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This study explores the contrasting racialized geographies of St. Louis County and factors of local college accessibility by re-framing the concepts of college deserts and oases post the Ferguson uprising. Through a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) analysis of educational divides, capital accumulation, and policing, we found dual spatial landscapes: a geography of Whiteness and higher education capital accumulation in southern St. Louis and a predominantly Black working-class geography of Ferguson in northern St. Louis. These dual landscapes capture the social, economic, and racial contexts of St. Louis as it informs the discourse of college-going. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the Ferguson Commission, the government-appointed commission tasked with studying the 2014 uprising in Ferguson, Missouri. Using an original research design that relies on elite interviews of Ferguson Commissioners and community leaders, as well as content analysis, I analyze the commission process and outcome, primarily through the lens of conflict theory, urban governance theory, and theories regarding race-driven urban policy outcomes. Previous research has shown that riot commissions do nothing more than give the appearance of strong and responsive government action during an uncertain time of racial unrest, while at the same time undermining any larger civil rights message involved in the violence. Here, I analyze the Ferguson Commission to see if it similarly operated as a mechanism of evasion. I find that the commission, so far, has not handled the uprising in the same way—a promising sign for the way in which government responds to racial tension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the student first came into the school, where Hawkes was principal, the atmosphere was tense (14-15). In the first chapter, Hawkes considers how schools can reallocate resources to confront systemic racism. Hawkes follows that story with one of another valedictorian, who accuses her school of failing to adequately address allegations of sexual assault (154). [Extracted from the article]

Situational Breakdowns: Understanding Protest Violence and Other Surprising Outcomes By Anne Nassauer (Oxford University Press, 2019) Anne Nassauer has embarked on an ambitious project: to identify the causal pathways that lead up to collective interpersonal violence in normally peaceful protest marches. The "missing information path" generates this emotional state via spatial incursions, escalation signs and communication problems between protesters and the police. Here Anne Nassauer identifies three interactional trajectories toward violence, which primarily revolve around the arousal of tension and fear - the central concept of the book. [Extracted from the article]

Teow Lim Goh's book, "Western Journeys," is a collection of essays that explores various topics such as the immigrant experience, the history of Chinese immigrants in the United States, writing and art, and responsibility and power. Goh uses personal experiences, history, description, and literary analysis to delve into specific western locations. The essays challenge readers to look beyond the myths and stereotypes associated with the American West and to consider the complexities of race, power, and immigration. Goh's writing is thought-provoking and encourages readers to explore their own perspectives and expand their understanding of the American West. [Extracted from the article]

Palestinian and Black activists have maintained a history of solidarity and mutual support since the 1960s, yet in recent years, this solidarity has strengthened and expanded. Joint Black and Palestinian activism against state-sanctioned violence was further energized during the 2014 Ferguson protests, when activists expanded their collaborations over social media, in demonstrations, and through jointly organized meetings, conferences, and workshops. While the Palestinian quest for self-determination and Black American struggles for racial equality have been examined extensively, recent intersections between the two movements have received little scholarly attention. This paper investigates the spatiality of Black and Palestinian activists’ engagement in transnational collaborative resistance efforts to counter American and Israeli hegemony, through both physical space and cyberspace. While previous studies have examined the symbiotic potential of physical and cyberspace activism, our case study demonstrates how young people have used their tech-savvy knowledge of the benefits and shortcomings of the Internet to strategically raise their narratives to the fore, and consequently incite global awareness and participation in the Black-Palestinian struggle. By capitalizing on the spatialities of online and offline activism, young people have re-spatialized the movement, democratizing it to foster inclusive transnational collaboration, flatten power hierarchies, and raise new leadership within the movement itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the author's views on racism and how teaching drama methods to students is affected by racism towards black people by citing examples from the play "The Tragedy of Othello" by William Shakespeare. It is discussed that re-adaptations throughout the centuries have experienced inclusion of black or brown faces in the play which shows that racism interferes with gender and religion in the seventeenth century.

