Search

The article discusses the name change of the journal "Twentieth Century British History" to "Modern British History" and the reasons behind this change. The journal aims to broaden its scope beyond the 1990s and reflect its openness to work on the recent past. It also explores the challenges of defining "modernity" and "Britishness" in the field of modern British history, emphasizing the need to consider transnational contexts and expand methodologies and approaches. The article further examines the impact of digitization on historical research, highlighting both the opportunities and limitations it presents. It also addresses the importance of embracing digital methodologies and acknowledges the impact of working conditions and inequalities in higher education on the field of history. The issue of the journal includes various commentaries, roundtables, and reflections on the field, as well as showcasing the journal's initiatives and award-winning articles. The authors express gratitude to contributors and emphasize the significance of peer review in sustaining the vitality and robustness of the field. [Extracted from the article]

The book "Venezuela - Dimensions of a Crisis: A Perspective on Democratic Backsliding" edited by Miguel Angel Latouche, Wolfgang Muno, and Alexandra Gericke provides a multidimensional analysis of the crisis in Venezuela. The book is divided into three sections, covering theoretical perspectives, domestic factors, and international interactions. It explores the rise of Chavismo and the decline of liberal democracy in Venezuela, examining ideological factors, the role of political parties, and the impact on public administration and the military. The book also discusses the international dimension of the crisis, including the positions of the European Union and the United States, as well as the relationship with neighboring Colombia. While the book does not extensively explore the role of China and Russia, it offers valuable insights into the limits of democracy in Venezuela. [Extracted from the article]

However, because democratic universality remained a moral claim within traditional International Law of equally sovereign states, they were not able to institutionalize democracy appropriately I within i the respectively single national state until 1945. Therefore, democracy does not work as long as it is democracy in one country alone - and each country, nation, national state is alone within old International Law of equally sovereign states (as God was before creation). Already in response to the loss of agency in the age of finance-driven global capitalism with "market-embedded states" ([23]), the state itself has become a tightly interconnected organization within a global network of segmentally differentiated state and non-state political organizations, causing major problems for democracy ([20]). However, it fails methodologically in its application to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine because this war is not just a war between two national states but a war within a highly complex and legally I institutionalized i world society in which all wars have become world wars. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the decline in popularity of John Rawls' political philosophy and the need for a renewed and updated version of Rawlsianism. The authors of the book "Legitimation by Constitution," Frank Michelman and Alessandro Ferrara, argue that Rawls' work was successful in establishing a nonideal conception of normativity, but it needs to be modified to address the challenges of the present moment. They propose expanding on Rawls' principle of liberal legitimacy to accommodate hyperpluralism and emphasize the importance of democratic constituent power in establishing democratic legitimacy. The book offers intriguing ideas for refurbishing Rawlsianism and stimulating further discussion on political philosophy. [Extracted from the article]

2 Danielle Allen, I Our Declaration: A Reading of the Declaration of Independence in Defense of Equality i (New York: Liveright Publishing, 2014), 31. 3 Danielle Allen, I Difference Without Domination i : I Pursuing Justice in Diverse Democracies i (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2020), 42. 4 Allen, I Our Declaration i , 23. 5 Danielle Allen. In this century we must commit ourselves to the democratic wholeness that Allen has described throughout her oeuvre - even when we do not see it from the same political-ideological vantage - or we will lose democracy itself to history, and I think that's the very stark and grave choice that is before us. Keywords: democracy; inequality; organizing; pragmatism; structural change; political change EN democracy inequality organizing pragmatism structural change political change 851 856 6 10/03/23 20231001 NES 231001 I have known Danielle Allen since I was a graduate student at the University of Chicago. [Extracted from the article]

