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In this paper, I use posthumanism and autotheory to materialize the gendered, racialized and sexualized hair/her/stories of British-Muslim schoolgirls in my study. As an act of feminist indiscipline and a feminist transdisciplinary innovative practice, I entangle with those affective, material, embodied and embedded encounters and stories that grow, escape, flow and glow with the vital materiality of hair and her stories. Hair, as one of the transgressive data of my PhD research, emerged in various temporal, spatial and material contexts throughout our research encounters. Considering hair as having posthuman agency, I argue how it can enable different material relations in everyday lived experiences of Muslim schoolgirls with hijab, body, educational environments and practices. Inspired by the notion that theory can do more the closer it gets to the skin what I call Posthumanist autotheory, has emerged from the body-theory encounters. I use posthumanist autotheory to materialize how hair as the ‘auto’ and the more-than-human agency in autotheory grows and becomes matter, method and theory. In using posthumanist autotheory as a feminist transdisciplinary innovative and speculative affirmative approach, this paper hopes to enable knowledge shifts in participatory researching on gendered and racializing assemblages to those everyday ordinary economic, institutional, biological and medical matters and assemblages that constitute racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Hijab pin ingestion is common in the Kashmiri population, especially among young females. This is attributed to the tradition of wearing hijab in adolescent girls and young women. Aims and Objectives: The present study was conducted to identify the incidence of hijab pin ingestion in the Muslim females of Kashmir Valley. Materials and Methods: This study was conducted in the Department of General Surgery SKIMS Medical College, Bemina, Srinagar, from February 2022 to December 2023. It was a prospective study comprising 60 female patients above the age of 12 years having a history of accidental ingestion of hijab pins. History and clinical examination were followed by chest and abdominal radiographs. Data were collected and inferences were drawn. Results: The study included 60 patients presenting to the emergency with a history of accidental ingestion of pin. The majority of patients, that is, 30 (50%) were 25-35 years of age. Most patients 40 (67%) were asymptomatic at presentation with 20 (33.33%) patients presenting to the hospital within 2-3 h of ingestion. Foreign body (FB) had reached the small intestine in 22 (36.67%) patients at the time of presentation. Moreover, 1 (1.67%) patient had extraluminal migration of the FB. In our study, 46 patients had a normal passage of FB through the gastrointestinal tract. Most of the patients, that is, 46 (76.67%) were managed conservatively. Only 2 (6.67%) patients needed surgical intervention. Conclusion: FB ingestion is common among the young females of Kashmir Valley. Adequate follow-up is necessary to prevent long-term complications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the representation of radical and anti-radical ideologies among German Islamic TikTok creators, analyzing 2983 videos from 43 accounts through qualitative content analysis. The results reveal two main content clusters: religious practice involving social/lifestyle issues and political activism around Muslim grievances. Victimization, found in 150 videos, was the most common indicator associated with radicalization and emerged as a source of political activism and subversive discourse. Overall, indicators of radicalism were scarce, suggesting that visible mainstream Islamic creators do not exhibit high levels of radical ideology. However, this also reflects a selection bias in the design of this study, which systematically overlooks fringe actors. In addition, religious advocacy was the most common topic (1144 videos), serving as a source of guidance and motivation, but was occasionally linked to sectarianism and rigid religious interpretations. Male creators posted more religious/theological videos; female creators posted more lifestyle videos. However, gender distinctions are limited due to the low representation of female creators (6). Some topics, such as the hijab, served as an intersection between religious practice and politicized narratives. This study highlights TikTok's role in promoting diverse ideological views and shaping community engagement, knowledge sharing, and political mobilization within Germany's Muslim digital landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the context of a misogynistic political establishment, the Iranian state's approach to women has become increasingly securitised in recent years. The Islamic Republic state, in fact, sees women as one of its biggest security threats, further deepening its securitisation of women and women's issues. This is most evident in relation to the official imposition of mandatory hijab, which vividly symbolises state ideology. The securitisation of women has occurred within the context of pervasive state misogyny and other officially sanctioned cultural notions that have accorded women second-class positions in the Islamic Republic's society. Despite its expansive system of state-sanctioned legal, political, ideological and cultural misogyny, however, the Islamic Republic has been unable to counter women's nonconformity to its dictates. Developments concerning and led by women themselves have challenged the official misogyny and its supporting ideological narrative. The state's inability and unwillingness to show ideological flexibility in this regard, and women's determined refusal to comply with the state, have combined to transform Iranian women into a national security threat to the state, one that it has so far been unable to effectively counter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social issues require a multifaceted approach to understand and deal effectively. The lack of a multi-dimensional approach leads to the presentation of one-dimensional policies, and as a result, social issues are not resolved. Among the social issues, there are many ups and downs of hijab in Iranian society. This article believes that one of the reasons for not solving the hijab issue is the lack of a multi-dimensional perspective in policy making in this area. In order to examine this failure in more detail, this article evaluates the approved policies during the last four decades from the perspective of eight theorists to examine the theoretical dimensions and nineteen active activists in the field with the aim of examining the difficulties of implementing policies in direct contact with the audience of the hijab arena. Is. Content analysis method has been used to analyze the participant's points. The result of the analysis of the conversation with the group of participants led to the central category of ill-considered policy, the result of two main concepts of the sovereign understanding of hijab and uneven confrontation. A sovereign understanding of the hijab means an independent understanding of the context and mind, which has led to a one-sided and political interpretation of the hijab. The consequence of such an understanding is the inconsistent confrontation with hijab in the channel of state-oriented politics (instead of problem-solving