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Previous research has asked whether European integration leads to the formation of a new kind of 'transnational class' or 'elite' in and around the European institutions in Brussels. This paper focuses instead on intra‐group distinctions and symbolic boundaries between EU professionals from different countries. Drawing on Bourdieu's notion of language as a marker of distinction, it argues that language continues to be a resource for symbolic boundary making. Empirically, this paper builds on in‐depth interviews with officials of the European Commission, who are at the heart of an emerging transnational elite of EU professionals. It shows that while Commission officials are multilingual and use multilingualism to construct themselves as a transnational group, intra‐group symbolic boundaries continue to be drawn based on competence in the Commission's two main working languages, English and French. Overall, this paper points out the overlooked importance of language differences for transnational professionals' symbolic boundary making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: To describe the aetiology and clinical characteristics of acute peripheral facial palsy (PFP) in children and investigate the utility of the European Federation of Neurological Societies (EFNS) criteria for diagnosing Borrelia‐related PFP (BPFP) based on cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) testing and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) criteria based on serology. Methods: We retrospectively identified children aged <18 years diagnosed with acute PFP between 2014 and 2020. We used the EFNS criteria as the gold standard and the CDC criteria for diagnosing BPFP. Results: Out of 257 children with PFP, 93 (36%) fulfilled the EFNS or CDC criteria for BPFP. We found a discrepancy between the EFNS criteria with CSF testing and the CDC without CSF testing in 27 (14%) of the 190 children with available data. Of the 37 children with PFP and ≥2 symptoms of fever, fatigue, nausea/vomiting or meningeal symptoms, 31 (84%) fulfilled the EFNS criteria for BPFP. Conclusion: Borrelia is a common cause of PFF in children, and its prevalence is higher in children with systemic symptoms. Also, CSF testing did not have decisive management implications in most cases. Therefore, clinical evaluation and Borrelia serology could be the initial steps in the diagnosis of PFP in children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A surprising feature of Brexit has been the united front the EU-27 presented during post-referendum negotiations. This membership crisis arrived when the EU had been facing multiple overlapping political and economic crises revealing deep cleavages both between and within member states. How did negotiations prevent a widening politicisation of European integration? In this article a novel dataset is used, containing national and European newspaper Brexit coverage between 2016 and 2020 to establish how negotiating stances were formed in key EU institutions and five influential member states: Ireland, Spain, France, Germany and Poland. The results indicate that the European Commission could maintain a strong, centralised negotiating position over Brexit because the preferences of these member states were mutually inclusive, their negotiating stances aligned, and each national case was subject to generally low levels of domestic politicisation. As a result, while Brexit shocked the EU, its immediate fallout could be contained even during uncertain times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key Eurosceptic argument is that countries can selectively retain only those aspects of European integration from which they benefit, while opting out of those aspects they dislike. How convincing is this "have your cake and eat it, too" argument to voters? This article argues that voters can learn about the feasibility of such a strategy by looking at the experience of countries that pursued a similar path. Positive experiences can strengthen voters' support for a similar strategy, while negative experiences can deter them. This argument is tested in a study of the effects of the Brexit negotiations on public opinion in Switzerland. Drawing on a panel survey fielded between 2019 and 2021, the article shows that Brexit had a small but non-negligible impact on Swiss voters' expectations about the EU's resolve, as well as on vote intentions on two EU-related policy proposals. These findings confirm that voters learn from foreign political developments about the costs of non-cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debate about the integration of refugees in European nation-states, several scholars have recently noted a so-called 'agency paradox' (Klaver et al., 2018), which draws a contrast between, on the one hand, the initiative and inventiveness of refugees during their flight and, on the other hand, an allegedly lethargic attitude upon arrival in a new country. In this paper, we will unpack this paradox in a critical analysis of civic integration in the Netherlands. We shall write 'against integration' (cf. Rytter, 2019) by recovering the muted voices of a group of Eritrean refugees whose future depends on the obligation to complete civic integration exams. Using Dialogical Self Theory (DST), we will demonstrate that a seemingly passive attitude among migrants must not be interpreted as a lack of agency. Instead, we will show that their agency is silenced and subordinated by the integration process, but that they are simultaneously involved in a hidden dialogue with the new society in order to negotiate a future in which their multiple identifications as both Eritrean and Dutch are recognized. By facilitating the recovery and recognition of the muted voices of Eritrean refugees, Dialogical Self Theory contributes to their empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analytical performance specifications (APS) represent the criteria that specify the quality required for laboratory test information to satisfy clinical needs. In 2014 the European Federation of Clinical Chemistry and Laboratory Medicine (EFLM) considered timely to update the topic of APS by organizing a conference in Milan in which some strategic concepts were proposed. Here I summarize the essential points representing the EFLM Strategic Conference heritage and discuss the approaches that will permit us to become more concrete, including roles and main actions expected from each of involved stakeholders for contributing a quantum leap forward in the way of practicality of Milan consensus about APS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blood Sampling Guidelines have been developed to target European emergency medicine-related professionals involved in the blood sampling process (e.g. physicians, nurses, phlebotomists working in the ED), as well as laboratory physicians and other related professionals. The guidelines population focus on adult patients. The development of these blood sampling guidelines for the ED setting is based on the collaboration of three European scientific societies that have a role to play in the preanalytical phase process: EuSEN, EFLM, and EUSEM. The elaboration of the questions was done using the PICO procedure, literature search and appraisal was based on the GRADE methodology. The final recommendations were reviewed by an international multidisciplinary external review group. The document includes the elaborated recommendations for the selected sixteen questions. Three in pre-sampling, eight regarding sampling, three post-sampling, and two focus on quality assurance. In general, the quality of the evidence is very low, and the strength of the recommendation in all the questions has been rated as weak. The working group in four questions elaborate