply from similar courses that might include implications and suggestions from analyzing education policies for the interplay of power. We all had to analyze these policies in depth, and in keeping with a critical policy analysis class. I offered this rather unusual assignment soon after I was able to participate in an enlivening workshop led by outdoor educator and analog game designer, Jeeyon Shim. [Extracted from the article]

The article reports that the colonial historians of Latin American have made specific and sustained turns to the material, the environmental, and the animal over the last three decades. Topics include examines the Latin American historical archaeology with its attention to these same domains also came of age during this same period, with a genuine explosion in research on the colonial period over the past several decades in Mexico, the Caribbean, the Andes, the Cono Sur, and Brazil.

The commons has been adopted by Library Information Science (LIS) as a metaphor for transformational library spaces. However, post-colonial scholarship exposes the material violence and exclusionary practices that coincide(d) with commons-making in Europe and North America. When weighing such assessments against the traditional role of American libraries as mechanisms of colonial values, it becomes necessary for library professionals to critique their continued evocation of commons discourse from a perspective that centers on decolonization. Responding to this challenge, I historicize the commons as both an imagined ideology and an actual instrument of power to contextualize Indigenous and post-colonial assessments of commons-making in the settler colonial United States and dismantle taken-forgranted definitions of the commons. I then demonstrate how the history of the US public library has served to naturalize imagined commons-making projects. Finally, I use this discussion as a lens through which to analyze the commons discourse animating a selection of promotional literature published by urban public library commons spaces. Informed by the work of Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang, I will argue that LIS literature's fetishization of the commons to describe modernized urban library spaces reflects an idealized, future-oriented commons produced by the colonial consciousness that obscures the material reality of minority displacement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

10 Garrison's history department colleague Lester Bugbee took up the call and began negotiating with the Bexar County Commissioners Court in San Antonio to have the considerable number of Spanish colonial records in their custody moved to the University of Texas in order to provide easy research access for historians. "Since Webb's major research interests transcended Texas", he wrote, "he never considered himself primarily a Texas historian", although most of his publications related in some fashion to the state and its history. This collection became the foundation of what would eventually become one of the most significant Latin American archival collections in the United States.11 Although he seldom used the term regionalism, Garrison's expansive view of Texas as something larger than a purely state-based definition of its history soon became apparent in the contents of the Quarterly. [Extracted from the article]

Federal officials in the early United States built an empire by purchase. But rather than hand over lump sums for Native lands, officials offered annual payments, or annuities. This article traces annuities' material evolution from payments in goods to high-powered money—especially specie—and their financial evolution from straightforward congressional outlays to interest accrued on investments held in trust. Annuities originated as devices that could permit territorial expansion within considerable military-fiscal constraints. But once in use, they became potent instruments of federal power, shoring up officials' capacity to intrude on Native economies, wrench further territorial transfers, and channel Indigenous wealth as capital for the very infrastructural projects that spread US settlement. Overall, annuities and the trust funds into which they evolved anchored a strategy of dispossession I call fiduciary colonialism: a mode of territorial acquisition and population management carried out through the expansion of administrative control over Native peoples' wealth. In the face of federal claims to financial superiority, Indigenous peoples did not wither into wardship. Rather, they engaged trusteeship with their own futures in mind, applying annuities and trusts toward social institutions that would allow their nations to survive the ordeal of dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1706, local authorities institutionalized the Church of England in South Carolina hoping to bring Carolinian social practice into conformity with that of the metropole. Anglican missionaries worked to install religious instruction as a pillar of community identity in this contested space. Employing the specter of war and popery—and the associated fear of slave rebellion—helped ministers Samuel Thomas and Francis LeJau articulate a borderland-specific conception of race, place, and paternal responsibility in an aggressively expanding colony from 1701 to 1720. Utilizing correspondence surrounding the activities of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG), this article asserts that rather than serving as a link to English society, the Anglican missions of the SPG functioned as an ideological space for creating a distinct regional identity. Thomas and LeJau crafted a community-specific application of Anglican beliefs, working out their conceptions of religious practice concerning the threats presented by Spanish attempts to secure the loyalty of Yamasees Indians and enslaved Africans. Understanding how fear operated in the southeastern borderlands provides a nuanced understanding of how colonialism operated in the southern colonies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on committees of correspondence, groups formed roughly a decade previous to the American Revolution that used intercolonial communication to create newspaper articles, town halls, and street literature to spread their radicalized feeling against the British and to foster revolutionary support among those living in the colonies. This move was in protest to taxes and levies enacted after the French Indian War in which Great Britain attempted to recoup it's war expenses by the people in colonial America.