politics) and the contradictory confrontation of the government with women and men without approved hijab in certain political situations. What seems to be useful in correcting this process is the awareness of the sovereign policy makers regarding the damage caused by the one-dimensional view and the improvement of the knowledge of the policy makers and the policy-making process towards the multi-dimensional view and its requirements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wearing of a headscarf and the veiling especially of the female face or the whole body is a universal phenomenon that occurs in different eras and in different regions and cultures. Today, wearing a headscarf has become a symbol of Islam, especially in Western countries, and is often met with Islamophobic rejection. In our study, using a qualitative interview, we questioned 25 young Muslim women of Turkish origin (between 18 and 25 years old, n = 25) living in Germany about their reasons for wearing or not wearing a headscarf and their experiences on account of this decision. The majority (n = 16) of the predominantly academically educated female participants do not wear a headscarf, primarily for reasons of female attractiveness, an internalized religiosity, and as an expression of the disintegration of the family hierarchy. All female respondents (n = 7) from families with divorced parents do not wear headscarves, while for the other female respondents (n = 9) who do not wear headscarves, the family seems to have a more liberal mindset. Reasons for wearing a headscarf are especially a religious attachment to Islam, fashionable self-confidence, and the wish to combine Western emancipation with the traditional dress code (in the form of a hybrid identity). These findings are considered against the background of a psychoanalytic reading of the Quranic suras on veiling (according to F. Benslama) and the Lacanian dialectic of the imaginary and symbolic phallus. The diversity of personal reasons can be described with the concept of a heterogeneous subjectivity, which arises from the clash of Western secular and Turkish-Islamic notions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research focuses on the phenomenon of hijab cosplay as a fashion trend in popular culture and the representation of identity among Muslim women who combine cosplay and hijab. This research uses qualitative method with perceptual phenomenology approach, which aims to understand how Communication Theory of Identity developed by Michael Hecht and his colleagues in analyzing the identity of a hijab cosplayer by understanding it through four layers: personal layer, endorsement layer, communal layer, and relational layer. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with purposively selected hijab cosplayers, participant observation at cosplay events and observation of their activities on social media, and visual content analysis of photos and videos uploaded by participants on platforms such as Instagram. Triangulation of methods and data sources was used to increase the validity of the research findings, while member checking and peer debriefing were conducted to ensure the accuracy of interpretations. The results of this study show that the existence of hijab cosplay as a fashion trend in popular culture reflects a complex identity dynamic in which individuals successfully combine elements of religion and popular culture in their expression. Despite the challenges, hijab cosplayers have opened up a new space within the cosplay community, expanding the definition and acceptance of different forms of cultural expression. With the support of social media, this trend continues to grow, contributing significantly to intercultural dialogue and inclusivity in the global community. Therefore, the use communication theory of identity is very useful in understanding the identity formation process of hijab cosplayers in depth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how time and space influence the decision-making process (DMP) that hijabis (Muslim women who wear a headscarf or hijab) undergo when deciding whether to disclose their hijab to their manager. Drawing on 40 interviews with hijabis, whose identity is a source of significant stigmatization and discrimination in France, we show that, rather than being constrained by time and space, hijabis take advantage of these elements to foster their own agency. Three contributions to the literature emerge from our findings. First, the decision-making process can be broken down into three phases: conceptualization, planning, and actualization. Over the course of these three phases, specific steps are taken depending on whether or not hijabis wish to include their manager in their DMP. This is how hijabis take control of their disclosure decision, which must take the manager's reaction into account. Second, we demonstrate that hijabis focus on the temporal dimension when selecting the most appropriate point at which to share their decision. For the spatial dimension, we introduce the concept of transition space to convey the way hijabis construct a secure environment in which to make their decision. This space has four key characteristics: It is secluded and offers protection, it is flexible, it is essential, and it is a space of psychological distress. Finally, we show that identity management (IM) decisions incur material costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we address a question that has been frequently asked: Why is the Iranian government unable to defeat the struggle by women against the compulsory hijab? What distinguishes women's resistance from other forms of freedom and justice movements? We address these questions by highlighting women's "resilient resistance" within the family domain as both flexible and sustainable. The article examines how the domestication of politics and the politicization of family have interconnected dynamics in Iran, as illustrated by the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement. It shows how women have shifted the Iranian family from a collaborator of oppressive patriarchal power to a more egalitarian structure to accommodate their protests against the compulsory hijab. As the catalysts for this change, they succeeded in discrediting the Islamic Republic's moral discourse based on the compulsory hijab as a manifestation of modesty for women. They also validated their own morality based on personal choice. Using ethnographic fieldwork, including participatory observation and in-depth interviews with movement participants, this paper shows how women's invisible yet significant resistance within the family has transformed this institution and profoundly affected the broader political landscape of Iran. It examines a unique case where social transformation drives larger political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Iran's internal identity conflicts and its strategy to expand Shia influence in the Middle East. Iran's growing confidence in its regional power stems from its perceived victory in the prolonged confrontation with the United States and the belief that its constructive role will soon gain recognition. However, Iran faces internal ideological rifts as the younger generation challenges the conservative regime, exemplified by recent hijab protests. Simultaneously, Iran has been fostering Shia militant groups in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen to project its influence and engage in shadow warfare against Israel and Saudi Arabia. The escalating Iran-Israel conflict and Iran's involvement in the Syrian civil war highlight its geopolitical maneuvers. The study argues that there is an interplay between Iran's internal politicized identity crises and its external power projection, as the regime seeks to consolidate its legitimacy by emphasizing anti-Western and anti-Israeli sentiments. However, this strategy faces a dilemma, as resources allocated to suppressing domestic dissent and maintaining regional influence may further strain Iran's economy and exacerbate internal instability. The changing regional dynamics, such as the U.S.