The high-profile killings of two black St. Louisans in recent years led to demonstrations in the region that prominently featured acts of destruction as well as economic disruption. Those actions suggest parallels between social conditions in the St. Louis area and those found in John of Patmos’s apocalyptic vision in the Book of Revelation—specifically, conditions of state-sponsored violence, the domination of the poor by the wealthy, and the dehumanization of those who suffer oppression at the hands of the state. Attending to these parallels with the Book of Revelation’s denunciation of Roman imperial power can help contemporary observers make sense of destructive and disruptive actions in St. Louis’s US social context. Even so, the apocalyptic impulse, culminating as it does in a transcendent vision of a divinely delivered New Jerusalem to replace the present order, is less useful as a guide to sustained action toward securing a racially just society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On Staten Island in the spring of 1945, a small group of white politicians, business owners, and residents began complaining about a "crime wave" that they attributed to black soldiers stationed at the Fox Hills Army facility. Most of these complaints stemmed from vague references to rumors of crimes rather than actual incidents. Black journalists and members of the NAACP refuted these accusations and argued that the real issue was discrimination against the soldiers and racism on the part of white Staten Islanders. These accusations launched a months-long debate about racism, crime, and policing on Staten Island during the war. Ultimately, the mayor and military authorities responded by intensifying policing and surveillance of the soldiers. This article uses the conflicts around policing in wartime Staten Island as a lens to consider the impact of the war on black New Yorkers and black soldiers stationed in New York City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

United States police response to the 2014 Ferguson riots has directed scholarly and public attention towards police militarisation, renewing interest in community policing strategies as a potential strategy to decrease militarised policing. However, these concepts are vague and require further empirical examination. This article proposes a novel method of empirically studying militarisation and community policing by using police recruitment videos, which act as advertisements of departments' self-depictions. Themes of militarisation and community-oriented policing are observed using a quantitative content analysis of videos collected from the 200 largest United States policing agencies. Community-oriented themes are found to occur across a higher percentage of the sample than militarised themes, and for longer average durations of time. However, there is some complexity present across the variables, and subsets of the videos fall into the extreme ends of the two concepts. This exploratory study acts as a foundation for examining future research questions regarding police culture and behaviour, viewer semiotics, and police administrator recruiting recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Note argues that legal reforms enacted after the 2014 Ferguson, Missouri uprising are insufficient to address the problem of using courts as revenue generators and the related problem of predatory policing. Reforms to date havemerely capped howmuch money towns can raise from their courts; they have not fixed the perverse incentive problem, which allows towns like Ferguson to extract wealth from vulnerable, lowincome residents through the court system. This Note argues that towns should be required to remit the money their courts raise to a state education fund, which puts legal separation between the entity collecting the money and the beneficiary of those funds. ThisNote considers two provisions of theMissouri Constitution, one which could be read as requiring such a reform, and anotherwhich could be read as prohibiting such a reform. This Note compares Missouri's constitutional provisions to a similar North Carolina constitutional provision and concludes that the Missouri Constitution provides ample support for reformers to advocate for thisNote's proposed reform. Finally, this Note offers a roadmap for the steps needed to build political and legal support for the reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an excerpt from "The Ferguson Report."