This article aims to expose the political and cultural processes that contributed to the eradication of problematic memories of the Italian colonial period during the national reconstruction following the Second World War. It offers a systematic examination of newsreels and documentaries about the Italian former colonies that were produced between 1946 and 1960, a film corpus that has largely been neglected by previous scholarship. The article first dissects the ambiguous political scenario that characterised the production of this footage through the study of original archival findings. The footage configured a particular form of self-exculpatory memory, which obstructed a thorough critique of the colonial period while articulating a new discourse about the future presence of Italy in the former colonies. This seems to be a case of aphasia rather than amnesia, insofar as the films addressed not an absence, but an inability to comprehend and articulate a critical discourse about the past. This aphasic configuration of colonial memories will be tackled through a close reading of the voice-over and commentary. In so doing, this work suggests that the footage actively contributed to spread un-problematised narratives and memories about the colonial period, whose results still infiltrate Italian contemporary society, politics and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The power of assemblies in the British new world grew far beyond the bounds intended at their creation. Although the British crown instructed royal governors to use legal powers to restrain assemblies, they were unsuccessful. I develop a formal model to account for this. In this model colonial assemblies can challenge the agenda setting powers of colonial governors. "Strong" governors withstand these challenges easily; "weak" ones prefer to capitulate. The crown wishes to retain only strong governors; however, it observes only policy outcomes but not the resolution of challenges to the governor's agenda power. In equilibrium, the crown cannot distinguish between a strong governor holding agenda power against a tough assembly, and a weak governor conceding agenda power to a moderate one. Weak governors therefore avoid conflict with the assembly, yet conceal their weakness from the crown. But the assembly observes the governor's concessions, and challenges weak governors even more in the future. This creates a dynamic path of growing assembly power. The model provides a strategic logic of endogenous institutional change, and one of the most important institutional developments in American history: the growth of legislative power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The connection between Hamilton and Judaism is traced to his mother Rachel Faucette's marriage to Johan Levine in St. Croix. Hamilton participated in establishing a government that condoned, supported, and promoted the theft of Native land and the buying and selling of human beings: the very antithesis of equality before the law. The two documented facts are that Rachel never gave up her married name and that Alexander Hamilton attended a Jewish school on Nevis. [Extracted from the article]

This essay proposes that we cannot write a history of Sanskrit studies without locating it in the settler colonial history of the United States. It provides examples of anti‐Black racism in the writings of early Sanskritists, and recommends that we understand them as Americans. It concludes by arguing for alternative minority histories in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the place of Plymouth Plantation in the history and historiography of the Atlantic world. Topics discussed include the significance of Plymouth in the national imaginary of the origins of the U.S., the connection of Plymouth with the Atlantic despite its image as a remote outpost, and the rivals of Plymouth in its own region including an outpost established by the Dutch in the Hudson River.

The article discusses the publication of Dutch-language imprints during colonial America. According to the article, publishers such as William Bradford and John Peter Zenger produced most of the Dutch-language books in colonial America, in addition to publishers Hugh Gaine, Henry Deforeest, and James Parker. The article states that almanacs comprised most of the printed Dutch books, followed by Dutch Reformed and Lutheran church catechisms, sermons, and tracts.