—Iran nuclear deal and the Arab-Israeli normalization, also pose challenges to Iran's strategic calculus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated how religious factors exert social pressure to discipline female bodies through hijab practices in Indonesia. This study identified relationships among factors, such as religiosity, individuals' involvement with religious communities, subjective norms regarding the hijab practice, and the regulation of sexuality. This study found that religious factors positively influence subjective norms which reinforce the regulation of sexuality. Although recent studies have underscored the role of the hijab as a tool for expressing Muslim identity and as a means for Muslim women to construct modernity, the results of this study reveal that the disciplinary function of the hijab still seems to have a greater impact. A group analysis reveals differences in the influence of religious factors on subjective norms. While religiosity has a larger impact among adolescents than their involvement with religious communities, this impact is insignificant in the age group of 20s and 30s. The varying effects of religious factors among different age groups imply that religious values rather than involvement with religious communities have a much greater impact on the construction of subjective norms among adolescents while the role of religion in socialization might be enhanced as individuals get older. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Qasim Amin was a prominent Egyptian intellectual who, through his two writings, initiated numerous social reforms in Egypt. These reforms were subsequently replicated in other Islamic countries. He initially expressed his personal opinions regarding the position of women in society and their hijab in a manner that was sympathetic to Islam. However, he eventually began to express his own views that were not in accordance with Islam. He regards the hijab worn by eastern women as the cause of regression in eastern countries, while the lack of hijab worn by western women is the source of progress in western countries. He also maintains that the hijab worn by women stimulates and intensifies the desire of men. He was of the opinion that women are subject to four historical periods, and when they reach the fourth period, they have achieved complete liberation, similar to communism. He believed that the hijab was a form of sex slavery and that it was only appropriate for the women of the Prophet. He also held the belief that hijab is a consequence of the interaction between Islamic countries and their neighboring countries. These are merely a few of the issues that Amin addressed in his two renowned works, Tahrir al-Mur'a and al-Mur'a al-Jadidah, regarding hijab. In this article, we compare Amin’s perspectives on the hijab with those of Morteza Motahari. Amin will be provided with appropriate responses in accordance with Morteza Motahari’s comments. The impact of Western modernity and the role that Westerners have depicted for women is evident in Amin. Amin’s works are primarily focused on the development of gender, with a particular emphasis on women’s education and the notion that women's independence is a precursor to Western civilization. He considers the hijab from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence, but ultimately reaches his own personal opinions regarding the hijab and pursues complete freedom from it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiculturalism is increasingly shaping contemporary societies, yet food, a fundamental human necessity, often becomes a point of cultural and belief-based contention. The halal food industry has grown significantly, garnering support both locally and internationally. However, this burgeoning sector faces challenges related to establishing standardized regulations that acknowledge its role in nation-building and promote cultural diversity. This study aimed to assess the awareness and acceptance of pre-certified halal food among non-Muslim students across secondary schools in Lambayong, Sultan Kudarat. Employing a descriptive survey research design, the study utilized a researcher-developed questionnaire administered to 350 students selected through simple random sampling from seven identified schools in Lambayong, Sultan Kudarat. Findings indicated that despite Lambayong's diverse population, most respondents demonstrated awareness and positive perceptions of pre-certified halal food. However, some community elders and church leaders expressed reservations about allowing younger generations to consume such food. The study also observed that while many vendors and proprietors were Muslim, not all adhered to the practice of wearing hijab (for Muslim women), and some lacked necessary cooking equipment like gloves and hairnets. Furthermore, certain halal establishments were found to have inadequate sanitation and pest control measures. Ultimately, the study concluded that there exists a moderate relationship between respondents' awareness and their acceptance of halal food. Recommendations include schools collaborating with barangay and local government units to monitor the hygiene of nearby restaurants and canteens. Additionally, halal food establishments should prioritize enhancing their sanitation practices and hygiene protocols to ensure compliance and consumer confidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

French law 2004-228 and Quebec's Bill 21 has prohibited wearing conspicuous religious symbols while discharging public duty, especially as teachers in public school. This has aroused robust public debate because it disproportionately affects Muslim women wearing hijabs. This paper investigates the philosophical/ethical argument on both sides of the debate. The key research question is whether liberal feminists have the justification to support the hijab ban. The paper outlines different types of liberal feminism and their views on just social arrangements. The paper uses Gheaus's concept of gender justice and Kabeer's definition of gender empowerment to structure the debate, stating that feminists will support the ban if it enhances empowerment and makes society more gender-just or internal working of social arrangements, at least procedurally just. The paper draws on the utilitarian argument, Nussbaum's and Sen's articulation of the Capability Approach and the importance of identity, and Bourdieu's concept of Habitus, Doxa, and Symbolic Violence. The paper argues that there are strong arguments on both sides. Still, liberal feminists concerned about structural inequalities, economic empowerment, and individual freedom may not be convinced that the Hijab ban makes society more gender-just or improves individual empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is a large body of literature on different models of secularism and religion and politics, relatively scarce attention has been devoted to the experimentation of the moderate secularism model in authoritarian and Muslim-majority countries. This article brings a novel insight into the literature by unpacking the complex relationship between secularism, politics, and religion in Turkiye. The Turkish Republic was founded on the norm of authoritarian secularism that promulgates the exclusion of religion both from the political and public spheres. After the Justice and Development Party (JDP) came to power, Turkiye appeared to be moving toward moderate secularism through policies, such as the liberalization of the headscarf and the expansion of non-Muslim rights. By examining the transformed role of the Diyanet (the Presidency of Religious Affairs), Imam Hatip schools, and the conversion of church-turned-museums into mosques, this article illustrates that rather than moving in the direction of moderate secularism, the JDP has rather instrumentalized it and has eventually worked toward infusing Islamic norms into the Turkish state through bureaucratic and political initiatives. By examining and contextualizing the trajectory of secularism in Turkiye, this study contributes to the literature on religion, authoritarianism, and secularism in general, and ongoing debates on Turkish politics in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Adolescence is characterized as a developmental and challenging period marked by a wide range of changes in various psychological and physiological dimensions. One of the most significant issues reported by both adolescents and parents is the intensification of conflicts between them, which necessitates a deeper examination. Therefore, the aim of the present study was to provide a phenomenological explanation of the parent-adolescent conflict among girls aged 16 to 17 years. Methods and Materials: The data for this qualitative study were collected using the research tradition of lived experience and the method of semi-structured in-depth interviews through the process of coding (the 7-step Colaizzi method). The research population included 30 adolescent girls aged 16 to 17 years from the city of Kashan in 2023, who were analyzed using purposeful sampling and adherence to the principles of theoretical saturation. Findings: The results indicated the extraction of 7 main themes and 23 sub-themes. The main themes included: 1. Concerns about clothing and hijab, 2. Communication skills, 3. Value issues, 4. Academic challenges, 5. Preservation of dignity and individual respect, 6. Family-related factors, 7. Alignment with societal changes, which were examined in detail in the findings section. Conclusion: Utilizing the results of the present study facilitates the development of educational and therapeutic models to reduce conflict between adolescents and parents, and therapeutic interventions can also be performed on themes that were more frequently reported by adolescents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses and criticises the latest Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) case concerning the wearing of Muslim headscarves at work. OP was refused permission to wear a Muslim headscarf at work because her employer, a public authority, had a policy of exclusive neutrality, prohibiting employees from wearing any form of religious clothing or symbols. The CJEU judgment limits the employment opportunities of Muslim women who want to wear headscarves for religious reasons and allows member states and infra-state bodies a margin of discretion to decide whether to ban religious clothing and symbols for all employees, only for employees who come into contact with service users or not to ban such items at all; and, it ignores any possibility of the presence of gender, race or multiple discrimination. Prohibitions on religious clothing and symbols affect especially Muslim women, who are often from a non-European background and thus could amount to gender discrimination, race discrimination and to discrimination on a combination of religion or belief, gender and racial or ethnic origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The hijab stands as a prominent identifier of a Muslim woman, symbolizing not only religious adherence but also embodying complex societal perceptions and expectations. A Muslim woman must possess a strong personality because she is regarded with a double-bladed affection but is also a reflection of a dual minority. The research looked into the multifaceted experiences of Muslim women, who navigate the dual identities taken against them as both religious minority and gender minority. Within her subculture, they are subjected to customary and traditional restrictions and often face judgment against gender-roles. The research approach selected for this study was a transcendental phenomenological study. The study selected ten participants from diverse Muslim communities in the Philippines, taking into consideration factors such as age and ethnicity to ensure a broader representation of perspective. The main data collection method used for the study was a one- on-one in-depth interview. This method is an open-ended, discovery-oriented approach to obtaining detailed information about a topic from the respondents (Wallace Foundation). Findings revealed that the hijab, the piece of clothing that is used as a head covering by Muslim women and is normally worn in public, holds profound significance for these women, symbolizing purity, sacredness, and offering a sense of security and protection. Therefore, efforts must be made to promote a deeper understanding and appreciation of the hijab's significance, and this can be achieved through educational initiatives, public awareness campaigns, and the intensification of Muslim women's voices in various spheres of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Karnataka state government banned the hijab in schools on February 5, 2022, and several women petitioned the Karnataka High Court to overturn it. A panel of three judges concluded on March 15, 2022, that the hijab is not an important Islamic practice. By punishing females for their wardrobe choices, the court stressed conformity above girls' access to education. The hijab prohibition is part of a pattern of discrimination against Muslim women that violates their human rights. With the rise of authoritarianism, a new form of feminism is emerging in which Muslim girls in India are challenging the authorities and resisting asserting their identity and preferences. Previous research has described human rights violations experienced by Indian female students regarding court decisions. Therefore, the purpose of the research is to investigate the human rights violations that have been disclosed as a result of India's hijab ban which employs normative juridical research methodologies. The method refers to a legal research approach that involves the examination of written law from multiple perspectives. The High Court's verdict worsens Muslim girls and women's education-related harassment, trauma, and prejudice. Muslim students removing their hijabs and burqas before entering schools is a difficult topic that requires neutrality. The verdict would affect the Indian Constitution and the Muslim population, especially hijab-wearing women. United