The shooting death of Michael Brown by a police officer in August 2014 served as a pivotal case that pushed excessive use of police force against minority groups to the national spotlight. Guided by the scholarship on protest coverage, this article investigates the interplay between advocacy and journalistic framing in the coverage of the Ferguson protests by national and local news. A content analysis of five newspapers during the first cycle of protests identified how journalistic frames of presentation derived from the 'protest paradigm' literature related to the content frames pushed forward by the Black Lives Matter movement. Results reveal that initial stories were predominantly episodic and focused on violence to the detriment of demands and grievances. However, episodic stories were also critical of the police response and the use of military-grade weapons to contain the demonstrations. As the weeks progressed, journalists gave space to the ideas of protestors in a more thematic way, especially on issues related to race beyond the topic of police brutality. Taken together, findings suggest small but significant progress as time continued during the first month of demonstrations after Brown's shooting. Results presented here challenge the paradigmatic nature of protest coverage but reinforce that more space should be given to contextual narratives behind social movements' actions in addition to coverage that is critical of police and protestor tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Black leadership through the generations as a multifaceted struggle for Black lives led by ordinary Black people working together to end anti-Black violence and systemic racism for the affirmation of their humanity. At the center of this examination is the latest phase in a long struggle for Black lives, which has been branded as a Black Lives Matter movement. This new movement for social justice developed from past struggles and during the aftermath of the 2012 murder of Trayvon Martin, 2014 Ferguson uprising, and 2020 George Floyd uprising. For the author, this new struggle is Black Americans most recent "walk of life" that stretches back to the movements for self-determination, anti-enslavement, and civil rights during the American Revolutionary period (1764-1789). Central to this new struggle is the blending of nonviolent direct action tactics with the use of digital technology and the inclusion of people who previously functioned on the margins of the civil rights agenda. This struggle is addressed, first through an exploration of where Black-led community organizations have been since Trayvon's death, and second, by examining what is currently being done during the aftermath of the death of Breonna Taylor up to mid-September 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: A significant body of research has examined the psychological harm of exposure to collective traumas such as disasters (e.g., tornados, hurricanes, mass violence). Less well studied are the mental health effects of exposure to macro-level race-related traumas, such as instances of police violence toward African Americans and subsequent civil unrest that are widely covered by traditional and social media. Method: This study examined posttraumatic stress (PTS) symptoms in a sample of 936 Black and white residents of the St. Louis, MO, metropolitan statistical area surveyed following the August 2014 fatal shooting of Michael Brown and subsequent civil unrest in Ferguson, MO. We used structural equation modeling to examine direct, indirect, and conditional relationships among race, protest engagement, media use, and resilience on PTS symptoms. Results: Race and protest engagement were directly associated with PTS symptoms, whereas media exposure was indirectly associated with PTS through protest engagement. Resilience had an inverse relationship with PTS symptoms. Conclusion : Our results suggest that social workers should provide mental health resources and interventions for community members experiencing macro-level race-related events and work to address racial injustices that compound trauma and increase risks for posttraumatic difficulties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research Summary: This study examined relationships between public antipathy toward the police, demoralization, and de‐policing using pooled time‐series cross sections of 18,413 surveys from law enforcement officers in 87 U.S. agencies both before and after Ferguson and contemporaneous demonstrations. The results do not provide strong support for Ferguson Effects. Post‐Ferguson changes to job satisfaction, burnout, and cynicism (reciprocated distrust) were negligible. Although Post‐Ferguson officers issued fewer citations and conducted less foot patrol, effect sizes were minimal in magnitude. Cynicism, which was widespread both before and after Ferguson, was associated with reduced officer activity. Policy Implications: Post‐Ferguson protests in 2014 did not appreciably worsen police morale nor lead to substantial withdrawal from most police work, suggesting that the police institution is resilient to exogenous shocks. Low job satisfaction, however, was associated with fewer citations, and cynicism was negatively associated with both citations issued and community meeting attendance, indicating that agencies may need to address officer attitudes—irrespective of legitimacy crises—to promote proactive policing and community engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of queer leaders during the Ferguson uprising that took place when an unarmed African American teenager Michael Brown was killed by the police in 2014 in Missouri. The author cofounded the Millennial Activists United (MAU) with fellow comrades during the uprising to support the movement. The queer-led activists introduced practices and ideas of radical Black feminist thought to the local St. Louis movement.

The article focuses on the American Ethnologist forum that discusses the 2014 Ferguson Protest that occurred after the police shooting of an unarmed African American teenager Michael Brown in St. Louis, Missouri. It mentions other various African American protests that occurred in the U.S. It explores the Ferguson protest, which became the template for 21st-century Black liberation. Topics discussed include social movement, race, protest art and necropolitics.

The article presents the author's experience of witnessing the Ferguson protest in Missouri over the death of African American teenager Michael Brown in 2014 and also focuses on the conflict between African American citizens and police in the suburbs of the St. Louis region. She recalls seeing a crowd of community members and media and an armored police vehicle at the outer crime scene where the shooting occurred.

The article discusses racial segregation in St. Louis, Missouri and its impact on law enforcement in the aftermath of Ferguson protests that was held in Missouri over the killing of African American teenager Michael Brown in 2014 . It mentions the efforts of the author and his colleagues to initiate the Fatal Interactions with Police (FIP) Study. It resulted in a data file of officer-involved homicides that can help researchers study the culpability of racialized spatial mechanisms.