the recommendations, based mainly on group experience, rating as good practice. The multidisciplinary working group was considered one of the major contributors to this guideline. The lack of quality information highlights the need for research in this area of the patient care process. The peculiarities of the emergency medical areas need specific considerations to minimise the possibility of errors in the preanalytical phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To be accurate and equivalent among assays, laboratory results should be traceable to higher-order references and their quality should fulfill maximum allowable measurement uncertainty (MU) as defined to fit the intended clinical use. Accordingly, laboratory professionals should estimate and validate MU of performed tests using appropriate analytical performance specifications (APS). Current consensus supports the derivation of APS by using one of the three models established by the European Federation of Clinical Chemistry and Laboratory Medicine (EFLM) Strategic Conference held in Milan in 2014. It is recognized that some models are better suited for certain measurands than for others and the attention should be primarily directed towards their biological and clinical characteristics. Among others, model 3 should reflect the state of the art of the measurements that can be defined as the best analytical performance that is technically achievable. Taking serum C-reactive protein and ferritin as examples, here we describe the theoretical premises and the experimental protocol to be used to derive APS for MU when a measurand is allocated to this model. Although the model lacks a direct relationship with clinical outcomes, useful information about the in vitro diagnostic medical device performance and the average quality of provided results may be obtained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the heart of the Eurozone crisis was a dramatic divergence in interest rates between member states and a reversal of previously booming cross-border credit expansion from 'core' to 'periphery' by European banks. The resulting crisis and retreat behind national borders across the Eurozone challenged European elites' decade-long project of producing European scale as a space for financial accumulation. The Eurozone crisis has been well-described but post-crisis geographies of financial integration have received limited attention. We chart the financial positionality of member states and the relations between them in the period 2012–2019 using a variety of metrics including intra-Eurozone cross-border bank lending. The post-crisis period is dominated by the European Central Bank's determination to do 'whatever it takes' to save the Euro and its financial system. The resulting asset purchases give it a qualitatively different place in the Eurozone financial system and end the crisis period's retreat behind national borders. But they do not restore pre-crisis dynamics, and, in addition, unevenness along national lines remains. The crisis era core and peripheral labels still hold but the data also reveal important nuances: not least that the distribution of giant banks matters and offshore financial centres cut across core/periphery boundaries. Yet, even as there is no return to booming core-to-periphery credit, German lending into the Eurozone and its counterpart, Italian borrowing, symbolizes the continuing fragility of the Eurozone banking system. European Central Bank efforts ended the crisis, but more than asset purchases will be required if we are not to remain stuck in 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After decades of increasing integration and institutional development in EU foreign policy, the persistence of informal groups calls into question the understanding of European integration as a straight progressive line from informal to formal cooperation. Nonetheless, to date there is no systematic empirical knowledge of informal groups in EEC/EU foreign policy. To address this knowledge gap, the article offers an exploratory study. By means of social network analysis, it maps the frequency and types of informal groups in EEC/EU foreign policy in regard to Kosovo, Libya and Syria in three different phases of EEC/EU foreign policy integration. The article’s findings show that the frequency of informal groups has remained fairly stable across the three phases of EEC/EU integration considered. At the same time, informal groups have generally been relatively small, like-minded, and dominated by individual member states. Overall, these results suggest that by accommodating member states’ interests, especially those of powerful states and of states for which certain foreign policy issues are particularly salient, informal groups have provided the cooperation needed for the coherent functioning of the EEC/EU foreign policy system. While doing so, they have consolidated as socially meaningful patterns among member states’ representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction to the special issue on 'The Europeanisation of identities through everyday practices', we argue for a more thorough shift towards everyday practices, lifeworlds and leisure-time activities as important terrains for research into (ultimately also politically relevant) identifications among Europeans. Doing so entails the idea that the Europeanisation of identities might unfold in a more subliminal manner, and might hence be anchored less in policy changes and people's positionings towards political issues in a narrower sense. In contrast, mindsets, aspirations and frames of reference might undo a more unconscious transformation due to various activities in lifeworldly, cultural, leisure time-related, and even private spheres. Drawing on a multitude of fields (e.g. cultural heritage, university cooperation, everyday routines in the border region, arts, sports and gaming) as well as varying approaches and different methodologies, this Special Issue aims at demonstrating that ever more Europeanised identities might emerge from multiple sources and activities, which are not obviously tied to political agendas and frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Europeanisation of national political parties is often considered a crucial element in the democratisation of the EU. Yet, party Europeanisation has remained limited. The traditional argument explaining this is that the low political relevance of European affairs creates limited incentives for party organisations to Europeanise. But what happens in a context where Europe ìs politically relevant? Denmark, with its high parliamentary and public scrutiny of European affairs, provides us with such a case, allowing a view through the looking glass on whether and how national political parties Europeanise in a Europeanisation-friendly context. This article finds that Danish parties Europeanise rather differently from what has previously been found elsewhere, focusing strongly on internal cohesion, to the detriment of transnational cooperation. As such, empirically scrutinising a long-standing theoretical argument, this article adds much-needed nuance to the debate on party Europeanisation, its causes and relevance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the impact of European Union (EU) funds on corruption in the EU ex-communist countries by following a panel Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) approach. The panel includes 10 former EU communist countries, over 2007–2019. The key findings reveal that an improvement in the EU funds paid and their rate of absorption can reduce the level of corruption in the long-run in the recipient EU ex-communist countries. This is due to better monitoring of EU funds paid compared with national resources, and a more efficient and fairer channel of EU funds