Nations (UN) Women has backed all initiatives of India's Ministry of Women and Child Development that seek to advocate for those affected by the hijab ban to promote gender equality and prevent discrimination against women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious expression at the workplace is a recurring theme in preliminary rulings of the CJEU, not least because the CJEU repeatedly misses the chance to provide clearer guidance on minimum standards of inclusivity which the Member States should apply. This lack of guidance can be seen in the rulings addressing the wearing of headscarves by private employees in recent years. National courts and legal scholars were hoping in vain that the CJEU would clarify how to handle religious expression at the workplace. In its recent preliminary ruling in OP v Commune d'Ans the CJEU again failed to clarify certain contested issues but also extended its unclear interpretation to public employees. This case note examines the potential harm caused by lack of definitive answers from the CJEU, the difficult balancing act between EU non-discrimination law and state competencies, and the need for an EU interpretation of religious freedom to evolve in order to properly serve its citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 2022, a two-judge bench of the Indian Supreme Court delivered a split verdict on constitutional challenges to the "hijab ban" imposed in some educational institutions in the State of Karnataka. This case note identifies gaps in the manner in which three central constitutional claims, namely, religious freedom, privacy and freedom of speech and expression, and discrimination, were engaged with in this case. The note argues that while both judges' opinions on the inapplicability of the essential religious practices test are questionable, its application does not conclusively determine the constitutionality of the ban. It also argues that the Court should have subjected the hijab ban to a structured proportionality analysis to investigate if the ban violates the rights to privacy, and freedom of speech and expression. Finally, the note argues that claims of indirect discrimination are central to this case and demanded serious engagement by the bench. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The hijab is a significant subject in cultural sociology. It is explored across various disciplines, including social sciences, psychology, and religion. This research aims to assess students’ responses at Ilam University of Medical Sciences in Ilam City towards the national coverage pattern. Methods: This study employed a qualitative and grounded theory approach, focusing on all female students at Ilam University of Medical Sciences. Participants were selected using purposive sampling, and data was gathered using semi-structured interviews. The collected data was then analyzed using a qualitative content analysis approach. Results: Interview data from the respondents was analyzed and categorized into the following themes: Pluralistic Coverage, Selective Coverage, Revision of Coverage Policy, and Cultural Resistance. The results showed a revision in hijab policies manifested through the formulation of related rules, the repoliticization of the hijab, the implementation of cultural programs, and the avoidance of over-regulation. Conclusion: The findings indicated that the students’ responses to national clothing patterns were critical, suggesting that revising cultural clothingrelated policies could improve these patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its long history since the late Ottoman period in Turkey, this article focuses on the headscarf issue within a particular period; since 2002, when the Justice and Development Party has been in power. Women's issues have always occupied a large space in the Justice and Development Party's project(s), which articulate diverse narrative lines ranging from conservatism to liberalism. The article aims to unravel this diverse insight into the Justice and Development Party's politics within the context of its recent political drift toward authoritarianism while particularly focusing on its headscarf discourses. It argues that the Justice and Development Party's political drift toward authoritarianism resulted in the replacement of the earlier politics of consensus/'non-defiance', which refers to a conservatism that denies radicalism and avoids emphasizing controversial issues like the headscarf, with the politics of dissensus/defiance that reveal social tensions and political conflicts such as those between Islamic and secular sectors, through revitalizing the old debate on the headscarf issue. In this sense, the lifting of the headscarf bans in public institutions in 2008 can be read as a symptom, not of the Justice and Development Party's earlier liberal stand, but of the beginning of its shift toward authoritarianism based on its religious-nationalist project, which made use of this liberal right of pious women in enhancing the gaps between oppositional groups and in consolidating its social basis. This earlier attempt has been followed by continuous use of the headscarf as a symbol drawing a border between 'us' and 'them' and signifying outrages and moral crisis for which the Justice and Development Party blamed the oppositional groups. Within this context, the article questions the ways in which the headscarf as a political symbol along with other conservative policies targeting female bodies and sexualities took a part in the constitution and consolidation of the Justice and Development Party's radical right alliance and its authoritarian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article seeks to analyze in an analytical way by referring to library sources and based on the methodology of legal knowledge, in addition to paying attention to the results of the efforts of jurists, the effect of the issue of chastity with the focus on the observance and non-observance of hijab by the mother in the matter of child custody. Especially for the girl, report on the legal aspect and explain its role in enjoying the condition of moral health of the mother who is responsible for custody and explain the relationship that he finds with titles such as justice, depravity and trustworthiness of the guardian in the issue of moral degeneration and deprivation of custody. Articles achievement indicates that, from the jurisprudential-legal aspect, a level of mother's hijab is effective in ensuring the child's moral health and the mother's possession of the necessary moral conditions in the matter of child custody, and it can play a role in his chastity under description of chastity. Even if his righteousness and non-debauchery cannot be considered a condition of custody. Based on this, if the non-observance of the mother's hijab is enough to put the chaste upbringing of the child in serious danger according to the prevailing Sharia and customs; He is no longer a guardian in the matter of custody of the child, and the continuation of such custody leads to harm to the child, and therefore custody can be taken away from him. It should be noted that despite the passage of more than half a century since the sexual revolution in the West and the occurrence of nudity pests in these societies, today we are witnessing efforts, especially by families, to treat the aforementioned complications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Court of