The article focuses on the racial terror and the shooting of an unarmed African American teenager Michael Brown Jr. on August 9, 2014 in Ferguson, Missouri by police officer Darren Wilson. The authors' highlight the pervasiveness of anti-Blackness in the U.S. and observes that that the use of racial terror does not assume that all Black people experience its impact equally. It is noted that the technologies of racial terror intensify racial categories and harden sociocultural borders.

The article focuses on Black death and liberation in the U.S. and discusses Mirror Casket, which was created by St. Louis artists to mark the fatal police shooting of African American unarmed teenager Michael Brown Jr. on August 9, 2014, in Ferguson, Missouri. It is noted that the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests for many activists was the resurgence of the 2014 Ferguson uprising. The authors' mention their participation in the Ferguson protests and the younger generation's fight for justice.

Proponents of the 'Ferguson effect' suggest de-policing – stemming from increased public scrutiny over the death of Michael Brown – is responsible for the recent surge in crime across the United States. While this phenomenon has been the subject of widespread speculation, the hypothesized mechanism through which public scrutiny of police impacts crime have remained unexplored. This study attempts to fill the gap by deconstructing the effects of public scrutiny on crime trends in New York City police precincts over a two-year period (2014–2015). Findings indicate partial support for the Ferguson effect. While public scrutiny predicted variations in de-policing, the results show de-policing did not predict increases in crime. Interestingly, this study finds public scrutiny had a significant positive direct effect on crime rates, suggesting it increased crime through alternative causal processes. These findings have important theoretical and policy implications for understanding the causes and prevention of crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there intersectionality between the batt es waged against state-sponsored violence and oppression on the streets of Gaza and the streets of Ferguson, Missouri? This essay examines and compares events in Gaza called Operation Protective Edge to a police crackdown on protest movements in Ferguson, both occurring in 2014. The military action in Gaza launched by the Israel Defense Forces was a reaction to the murder of three teens in Hebron. In Ferguson 18- year-old Michael Brown was shot by white police officer Darren Wilson. The murder of Michael Brown triggered a national wakefulness to the ways policing affects communities of color. Brown's death came less than a month after a New York Police Department officer used a chokehold on Eric Garner in New York City. The deaths of these two black men was a breaking point in a summer where telephone video and eyewitness descriptions of police violence drew national attention. In Ferguson, protesters rallied by the Black Lives Matter movement ignited the Ferguson Uprising, a series of protests where residents—the preponderance of them black, many of them working-class or low-income—called attention to questions that had long been present in parts of the St. Louis suburb: poverty, inequality, and police violence. The protests were met with police who were wearing elite killing gear similar to that of the Israel Defense Force. The Ferguson protests both added momentum to the national Black Lives Matter movement and generated offense from people angered by TV coverage of protesters who hurled rocks and insults at police. The end game of policing in Gaza and Ferguson is the same. The objective is to suppress the right to free assembly, expression, and association. The mission is to stop unarmed people from protesting against their oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pundits disagree on the extent to which hip-hop artists have used their celebrity clout to further the #BlackLivesMatter movement. This study adds to a nascent body of research on Black Twitter by examining how celebrities, in particular, hip-hop celebrities, used the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag to create and maintain Black identity during the 2014 Ferguson protests related to racial justice and police brutality. Using computerized and manual content analyses of 2.67 million tweets, this study found more celebrity tweets were framed as related to Black identity compared with marketing/self-promotion. Further qualitative analysis of the Black identity-framed tweets revealed four themes: speaking to whites, solidarity, Black is beautiful, and equality. Through a lens of social identity theory, this study demonstrates how hip-hop celebrities used Black Twitter to construct Black identity and community, building on research that shows group identification is fundamental for creating the solidarity and commitment necessary for collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What's the difference between a movement and a revolution? What is the role of class in conjunction with these experiences? In this essay I ask myself and the reader a series of questions about Ferguson's connection to feminism, homophobia, and classism. These portraits are painted from the front lines and may lack the politically correct overtones many academics are accustomed to. As the world changes, so does our collective perspective about mental health, poverty, and the need for all variations of human identity to be treated fairly. This analysis merges all of these worlds at once, while realizing the answers to these problems will be revealed through unconventional means. I've decided to present an analysis about the way we treat women as freedom fighters, while also understanding the vast nature of identity politics means our intersectionalities do not solely reside within gender and sexuality. We meet at the pockets of nuance in this article, while also interacting with the realities of lack of education, resources, and unity dominating these discussions within our communities. As a person who was nearly driven to the brink of suicide while enduring the unpacking of my own patriarchal vices, my research is the accumulation of personal experiences and stories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers the ideological work performed by the term "paramilitary." Departing from the fury directed at paramilitary policing in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014, it argues that despite its use to critique the police, the term "paramilitary" functions to legitimize police violence. The notion "paramilitary" frames the shared use of lethal technology by police and military forces in a way that obscures the constancy of exchange between them: as an insistence on the distinction between military and police, the term anchors the legitimacy of both. In three brief sections offering definitions of key terms, histories of police and military overlap in the US, and state theory in relation to police and violence, this essay argues that the prefix "para" works to distinguish, rhetorically, police force from military violence. This argument urges critics of police and other axes of state violence to work actively against the ideological and affective work enabled by the "para" and instead expose the lethal capacity of state violence inflicted at home and abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines what white, middle-class parents report saying to their children about racial tension and racial protest when events like Michael Brown's death and the Ferguson protests are the top news stories. The data come from interviews with forty white, middle-class parents in 2014-15. The study results indicate that few parents recalled speaking with their children about racial tension or racial protest even when such discussions were highly visible in the news and on social media. I argue parents' silence stemmed from a desire to create a protected, worry-free childhood combined with an inability to understand how such subjects related to their white life. However, not all parents were silent. Twelve participants reported speaking with their children about these subjects via a neutral or a defensive colour-blind frame. Only two participants drew attention to issues of power and privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that the demographic and political restructuring of city--suburb dynamics in the United States is key to understanding what happened in Ferguson, Missouri, in the summer of 2014. Ferguson, a once-vanilla suburb where the overwhelming majority of residents were white Americans, was deterritorialized from the 1970s onward into a suburb where black Americans became the majority group. However, the whites, as a demographic minority, were still in control and tried to reterritorialize the black suburb. I maintain that the inevitable result of this disjunction between the chocolate suburb and vanilla power was racial antagonism, which exploded in Ferguson in 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews "Hands Up: 7 Playwrights, 7 Testaments," a play composed of monologues inspired by the 2014 riots in Ferguson, Missouri, directed by Kevin Jones and performed at the Wieden + Kennedy building in Portland, Oregon on December 3, 2016.