absorption. In parallel with the EU funds, corruption can be controlled in certain conditions by the degree of economic development, size of government, level of democratisation and religiosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a bottom-up perspective, cleavage theory links the socio-economic trends existing in the political community with the shape acquired by party politics. Globalization and European integration impacted European society, creating novel socio-economic divides and bringing new social, cultural and economic issues into the political discussion. The impact of the novel cleavage over the pre-existent societal socio-political fractures acquires a central role in the study of European Union politicization. Deploying critical discourse analysis (CDA) and discourse-historical approach (DHA), this study aims to comprehend how the emergence of a novel cleavage has influenced the discourse of the mainstream European parties. The manifestos of the European Christian democratic, socialist and liberal parties from the last three European Parliament elections are analyzed to assess the contemporary relevance of the left-right political competition in a scenario characterized by the salience gained by transnational issues and the electoral success of populist elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on Euroscepticism tends to portray parties opposing European integration or criticising the European Union (EU) as a family of Eurosceptic parties (either hard or soft). Recent literature, however, offers empirical evidence on the ambivalence and diversity of the EU critique. What is still unclear are the reasons behind the chameleonic nature of Euroscepticism and the implications that this may have for the EU critique and the changes proposed about EU policy or institutions. The present article addresses this question exploring the role of EU crises to capture the changing nature of Euroscepticism and suggests that it is related to contextual pressures on the political debate around the EU. The paper develops this argument and illustrates it through the analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, covering the EU crises of the last decade, including the recent period of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine invasion. Drawing on a corpus of party manifestos and speeches between 2013 and 2022, this study shows that there are three main frames used by the party to criticise the EU. It also concludes that these frames involve distinct political implications for the EU critique and the alternative proposals presented by the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Free movement is simultaneously widely acclaimed and strongly contested in the European Union. To address this apparent contradiction, we unpack European Union freedom of movement into its different transnational rights and argue that opposition is unequal across entitlements. Using evidence from a unique survey conducted in the United Kingdom in 2017, we show that citizens mainly contest welfare access. This transnational right implies costs for the host country and taps into perceptions of belonging and deservingness. Due to its association with ideas of national community and solidarity, access to welfare is more contested even among those who, in principle, should be favourable to such entitlements: inclusive national identifiers and European integration supporters. Our findings underscore the challenge of creating a sense of European community that could underpin all transnational rights implied by the Union's principle of freedom of movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite growing attention to income inequality in debates about European integration, our understanding of its effect on European Union support remains limited. Using European Social Survey data from 2002 to 2020, we analyse how income inequality and pro-redistribution attitudes shape diffuse and specific forms of support for the European Union. We find no direct effect of country-level income inequality, while individual support for redistribution has a negative effect on both. In line with benchmarking theory, inequality emerges as a contextual moderator: in unequal national settings, egalitarian citizens are comparatively more supportive of further integration than in more equal countries. This effect persists when we control for income position, suggesting an ideological rather than utilitarian basis for benchmarking European Union attitudes. We discuss implications in light of debates about a social Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the port planning dynamics of the neighbouring ports of Koper (Slovenia) and Trieste (Italy) since the Second World War. Through an analysis of port-related planning documents, it offers insights into how geographical proximity, divergent geopolitical circumstances, and a unique border context have shaped the development trajectories of these two ports. We argue that their spatial planning is somewhat idiosyncratic because the presence of a border did not necessarily condition unrelated planning efforts and vice versa. Max Fabiani was the only urban planner to propose a joint development plan for both port cities in the immediate post-war period. The port and local authorities pursued separate planning paths for the two port cities after the Yugoslav–Italian border was established in 1954. As the border became more permeable, a certain relatedness can be seen in the spatial planning of both ports. The port authorities worked toward a unified port system at the turn of the millennium, but the persistence of phantom borders prevented this. In recent decades of European borderless integration, there are fewer obstacles to planning cooperation. Currently, both ports are planning similar development, such as the expansion of container terminals, which is leading to their increased competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have often argued that European Union (EU) policymaking should be less technocratic and more political. However, it remains unclear whether the politicisation of policy-making processes by the European Commission will strengthen its legitimacy. Some authors view the EU and its institutions as its most effective outside of political strife. Others suggest that more politicisation will increase EU legitimacy as it can lead to debates where European Integration objectives can be redefined. This study argues that the impact of politicisation on the Commission's legitimacy ultimately depends on the endorsement of novel interpretations of an EU law or policy issue. Here, two state aid policy decisions are compared using a claims-making analysis. The study finds that new legal interpretations made by the Commission led to a politicisation surrounded by questions about the EU's authority. However, if the European Commission follows pre-established rules, then politicisation can strengthen the EU's legitimacy communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Support for EU membership has long been an important topic of study. Individual-level research shows that winners of globalisation, including the higher educated, express greater EU support as they profit from economic and cultural conditions resulting from European integration. Recent context-focused work suggests that individuals in 'left-behind' places are less supportive of EU integration because of their home regions' weaker long-term economic conditions. This paper brings these two research strands into conversation with each other by examining how the relationship between EU support and individual-level education is contingent on subnational economic conditions. Using harmonised Eurobarometer data from almost 750,000 respondents spanning 2004–2019, combined with subnational economic data from 201 European regions, we find no evidence that subnational economic conditions influence the relationship between EU support and respondents' education level. At the same time, when cross-sectionally comparing long-term differences between regions, we find that EU support is positively related to regional GDP per capita (though unrelated to regional unemployment), among both the higher and lower educated, and especially in the post-Great Recession period. Longitudinally, EU support is positively related to declining regional unemployment, both among the higher and lower educated, but not to increasing regional GDP per capita. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconstructs the complex diplomatic negotiations that led to the peculiar organization of molecular biology at the European level, by focusing in particular on the establishment of the European Molecular Biology Conference (EMBC), the intergovernmental structure founded in 1969–70 to support the scientific program of the European Molecular Biology Organization (EMBO). By combining the analysis of the informal decision-making kept in the Nobel Prize laureate John C. Kendrew’s personal papers (Oxford) with the in-depth exploration of the institutional documentation available in the EMBO and CERN archives (Heidelberg and Geneva) and the Swiss Federal Archives (Bern), the article sheds light on the importance of the EMBC not only for the construction of molecular biology as a scientific, social, and political field in the European context, but also for the broader process of definition of the European research policy. Far from being just a mere replica of CERN, the EMBO/EMBC inaugurated in fact an alternative and flexible ‘bottom-up’ model of science policy in the European context, based on competition, networking, and scientific excellence, which paved the way to the establishment of the European Research Council (ERC) in the early 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role that New Zealand played during the renegotiation of terms and the referendum on Britain’s membership of the European Community in 1975. This topic has received little attention from historians, despite New Zealand trade being among the most prominent negotiating items between the British Government and its European Community partners in that year. For the first time in relation to this topic, this research draws on archival sources from the United Kingdom, New Zealand and the European Community. It concludes that the issue of New Zealand assumed a disproportionate influence on the renegotiated terms agreed in the Dublin Summit of 1975, in large part because British Prime Minister Harold Wilson and Foreign Secretary James Callaghan seized on it as one of the few areas that their Government could obtain substantive results in the renegotiation. There were also longer-term factors at play, suggesting continuities in Britain’s approach to New Zealand and the European Community both before and after accession. This suggests a broader reassessment of Britain’s relations with its former colonies in the context of European Community accession is required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to examine the impact of a country's entry into the monetary union on its economic variables growth rate of real GDP as well as on GDP per capita growth for the period from 2010 to 2020. The clustering method and the ANFIS method were used in the data analysis. A total of two cluster analyses were performed. The first cluster includes countries that joined the EU in 2004 and became EZ members by 2010. The second cluster refers to those countries that joined the EU in 2004 but are not yet members of the EZ. For the first individual cluster analysis two models were analysed and for the second individual cluster three models were analysed using the ANFIS method. As expected, the results showed that GDP growth is connected with trade, inflation and gross investments in fixed capital in the observed countries, while GDP per capita is connected with unemployment, interest rates and public debt. With regard to GDP growth, the difference between countries that are in the eurozone and those that are not is not significant, which is in line with other studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aims to further develop the CLC stage/path's identification model that distinguishes between path's emergence (emergence stage), path's development (growth stage), path's sustainment (maturity stage), path's decline (decline stage) and path's transformation (renewal stage), and by applying it, define the current stage/path of the Demarcated Douro Region (DDR) cluster. The Port wine industry, which is the dominant industry of the DDR cluster, is at the maturity/decline stage – is the same for the cluster itself? Design/methodology/approach: It is a case study with a longitudinal perspective based on the analysis of the dynamics of the parameters of cluster evolution using available secondary sources (cluster identity/brand; number of firms; number of employees; network; innovation; policies and regulations; and external markets – exports), especially addressing the past decade, that represent the stage of maturity/decline of the cluster's dominant Port wine industry. Findings: The conclusion is that since the 1990s the Demarcated Douro Region has gone through a "path transformation" where during the following 20 years new "anchors" for the cluster were gradually introduced, such as Doc Douro Wines, new forms of consumption of Port wine, tourism and olive oil. Since 2010 the cluster has entered a growth stage/(new) path's development, where these "anchors" are in steady growth. The Douro brand is becoming more internationally recognized and established, the number of firms and employees is increasing, the network is restructuring with the creation of cluster-specific official institutions, innovation is especially reflected with increasing heterogeneity through diversification of the clusters into new activities and regulations and policies are supportive for expansion – all these parameters are indicating the rise of the new cycle for the cluster. Thus, the DDR cluster represents an attractive business environment and requires attention from regional policymakers to support the cluster's development. Especially institutions have been highlighted as internal factors driving clusters growth, European integration as an external factor and firms' strategies of diversification and internationalization as an appropriate de-locking mechanism for new path's development. Research limitations/implications: This research contributes to the CLC theory by further developing and applying a CLC stage/path identification model. It provides a better understanding of the dynamics of the DDR cluster that diverge from its dominant industry life cycle, which is relevant for regional policies and firms' strategies. This study has its limitations. It provides an exploratory application of the theoretical framework proposed, and consequently, no general conclusions are possible yet. More empirical studies with different clusters in different stages are necessary to test the framework. Practical implications: These findings are useful to policymakers when designing their policies for cluster development but also for clusters' entities and actors when making their strategic decisions as it allows based on the verification of the established parameter of CLC to identify its current stage/path of development. Originality/value: The paper presents a theoretically grounded model for CLC identification and for the first time to the best of the authors' knowledge applies it to a cluster case – the DDR cluster. This case applies the proposed model and illustrates its usefulness. The model provides the tools for a better understanding of cluster dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Placental growth factor (PlGF) and soluble fms-like tyrosine kinase 1 (sFlt-1) are biomarkers used for diagnosis and risk estimation of preeclampsia. Stability in room temperature (RT) may affect the usefulness of these analyses, as shipping at ambient temperature is the most practical and suitable way to ship samples. To date, scientific studies of such stability are lacking. We aimed to assess the stability of PlGF and sFlt-1 at RT in serum from pregnant women. In addition, a smaller study of stability at 4 °C was performed. Serum was collected from 69 pregnant women and stored at RT or at 4 °C for up to 192 h. Analytes were considered stable if the mean percent change ± 90 confidence interval of the mean was within the baseline concentration ± allowable bias. Allowable bias was calculated from data on biological variation. In addition, an instability equation was calculated to assess loss of stability, in line with recent European Federation of Clinical Chemistry and Laboratory Medicine (EFLM) recommendations. The mean percent change was <3.5% for PlGF, <1% for sFlt-1 and <4.5% for sFlt-1/PlGF ratio up to 192 h. PlGF was considered stable for 168 h, and sFlt-1 and sFlt-1/PlGF ratios were considered stable for 192 h at RT. At 4 °C, PlGF was considered stable for 120 h, sFlt-1 for 168 h and sFlt-1/PlGF ratio for 120 h. Both PlGF and sFlt-1 as well as sFlt-1/PlGF ratio show sufficient stability (minimum 168 h) for samples to be shipped at RT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When member states of the European Union face serious international threats, does this serve as a catalyst or obstacle for European integration in the security and defence domain? To gain purchase on this question, this paper examines public opinion from a common instrument fielded in 24 EU member states (and the United Kingdom) with a total sample size of more than 40,000 respondents.We argue that theoretical accounts of perceived threat produce rival hypotheses. Threats might have either uniform or differential effects on different groups of citizens and could lead to either convergence or divergence of public opinion. We show that perceptions of foreign threats are associated with more favourable views on integration in the security and defence domain. Importantly, this association is as strong among Eurosceptics as among Europhiles. The findings presented here are consistent with the view that functional pressures may temporarily convince Eurosceptics to accept integration in the foreign and security domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European integration is at risk of becoming stuck in a ‘politics’ trap: Diverging national EU politicisation inhibits joint agreements which fuels public debates further. What can break this vicious circle? We argue that large and symmetrical exogenous shocks may reduce the divergence of national public EU debates to then study how the COVID-19 and Ukraine crises have altered mediatised EU portrayals across 753,435 articles from 228 major online news sites in the 27 EU member states during the 2018–2023 period. We find that the Covid and especially the Ukraine shock led to higher convergence in the public salience of the EU and the issue areas associated with this while partially also muting domestic party presence. However, we note that these effects appear short-lived. Large exogenous shocks thus do not lift the politicisation constraints on European integration permanently but offer at least windows of opportunity that may facilitate intergovernmental compromise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic suffering prompted by the Covid-19 pandemic, coming on the heels of earlier 2008 global-financial and 2015 migration crises, revived debate on citizen support for European fiscal integration policies. Such support can be expected to reflect not only individual-level characteristics but also the extent of crisis exposure in subnational regional contexts where individuals live and work. Unfortunately, existing studies of public support have said little about such regional contexts. This study hence explores how regional-level experience with ‘polycrisis’ affects support for EU fiscal capacities, combining regional-level crisis measures with a 2020 survey experiment on European citizens’ preferences towards fiscal capacity instruments in 5 European countries (DE, ES, FR, IT, NL). This allows tests of whether individual support for various European fiscal capacities reflect regional differences in covid suffering, growth losses after the 2008 global financial crisis, and migration spikes from the 2015 migration crisis. We expect and find that citizens in regions more heavily impacted by the pandemic, financial crisis, and (albeit less so) migration crisis – measured separately and as a composite – tend to more readily support European fiscal integration capacity that is redistributive between countries, financed through progressive taxation, refrains from budgetary conditionality, and is lenient towards reform non-compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a great partnership, the Federation of European Neuroscience Societies (FENS) and the Hertie Foundation organized the FENS‐Hertie 2022 Winter School on 'Neuro‐immune interactions in health and disease'. The school selected 27 PhD students and 13 postdoctoral fellows from 20 countries and involved 14 faculty members experts in the field. The Winter School focused on a rising field of research, the interactions between the nervous and both innate and adaptive immune systems under pathological and physiological conditions. A fine‐tuned neuro‐immune crosstalk is fundamental for healthy development, while disrupted neuro‐immune communication might play a role in neurodegeneration, neuroinflammation and aging. However, much is yet to be understood about the underlying mechanisms of these neuro‐immune interactions in the healthy brain and under pathological scenarios. In addition to new findings in this emerging field, novel methodologies and animal models were presented to foment research on neuro‐immunology. The FENS‐Hertie 2022 Winter School provided an insightful knowledge exchange between students and faculty focusing on the latest discoveries in the biology of neuro‐immune interactions while fostering great academic and professional opportunities for early‐career neuroscientists from around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highly educated ‘new’ middle classes have been identified as a fundamental constituency that, by supporting technological innovation and liberalisation, bolsters the stability of advanced capitalism. By contrast, less educated production workers are usually described as opponents of such policies. This article investigates the extent to which these class divides translate into different positions on support for EU integration, a key process in the liberalisation of European political economy. In addition to class-based positions, we take into consideration how the subjective perceptions of situations such as unemployment, income loss and job insecurity affect support for EU integration. By relying on an original 2019 survey conducted in ten member states, the analysis confirms that high-skilled middle classes overwhelmingly support European market integration, while ‘old’ middle classes appear more concerned about the welfare losses that integration could imply. Low-skilled service workers emerge as a critical cross-pressured group, taking a mid position between ‘old’ and ‘new’ middle classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since Ernst Haas’ ground-breaking work on European integration, scholars have been theoretically divided over who or what are the drivers of European integration, mainly between supranationalism or