Human Rights, which is also referred to as the Strasbourg Court, as a court that has international jurisdiction in the field of human rights on a regional scale, has repeatedly faced the issue of "Hijab" in its rulings. The approach of that court is that governments have the right to limit the hijab in public institutions, especially schools. The following article tries to criticize the performance of the European Court of Human Rights regarding the restriction of the hijab in public institutions from the perspective of the international human rights system. Ragham's hypothesis is that the European Court of Human Rights, influenced by the supremacy of state hegemony, by issuing a ruling to restrict the hijab, not only did not guarantee human rights, but violated them. In order to verify its hypothesis, the upcoming research has been carried out with a descriptive-analytical method based on the collection of information in a library form. The following article has proven that this action of the European Court of Human Rights violates the principle of freedom that the first generation of human rights goes back to. By adopting this approach, the aforesaid court violated the principle of religious freedom which is accepted in the International Bill of Rights and also has a customary dress, and also violated Article 9 of the European Charter of Human Rights, which according to a mission For which the court is drawn, it is considered a violation of the purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study conducts a comprehensive survey of the evolving discourse surrounding women's competitive sport in Iran from 1979 to 2020. This research identifies three distinctive discursive sequences delineating the trajectory of women's sport within this timeline. The initial phase, termed 'Suspending Discourse' emerged during the 1980s due to the disruptive effects of the Islamic Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War, resulting in the cessation of women's competitive sport in the country. Subsequently, the 'Modality Discourse' evolved after the late 1980s, characterized by efforts to align women's sport with Islamic regulations. Noteworthy accomplishments during this period include the establishment of the Islamic Women's Games, gender-segregated competitions, and increased international participation due to the acceptance of Islamic veils for Muslim female athletes by some international sports federations. Lastly, the 'Discourse of Conditional Growth' signifies the remarkable advancements in women's sports, notably in national team championships and the development of semi-professional sports leagues since the 1990s, despite persisting challenges. This study unveils the transformative phases of discourse, illustrating the progression of women's competitive sports in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The doctrine of Essential Religious Practices (hereinafter ERP) has seen ceremonious application in matters pertaining to religion and its practices, causing a shift in the empowerment of the supposed stakeholders from religious participants to the judiciary. Constantly fuelled by political interference and exploitation, the doctrine once propounded to complement the vision of a secular nation has come to witness arbitrary change, thereby leading to a dilution of constitutional values and human rights. In this article, the authors first decode the intangible idea of secularism, contextualised in an Indian scenario, followed by deliberating on the 'essential' and 'religious' elements of the repeatedly invoked doctrine. A detailed analysis of tests surrounding similar questions of law has further been undertaken in comparative jurisprudence in light of the hijab verdicts given by the High Court of Karnataka and the Supreme Court of India. Such analysis has aided in forwarding alternatives to a politically contaminated doctrine, with a prudent aim to help prevent manipulated outcomes of multiple cases pending under this jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muslim women are often represented as lacking freedom of choice and agency in literary and media discourses. This supposed lack in native Muslim societies is thought to be redeemed by Western interventions by championing ideals of freedom, equality, and liberty. This assumption is problematic as it is governed by the thought that Muslim women are not "agentic" and need external forces to speak for them. It also prioritises the West as the superior other creating a vast gap between them and the rest. This may be seen as an effect of the Eurocentric or Neo-orientalist school of thought that strives at "othering" Muslims and Islam. These discourses include not only the writings of some eminent Western scholars in line with the Orientalist school of thought but Muslim writers as well. However, contrary to the majoritarian discourse, some writers debunk and subvert these stereotypes linked to Islam, offering an alternative picture of Muslims in a more nuanced way to challenge the didactics of Western superiority. To the latter scholarship belongs Sudanese-British writer Leila Aboulela and second-generation immigrant author of mixed descent Shelina Zahra Janmohamed whose writings offer a more nuanced version of Muslim women's writing. This article assesses the engagement of freedom and agency in Aboulela's novel Minaret (2005) and Janmohamed's chick-lit memoir Love in a Headscarf (2009). Contrary to the prevalent discourses on Islam and Muslims these narratives posit a resistance to conforming to the Western modes of thought and conventions. This article articulates how immigrant Muslim women deny stereotypes regarding them through the choices they make. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accidental Foreign body aspiration, especially sharp metallic objects may lead to life threatening complications. A metallic object is identified readily on a Xray chest or CT chest and helps us in ascertaining its location. A straight pin with blunt head in the shape of pearl is used in wearing a head scarf also known as hijab to hold it in place. The head scarf pin (hijab pin) if accidentally aspirated into the airway may lead to grave complications. Hence timely intervention with suitable instrumentation is essential to prevent any lethal complications. We have reported four different cases of adolescent females who had accidentally aspirated hijab pin and challenges faced by us during removal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saudi Art & Design Journal is the property of Saudi Art & Design Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dandruff is a scalp disorder characterized by itching. According to the Republic of Indonesia Health Research (Riset Kesehatan Republik Indonesia), 26% of Indonesians experience dandruff, with the teenage age group (15-24 years old) being the most affected. One of the contributing factors to dandruff is wearing a hijab, which restricts air flow. This research aims to identify the level of knowledge, accuracy of action, and product selection for treating dandruff among female students at Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya. This research employed quantitative descriptive research using survey methods. The sampling technique used in this research is by purposive sampling. The respondents in this study were 161 new students who wear hijab. The variables in this study are the level of knowledge, accuracy of action, and choice of shampoo products in treating dandruff. The research showed that 86.3% of respondents have experienced dandruff and 62.59% of respondents have a high level of knowledge about dandruff. Of the 87 respondents with high knowledge; 39 people (28.06%) were right in choosing action to treat dandruff; 47 people (33.81%) were somewhat accurate and only 1 person (0.71%) was incorrect. Meanwhile, respondents with a high level of knowledge and accuracy in choosing shampoo products 51 (36.69%) were accurate;25 (17.98%) were somewhat accurate; and 11 (7.91%) were incorrect. Based on the research results, it was concluded that the majority of respondents demonstrated a fairly good level of knowledge, accuracy in action and product selection in dealing with dandruff. However, further education still needs to be done to enhance these three things. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Purpose: Many studies have been conducted on cyberbullying discourse in Malaysia, but religious-based cyberbullying discourse has received comparatively less attention. Malaysia's second place ranking in cyberbullying practices among Asian countries in 2018 is striking, and it is worth highlighting that many public figures in the country have encountered cyberbullying upon deciding to remove their hijab. This paper examines how the first dehijabed Instagram posts by local celebrities, Uqasha Senrose, Emma Maembong and Liyana Jasmay incited religious-based cyberbullying. Methodology: This paper employs a mixed-methods approach. We examined the initial postdehijabbing captions, along with a total of 300 comments on these posts. Through a two-tiered coding and categorization process, we identified 168 religious-based comments containing religious-related terminologies, Arabic expressions, Quranic verses, and Hadith. From this subset, 70 of them exhibit cyberbullying characteristics: Defamation, Defense, Encouragement, Exclusion, Sexual Talk, Insult and Threat/Blackmail. The most prevalent categories, Insult (n=29) and Threat/Blackmail (n=18) were further qualitatively analysed using Laclau and Mouffe's discourse framework and Halliday's transitivity analysis. Findings: The findings reveal that public figures who have removed their hijab have created a hegemonic intervention that challenges Malay Muslim hegemonic practice. Meanwhile, cyberbullies have created a hegemonic closure to counter the hegemonic intervention created by the dehijabed celebrities through the implementation of "Insult" and "Threat". Nevertheless, the effects of the hegemonic closure, which involves the stabilization of myths as objective reality and the rearticulation of the transgressors' identities as the sinners, have reproduced the power imbalance between the dominant group and the antagonists. Contributions: This paper demonstrated that while such practices allow cyberbullies to reinforce their dominance and hegemonic practices by manipulating religion, it is crucial to problematize religiousbased cyberbullying discourse as yet another form of hegemonic intervention that appears to be a natural articulation in contemporary discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Psychology & Sociology is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the speeches of Turkish female parliamentarians during the headscarf debate. We examine how deputies with different political and ideological predilections discursively construct women's rights and employ legitimation strategies to validate their policy position. The findings reveal that on the one hand, the female deputies use different legitimation strategies to justify arguments for or against the use of headscarves in the public sector. On the other hand, they embed the headscarf debate into the broader political goals they pursue in a polarized political setting. They deploy legitimation strategies around the headscarf debate to rationalize future policy on issues ranging from the expansion of human rights and democracy to the change of the type of political regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following 9/11, some young Muslim American women have been wearing hijabs to assert their Islamic identities. They are also seeking fashionable modest clothing, yet, despite their growing buying power, the US modest fashion market targeting Muslim women appears underserved. The purpose of this study was to critically examine how niche modest fashion brands in the United States target Muslim women while drawing upon theoretical concepts centring on oppression and agency related to the long history of gendered Islamophobia Muslims have experienced. We analysed eleven brands' websites and social media applying the constant comparative method and identified four themes: empowering Muslim women, reclaiming modesty as modern and beautiful, meeting fashionable modest wear demand, and rejecting and perpetuating colourism. In our analysis of the digital discourses of US modest fashion brands, we revealed that these brands emerged to meet the demand of young Muslim woman in the United States who are embracing the hijab and modest clothing as a potent symbol of resistance against western ideologies, the fashion system's oppressive acts towards Muslim women and traditional Islamic dress codes. Yet, their advocacy-centred messages – empowerment, reclaiming modesty as beautiful – operate within a profit-driven system, which we theorize as a fashion-advocacy-capitalistic-façade. The fashion-advocacy-capitalist-façade concept helps explain the slippery slope that fashion brands are tiptoeing as they aim to empower Muslim women, offer trendy modest clothing, reject traditional Islamic dress codes for women and create space in the fashion market for this unmet demand. Although these brands aim to promote a positive sense of self for Muslim women, they cannot be withheld from critical examination and potential interpretations when operating within the capitalist-driven industry that is so often plagued with significant injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I critically analyze the response offered by Gérard Bouchard, Jérôme Gosselin-Tapp and Michel Seymour – the three main theorists of "majoritarian interculturalism" – to the question of internal minorities. This question is how to protect religious minorities' right to practice their religion (as created or facilitated by multiculturalism or interculturalism) without violating their female members' right to lead a life free from oppression (as defended by feminism). I argue that these authors' response is ambiguous, in that it simultaneously embraces two postures – firmness and flexibility – which, when taken together, are contradictory and, when taken separately, present specific problems. If, in the particular case of the Islamic headscarf, these authors momentarily broaden their perspective, their arguments in this regard call for important nuances that are currently absent from their reasoning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests that erupted across Iran in 2022 after the death of a woman arrested for noncompliance with a headscarf requirement were not only about religious dress codes. They were a culmination of years of growing discontent over broader questions involving the place of women in the Islamic Republic and other grievances about the reach of an overbearing state and perceived social and political injustices. The erosion of civil society