Existing literature on collective action suggests that social protest activity is often driven by structural out-group grievances. This article explores how a framework of grievancebased social movement participation applies to the digital media realm and how social media are reshaping the protest landscape. Our research looks specifically at the case of the #Ferguson Twitter storm that occurred in November 2014. During a 3-week period, over 6 million tweets were sent with the indicator #Ferguson. We examine the statistics and content of those tweets to show that the Ferguson Twitter storm was driven to an enormous volume by four key mobilizers. Tweet content included structural out-group grievances that reflect established expectations about drivers of social movements and protests. In contrast to the emphasis on violence by traditional mass media, online social movement participants emphasized peace, especially after the conflict escalated and rioting in the streets began. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of a qualitative, ethnographic study of participants in the 2014 Ferguson protest, exploring the intersection of the movement's online, social and mobile media uses and its offline communitybuilding and mobilization. It is the result of dozens of interviews with protesters, collected on-site during various protest actions in Ferguson, Missouri during the days following Michael Brown's death in August 2014. For Ferguson protesters, it was participatory, online media--social and mobile media, in particular--that greatly strengthened the offline practices of solidarity, community, and togetherness through the act of sharing. Participants found that using participatory media as a connective, community discursive space to share information established grassroots counter-narratives to mainstream media accounts, but more importantly, this sharing created affective connections that built strong ties within the community, ties that greatly encouraged and rewarded offline mobilization and knowledge-sharing. As with other contemporary technology-embedded social movements, the Ferguson protests suggest new evidence that these types of movements continue to serve as a laboratory for emerging democratic practices, one with new online, mobile tools used in spaces that intersect with offline efforts, such as boots-on-the-ground organization, strategy development and community mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]