intergovernmentalism. Cutting across the substantive divides have also been differences in analytic frameworks, including rationalist/rational choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism, and constructivist/discursive institutionalism. These cross-cutting methodological cleavages have played out in successive phases of substantive scholarly theorisation, even as alternative developments in theory and practice involving deepening integration and increasing politicisation have complicated such theorizations. While the first phase (late 1950s-1970s) was methodologically pluralist as it divided between neofunctionalist supranationalism and realist intergovernmentalism, subsequent phases were clearly divided also by methodological approach. The second phase (beginning in the 1990s) mainly divided between historical institutionalist supranationalists and rational choice institutionalist liberal intergovernmentalists. The third phase (beginning in the 2010s) divided between ‘new’ constructivist/discursive institutionalist supranationalists and ‘new’ constructivist/discursive institutionalist intergovernmentalists. The fourth phase (in the mid to late 2010s) takes greater stock of increasing politicisation while dividing between rationalist/historical institutionalist post-functionalists and constructivist/discursive institutionalist post-functionalists. The conclusion asks how these divides could be more fully bridged in order to achieve more substantive and methodological pluralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EU member states have traditionally opposed the harmonisation of company taxation to preserve national sovereignty over a core state power. Accordingly, legislation and case law were marked by negative integration enforcing the free circulation of capital. Tax avoidance and competition intensified, entrenching interest heterogeneity among small low-tax and large normal-tax member states. In December 2022, however, the Council of the EU introduced an effective minimum tax and harmonised the calculation of taxable corporate profits. Why did member states exit the joint-decision trap in company taxation? I show that external pressure from the US government was decisive. Whereas previous proposals for harmonisation failed in the Council despite impeccable orchestration by the Commission and historically high levels of politicisation, the Directive on effective minimum taxation passed despite declining politicisation and little Commission involvement. Instead, the Biden administration clinched a deal on global minimum taxation with large member states and helped enforce it at EU level through bilateral pressure on opponents. By facilitating EU implementation of global minimum taxation, the Biden administration hoped to foster Congressional adoption of corresponding reforms. Hence, exits from the joint-decision trap can result from external pressure, whereas governments may enforce international agreements to exploit policy feedback. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractIn 1982 Italy issued ecu-denominated Treasury bonds: the first of a series of issues—followed by Spain, Greece, and France only in the second half of the 1980s—officially aiming at contributing to reduce inflation and ease trading agents with foreign payments. In fact, it was much more than this. It was a small but significant signal that an economic elite was committed to curbing ever-demanding and opaque political pressures to increase public spending and trade-unions to raise wages, both deemed as crucial flaws to be fixed before international competitiveness could be restored. It represented one building block of a wider strategy concerning the use of the external constraint in domestic policymaking and in the attempt to increase the role of Italy in the making of European integration. The paper aims to reconstruct the interconnections between the events that accompanied such choice and the theoretical and intellectual background of the group of key economists that implemented this strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion is the great absentee in the history of internationalism. Earlier studies have begun to highlight the critical role played by religious internationalism in the making of the modern world, but the relations between non-confessional internationalism and religious actors have, to date, been completely overlooked. This article explores the relationship between non-confessional internationalism and Catholicism, with the intention of enriching both the history of internationalism and that of Catholicism in the twentieth century. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship between a number of non-confessional internationalist actors – from the Paneuropean Union and other world and European federalist movements to war refugees – and Pope Pius XII, between 1944 and 1948. Based on the recently opened Vatican archives, the following pages address three fundamental issues: (1) What did the Pope represent in the internationalist imagination? (2) Why did non-confessional internationalists seek contact with him? (3) How did the Pope respond to the requests for support that he received? As a whole, the requests for support examined in this paper clearly show the centrality of Pius XII in the imagination – and strategies – of non-confessional internationalism in the 1940s, including popular internationalism. Between 1944 and 1948, all roads really seemed to lead to Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) action ENOTTA (The European Network on Optimising Treatment with Therapeutic Antibodies in chronic inflammatory diseases) was launched in 2022. To pave the way for harmonization of analytical methods for quantitation of serum levels of therapeutic antibodies in research and clinical settings, ENOTTA recently performed an online survey mapping laboratories in the field. The survey, which contained 30 questions surrounding therapeutic drug monitoring of relevant drugs and anti‐drug antibodies, was distributed via the ENOTTA and European Federation of Clinical Chemistry and Laboratory networks. Among 63 respondents across Europe, 45 reported analytical activity, with a range of utilized methods. Future engagement of as many sites as possible will enable comparison of methodologies and facilitate progress in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text describes two anthologies on political narratives about Europe. The first volume analyzes speeches on European integration from the 1960s to the 1980s and shows a shift from enthusiasm to uncertainty. The second volume examines the relationships between the EU, Germany, and Turkey through narratives. The authors emphasize the importance of narratives for political behavior and note that the analysis of narratives has been neglected so far. Both anthologies provide a detailed analysis of political speeches and contribute to the research on European integration. [Extracted from the article]