The introduction of horses in the New World changed the way of traveling on complex terrains. This change reconfigured the land transport network connecting harbors in the region. However, data of horseback riding pathways among harbors is scarce. We analyzed the case of Mexico at the beginning of the colonial period to recreate routes that connected ancient harbors and to identify the network characteristics of a large-scale system of routes. We used the complex systems approach as a framework in which we applied the least cost path analysis to reconstruct a network of horseback paths, and we computed the node betweenness centrality to identify the most probable locations that controlled de flow of travels. Findings suggest that horses modified the transportation system by expanding the connections and increasing the speed of traveling across the New Spain territory. The node betweenness centrality suggests that some locations organized the flow of traveling based on a few harbors located at the central region. Therefore, the horse allowed the Spaniards to reshape the spatial organization in the colonial era in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exceptionalism as a framing discourse reveals socio-historical insights on postcolonialism and postnationalism, providing fertile ground for articulating and investigating the multiplicities and historical vicissitudes constituting Filipina feminist articulations of social identities and engagements with multi-scalar politics. Historical and contemporary Philippine/Filipino exceptionalism claims have inspired and galvanized transnational feminist spaces, processes, and practices, creating ideoloscapes (ideologies and discourses) and practiscapes (actions). Using framing theory to compare exceptionalisms' discursive practices and their entanglements with feminisms, this paper analyzes episodic historical accounts, documents, and interviews with feminist leaders to demonstrate how Filipina feminists mobilize exceptionalisms as reference frames in different logics, spaces, and political opportunities. It examines three framing episodes of Filipina feminist politics – suffragist frames during the American colonial period, nationalist feminists' frames from the Marcos to the Duterte presidencies, and transnationalist (state) feminists' frames within multi-scalar spaces and the context of imperial and other exceptionalism variants. These episodic framing practices demonstrate the formation and reproduction of dominant feminist politics and publics that have yet to acknowledge their shared traumatic histories and fully decolonize their narratives and engagements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The location of magnetic north has changed significantly during times relevant to historical archaeologists. To accurately locate sites of archaeological interest mentioned in old land surveys, which used magnetic compass bearings, alignment of those old surveys with true (geographic) north is required. This paper describes the method for doing this and provides an archaeological example of this approach for refining the locations of 17th-century wooden palisades in Williamsburg, Virginia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through dialogue, this article explores the works of Sylvia Wynter to elicit some implications for science studies. In particular, we explore her analysis of the ideological construction of Man as the paradigm for humanity and how this structures the Othering or exclusion of non-White-cis-straight-men from the definition of human in the extant Western Colonial period. We also explore the ways such ideologies find expression in the logics of some central work of science studies. We discuss the ways her oeuvre articulates with science studies, especially research conducted from a postcolonial frame, especially in her notion of a "new science" or scientia. The article also explores her notion of the "pieza," the standardized black body of the slave trade, in relation to theories of objectivity and objectification. Finally, the dialogue considers the need to start with the writing, thinking, and scholarship of those writing from positions of exclusion, in struggle for liberation, and freedom, to recover the human within science studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When in 1692 Jesuit Father Eusebio Francisco Kino first visited the Wa:k community and referenced it as San Xavier del Bac it was located to the north of its present location in Arizona. The church would have been located within the Sobaipuri O'odham village, but debate surrounding the location of the first church is complicated by the questions as to what constitutes a church in this frontier region, which part of the textual record should be privileged, and, accordingly, who can be credited with constructing the first church. Evidence from a variety of sources elucidates the history of Wa:k, including archaeology, Spanish documentary sources, and oral history. Alternative suggestions as to the location of San Xavier's first churches are discussed. It is argued that the first two churches were in Kino's time and these were located to the north of the current Franciscan church, as were the Segesser and Espinosa churches, before the village was moved south and a new Franciscan church was built in the 1770s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the colonial period of American history, the British Crown reviewed, and sometimes nullified, acts of colonial assemblies for "repugnancy to the laws of England." In this way, Crown review established external, legal constraints on American legislatures. I present a formal model to argue that Crown legislative review counteracted political pressure on imperial governors from colonial assemblies, to approve laws contrary to the empire's interests. Optimal review in the model combines both legal and substantive considerations. This gives governors the strongest incentive to avoid royal reprisal by vetoing laws the Crown considered undesirable. Thus, review of legislation for consistency with higher law helped the Crown to grapple with agency problems in imperial governance, and ultimately achieve more (but still incomplete) centralized control over policy. I discuss the legacy of imperial legislative review for early American thinking about constitutional review of legislation by courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]