has made it difficult to sustain the protests' momentum, as the state moves to co-opt businesses and the public into enforcing its decrees, but the uprising is part of a longer-term, nonlinear process of dissent-driven change in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that privacy is essential for the personal boundaries of Muslim women who implement the hijab as part of their religious rules in terms of spatial practices within their environments. Visual aspects in relation to the concept of "seeing but not being seen" are fundamental in providing privacy. The "escape room" is a manifestation of spatial practices for privacy needs related to the presence of others who are not mahram in Islamic rules. Not only is the "escape room" a space (room) with dimensions of length, width, and height, but it also exists in the form of clothing. In this case study research, nine Muslim women respondents were observed and interviewed in depth and data relating to their clothes and their behavioral reactions in the presence of others in their dwellings were coded and analyzed. The study reveals that the privacy needs of Muslim women are strongly related to their religious beliefs and that to obtain this privacy these women create an "escape room". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research indicates that wearing the hijab reduces the attractiveness of female faces perceived by practicing Muslim men and women in their native Muslim country (the United Arab Emirates). The purpose of the current research was to develop this finding to investigate whether other aspects of person perception are also affected when women wear the hijab in this Muslim country. Of particular relevance is that changes in physical attractiveness often affect the personal qualities assigned to individuals. Accordingly, we sought to determine whether such effects occur when the physical attractiveness of women is altered by wearing the hijab. To do this, we used an Implicit Association Test (IAT) to investigate how native Muslim participants in the UAE associated pleasant and unpleasant connotations with images of women either wearing the hijab or with their heads uncovered. As in previous research with native Muslim participants, female faces were again perceived as significantly less attractive when the hijab was worn. However, the accompanying IAT findings showed that these less attractive hijab-wearing images were associated more with pleasant connotations than were the matched uncovered images. These findings provide fresh insight into the effects of the hijab on perceptions of Muslim women in a Muslim country and provide support for the view that cultural clothing can influence person perception beyond physical attractiveness alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the 2022 Sharm El-Sheikh International Theatre Festival for Youth, Saudi women performed in a public square without hijab. Al-Enezī's al-Sujanā ʾ al-ahrā r (Free Prisoners) is not only about art and liberty, it enacts it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on a design brief initiated by the New Zealand Police to address barriers faced by Muslim women in joining the force, specifically related to the absence of a hijab as part of the standard uniform. Topics include the Police's consultation on international police forces' practices; the interdisciplinary course at Massey University focused on accessible and inclusive fashion design; and the significance of the project in promoting inclusion and cultural diversity.

We examine the emerging meanings of hijab practice as feminist strategy, and as a symbol of visibility for young Muslim women and girls in India. Through digital ethnography based on Instagram pages of selected retailers of hijabs, we explore the possibility of hijab as a costume of insubordination, and Islamic fashion as a critical practice against the backdrop of the 2022 Karnataka hijab row. We employ an analysis of Instagram posts to mark the intersecting points of faith, fashion media, and market in framing aesthetics for clothing practices among young Indian Muslim women. We also explore new contours of feminist assertions in the Muslim community, and how the digitally mediated visibility of Muslim women and girls contests the notion of Islamic fashion as oxymoronic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I look at the perceptions, practices, and politics of donning the hijab in the lives of young Muslim women and girls in Kashmir. I conducted narrative analysis on observations and unstructured interviews that asked for young women's descriptions about the happenings, relationships, emotions, actions, and choices related to the donning of hijab with a recognition of the historical, cultural, and social context shaping them. My analysis departs from the binaries of oppression vs. resistance and personal vs. political to underscore the spatiotemporal everyday lived realities of hijabi girls and young women in locating the practice at the confluence of religion, militarization, and digitalization, tracing both the disjunctions and convergence in participants' hijab narratives, thereby reconceptualizing the notion of agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through collaborative autoethnography, a mother and a daughter with shared and diverging identities examine the hijab as a radical practice of feminist resistance in our lives. Our lived experiences as Indo-Caribbean social workers and university educators at a predominantly white institution offer a unique point of departure from normative narratives of hijabi girls and women. Using a critical feminist analysis, we chronicle our journey through more than 60 years of patriarchal oppression and white supremacy. Our stories reveal a complicated relationship with the hijab as an important faith practice which also functions as a marker of otherness that signals unbelonging in all spheres of our lives including the academy and social work practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 9/11 and the Global War on Terror, the West has fixated policy on the hijab, framing it as oppressive and as a threat to women's rights. This entrenched colonial perspective affects Muslim girl athletes globally. Public discourse on hijabs in sports often overlooks their complex symbolism and the athletes' choices. Drawing on Indigenous, postcolonial, and critical feminist theories, we explore in this article how Muslim girl athletes navigate hijab politics, expressing their agency through refusal and resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I analyze the American flag as hijab both in the infamous "We the People" (2017) campaign poster by Shepard Fairey and its adaptation by Muslim girls and young women during protests against President Trump's inauguration and subsequent immigration policies (including the infamous Muslim Ban). Despite critical acclaim that hailed the American flag hijab largely as revolutionary, I argue that it embodies a symbolic visualization of a liberated Muslim woman figure that is central to the survival of American imperialism. Using frameworks that understand freedom shaped by neoliberal interests and interrogating the histories of the flag in both American immigration and colonial contexts, I demonstrate that the American flag as hijab for girls and women reinforces the larger constructs it seeks to resist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]