This article looks at de-Europeanization as a progressive disengagement between domestic authorities and EU actors manifested through their discourses. The authors view discursive disengagement as consisting of two major aspects: Discursive opposition between domestic authorities and the EU reflected in their conflicting statements and the intensification of this discursive opposition, whereby the domestic authorities' discourses shift from defensive to offensive ones. The authors trace the respective developments based on the case of Georgia, looking at the discursive interaction between domestic and EU actors in the Georgian TV media from July 2021 to June 2022. The research has revealed Georgian authorities' discursive opposition to EU actors behind the façade of seemingly pro-European statements. After Russia's invasion of Ukraine, this discursive opposition has escalated and become offensive. The authors use quantitative content analysis to map actor-discourse networks, as well as critical discourse analysis to reveal deeper layers of de-Europeanization discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces the concept of decompression as a specific process of differentiation. Decompression can be anchored as one of the phenomena of non-compliance, representing a distinctive phenomenon, however. Governments or leaders acting in a decompression way are not Eurosceptics and they do not want to reverse the course of integration. We define decompression as a sudden violation of an EU rule by a member state, which leads to immediate disruption of shared trust in a basic EU policy or principle. In the case of a crisis, we can see a 'compression', an unexpected crisis-driven demand placed on domestic institutions. Decompression is a relaxation of this pressure triggering the non-application of an EU policy or principle in reaction to changes external to the political equilibrium. It sheds new light on the persistent power of individual politicians to compromise European integration in an unintended way, so far under-reported by the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Commission (EC) has recently developed its AI strategy which aims to develop and mobilize for a European version of AI. This article seeks to generate an in-depth understanding of how the EC frames its AI version as distinctively European. A frame and content analysis methodology is used for understanding how the EC struggles to reconcile AI and European identity. European identity consists of European historical narratives, different societal and political purposes and values. It is found that the EC seeks to legitimize the European AI alternative through beneficial outputs and narratives based on historic technological leadership and that via framing practices the EC tries to foster European integration. This paper concludes that the EC's communication efforts are inconsistent and might not be sufficient to generate trust in AI among the European public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses the consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the European far right by examining the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party and the Swedish Sverigedemokraterna (SD). The political and geopolitical choices of the AfD and SD are contextualized in the political history of the two parties, in the influences that thinkers such as Steve Bannon and Aleksandr Dugin have on the European right, and in the context of geopolitical change taking place at the international level. A dichotomous reality of the European far right emerges with opposing political and geopolitical visions. On the one hand, the Westernist and Atlanticist extreme right, which is based on white supremacism and the West's indispensability to place itself at the helm of the world order, whose army is identified with NATO, on the other hand, an anti-American, Eurasianist, pro-Russian extreme right and that sees in the end of the American unipolar order an opportunity. Two components of the European far right that are irreconcilable and that focus attention on the inappropriateness of looking at the movements and parties of the European far right as if they were a single 'black thing'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses data from six rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS), between 2004 and 2016, to examine attitudes towards European integration across countries. Using both individual responses and country-level variables, we analyse factors influencing Euroscepticism; how these factors are changing over time; and whether they may signal a latent potential for Brexit-like outcomes in different countries. Controlling for a unique combination of demographic, political and macroeconomic factors, we find individuals with higher levels of income and education, and those with more left-leaning political views to be more supportive of European integration, while those who are older and right-leaning to be less supportive. Using predicted values from our empirical analysis, we find median voters' attitudes diverging across European countries over time, with an increasing number of countries moving closer to the threshold values observed among voters in the United Kingdom in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asymmetries in the formal obligations and rights afforded to sub-units are mainstays of many federations that have been extensively studied from many angles. However, we know relatively little about how these asymmetries shape views on federalism in the future. By leveraging data on differentiated integration in the European Union (EU), conceptually very similar to asymmetrical federalism, and survey data on attitudes toward the optimal future of it, I show that historical exposure to differentiated integration resulting from a bottom-up process of demands for sub-unit autonomy correlates to increased support for permanent differentiation in the future, especially among those critical of the EU. However, the opposite applies to differentiation imposed by the EU. A legacy of asymmetric federalism may thus breed opposition or support for unitary European federalism, depending on both the mode of past asymmetry that citizens have been exposed to and their views of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Movements on the Right and Left have long contested EU politics and policy choices. By analysing public opinion data and the positions of right- and left-wing movements, the article highlights increasing criticism of European integration on the Right, and a persistent critical vision on the Left which challenges the content of EU policies rather than the existence of a European polity. Far-Right movements have moved from Euroscepticism to radical EU-refusal, while the Left has remained anchored in critical Europeanism. We present how these debates are linked with public opinion before looking in some depth at frames in Left and far-Right social movements. We then reflect on how these frames have targeted or reconfigured the meanings attributed to EU responsibility. While addressing how social movements voice and bring citizens' opinions into the policy-making process (responsiveness), our research illustrates the contested nature and construction of the idea of 'responsible government'. We find a clear line of demarcation between the Left and the Right concerning the legitimate territorial scale of the EU's responsibility: while the Left calls for responsibility to expand beyond the continent to the global scale, the Right criticises the intrusion of the EU into national policy making as illegitimate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The management of the COVID-19 crisis and, in particular, the Next Generation EU fund have shown that European leaders can find integrationist policy solutions despite increasing politicisation at home where democratic constraints may lead to a feared ‘multilevel politics trap’. Therefore, we ask whether and how national governments can manage such constraints and thus spring or avoid the trap. Theoretically, we argue that the agency of governments is a crucial factor for understanding the varying dynamics of politicisation in regional integration, as governments can raise or lower domestic audience costs by strategically interacting with their parliament or media. Empirically, we probe the plausibility of our theoretical propositions by examining constraint management and position-taking in Austria and the Netherlands in the context of European fiscal solidarity. Our results show that there is no inevitably self-reinforcing multilevel politics trap but that the effects of domestic constraint are, to a considerable extent, contingent on the agency of national governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migraine is a common chronic brain disorder, characterized by recurring and often disabling attacks of severe headache, with additional symptoms such as photophobia, phonophobia and nausea. Migraine affects especially the working age population. The objective of this retrospective observational register-based study was to analyze the use of healthcare services and associated costs in Finnish migraine patients. Study was based on aggregate data from January 1st, 2020, to December 31st, 2021, from the Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare's national registries. Patients were grouped into nine patient groups according to medication prescriptions and diagnoses. Healthcare resource utilization in specialty, primary, and occupational healthcare was assessed and analyzed separately for all-cause and migraine related healthcare contacts from a one-year period. The total number of patients was 175 711, and most (45%) of the patients belonged to a group that had used only one triptan. Migraine related total healthcare resource utilization was greater for patients that had used two or more triptans compared to those that had used only one. The patients with three or more preventive medications had the highest total migraine related healthcare resource utilization of the studied patient cohorts. Of the total annual healthcare costs 11.5% (50.6 million €) was associated to be migraine related costs. Total per patient per year healthcare costs were highest with patients that had used three or more preventive medications (5 626 €) and lowest in those with only one triptan (2 257 €). Our findings are in line with the recent European Headache Federation consensus statement regarding the unmet need in patients who have had inadequate response to two or more triptans. When assessing the patient access and cost-effectiveness of novel treatments for the treatment of migraine within different healthcare systems, a holistic analysis of the current disease burden along with potential gains for patients and healthcare service providers are essential information in guiding decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the main criticisms of contemporary lending practice by different multilateral public banks in Europe made by scholars and policymakers focuses on overlapping loans, which can create duplications and inefficiencies. However, no database exists on the lending overlaps between these banks. With the aim of analysing these overlaps, all lending by the two major multilateral public banks in Europe, the European Investment Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, were merged into a single database. This new database allows researchers to assess lending overlap, regarding its size, evolution, and geography, facilitating an inquiry into the extent to which banks coordinate this overlapping lending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue theoretically and demonstrate empirically that to understand the electoral fortunes of far-right parties in Western Europe, we need to consider the advantages and disadvantages these parties encounter in the multidimensional political issue space. We argue that salience changes among the electorate benefit far-right parties more than shifting far-right parties' policy positions. We further posit that changes in the public salience of European integration are more important for far-right success than other issues -- including immigration. Utilizing similar survey questions from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) about parties' positions and the European Election Studies (EES) about voters' policy preferences, we estimate multidimensional voting models in 12 West European countries. We then use mathematical simulations to show that the issue that matters most for far-right success is European integration. This research has important implications for the study of electoral competition, parties' campaign strategies, and voting behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differentiation has become a core feature not only in the European integration process but also in the implementation of European policies. Among the means to address differentiated implementation are European Administrative Networks (EANs). Through the exchange of information, best practices and advice, EANs are expected to contribute to more uniform implementation. However, the ways and extent to which they do so remain largely unexplored. This article addresses this gap through the empirical analysis of the European Network of Heads of Environmental Protection Agencies (EPA Network), drawing on a unique survey dataset and social network analysis. On the one hand, the findings uncover the EPA Network as a voluntary and informal network with a fragmented and clustered structure around key members. At the same time, several participants have recognised the network as a valuable asset to improving national implementation and developing innovative policy initiatives. Therefore, while there is significant diversity within and across the network, the network's perceived contributions and added value point to the considerable importance of these instruments in EU policy implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how differentiated national implementation of EU policies affects later European integration - whether it leads to renewed unified vertical integration, differentiated integration, the status quo or renationalisation. It examines the case of geographical indications (GIs), an EU labelling system for food and drink based on place of origin and processes of production. Despite features such as diverse national interests and gastronationalism, differentiated implementation has resulted in renewed unified vertical integration. The article identifies three processes: EU legislative requirements encouraging the establishment of producer groups; European Court of Justice decisions which gave priority to quality over cross-border trade; the use of free trade negotiations to alter EU rules. While the integration outcomes are those expected by neo-functionalist analyses, the processes are more institutionally-based. Differences in implementation may aid rather than hinder further integration due to institutional features of EU legislation and decision making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional cooperation has become paramount in the modern interdependent and globalized world, especially for smaller states. Facing the EU enlargement fatigue, several local initiatives have been launched to bridge the wide gap between the realities and the expectations for the European future of the Western Balkans. In 2019, three Western Balkans countries – Albania, North Macedonia, and Serbia launched an indigenous regional cooperation project – the Open Balkan initiative (OBI), to expand and expedite regional cooperation in several areas. This study analyzes the main themes and actors embedded in the official declarations of the initiative and assesses their conformity and interrelatedness with the processes of regional European integration. The findings show that the OBI represents a partial upgrade of existing regional initiatives, whose contents mostly emulate the activities of EU-led projects and where economic dimensions dominate. As such, it largely conforms to the goals and objectives of regional European integration. Nevertheless, the OBI does not represent anything revolutionary or at least fundamentally new regarding its ideas, proclaimed goals, and actors involved. Even if wholly implemented, its effects will only be marginal, given that it presently encompasses only three Western Balkans countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]