Long-established liberal democracies with histories of settler colonialism—from the United States and Canada to Australia and Scandinavia—are beginning to explore their histories of violence and dispossession. This, in many ways, is long overdue, but the desire to come to terms with past injustices should not obscure the challenges that still stand in the way of any reasonable effort to do so. We argue that transitional justice can be applied to colonial history in liberal democracies, but there are major conceptual and practical obstacles that need to be overcome if this is to happen in meaningful ways. We explore three of these obstacles here that are particularly significant: the doctrine of intertemporal law, the unequal power balance between the Global North and the Global South, and national identity. If these are to be overcome, it is important to tie historical to present injustices and to incorporate, beyond violations of physical rights, violations of economic and social rights that are particularly relevant for understanding continuities between past and ongoing violations. These rights are commonly neglected even by states that recognize a broad set of liberal rights and have the capacity to ensure that they are realized, and represent a promising avenue for pursuing a truly inclusive, equitable, and universal understanding of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research was carried out on the establishment, development, intellectual line, declaration and especially the program of The Turkish National Society, which was established during the armistice period. No comprehensive scientific studies have been conducted on The Turkish National Society until today. This society was established on November 23, 1918, after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros on October 30, 1918, and emerged under the leadership of the educational intellectuals of the period. The founders of the society are Halil Nimetullah (Öztürk), Mehmet Sadi, Halit Fahri (Ozansoy), Servet, Hıfzı Tevfik (Gönensay) and Rıza İzzet. These educator intellectuals defended the idea of Turkish nationalism in an intellectual sense. Two main factors are effective in the emergence of The Turkish National Society. The first of these is to defend this feature of the Turkish nation, which has civilized qualifications, against the entire civilized world with its evidence and documents. The second important factor is to re-establish solidarity in the country by gathering the society, which was on the verge of disintegration after the armistice, around the idea of Turkish nationalism. When The Turkish National Society was founded, it published a society program consisting of twenty-four articles. Since all the founders of the society were educators, one of the important issues focused on is the issue of education and training. Accordingly, the society aims to spread its educational activities throughout the country and to increase the quality of education as much as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2014 Scottish independence referendum settled little in terms of Scotland's constitutional future. The after‐effects of what was the largest exercise in democracy in Scottish history certainly increased Scotland's devolved authority but, following withdrawal from the EU and with continuing differences and disagreements between the Westminster and Scottish governments, there have been increasing demands for a second referendum. One aspect of these conversations has been about the voting rights of Scots living outside Scotland, whose relationship with the nation would certainly be impacted by any successful vote for Scottish independence. And yet, they have had no voice in that decision and despite calls for their inclusion in any future vote, such inclusion remains unlikely. This article examines the reasons why such inclusion would be challenging and then considers what the Scottish diaspora think about Scottish independence and voting rights, by considering qualitative responses to a survey of members of the Scottish diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ability of historical materialism to articulate a history of democracy that focuses on social conflict as the main engine for the emergence and consolidation of representati- ve democratic institutions. The article begins by reflecting on the withdrawal and rise of Marxism in the academic world. It continues to define democracy as an object of study and investigates the capacity of political Marxism as a tool for the construction of this historical interpretation. Historiographical background in this field continues to be exposed to end with an exposition of the hypotheses of our targeted research plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Histories of democracy in modern Japan often position 'democracy' itself as an elite, introduced, inorganic facet of post-defeat Japan's reconstruction by outside influences. However, analysis of discourses and texts prior to this revisionist narrative reveal a much more complex and continuous intellectual history at play. Ishizaka Yōjirō's (1900–1986) run-away hit Aoi sanmyaku (Blue mountain range, 1947) was a timely and highly influential serialised work in The Asahi Shimbun, which was quickly republished as a novel and then adapted into a massively successful film in 1949. In this discussion the work both uses and challenges a feudalism versus democracy binary, and reveals strong intellectual continuities between prewar and post-war thinking regarding modernity. The work also challenges the positioning of relationships between school-age male and female students as a symbol of democracy and modernism in this era. Through Ishizaka's use of debate and humour, this work is not an account of the failings of democracy, or its success, but rather an exploration of the tensions that emerge with attempts to implement these discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The communication restrictions in Indian administered Kashmir has come to an end on 5 February 2021, the ban on high-speed internet was going on since 5 August 2019 when Narendra Modi led government stripped Article 370 of the Indian constitution that provides quasi-autonomy to the region. Though Kashmiris are very much used to these kinds of blackouts but what makes it unprecedented is the duration of this longest ever communication blockade [550 days] in the history of any democracy. These challenges, coupled with intimidation, threats and movement restrictions by the state make it too difficult for the media to operate freely in the region. This paper is an attempt towards analysing the events after the abrogation of Article 370 and the impact it has on press freedom in the region. Also, an effort has been made to understand the perception of local journalists reporting from ground zero post August 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

But Norton does much more: by exploring Troeltsch in context, he reveals a level of nuance in Troeltsch and his like-minded colleagues that has seldom been appreciated. This is telling: despite the weight Norton places on Troeltsch's writing on freedom, it may well be that Troeltsch was more a pragmatist than a committed democrat. Troeltsch may not have been quite the democrat Norton might have wished for, but he was a realist and a compromiser, and could see the humanity of the enemy, and that alone makes him worth reading. [Extracted from the article]

Universal histories of the very same kind of the one that Fukuyama undertook were considered utterly outmoded.[15] At once timely and untimely, Fukuyama's book presented an argument that spoke to the I Zeitgeist i of the times, but couched it in old-fashion terminology at odds with it. Underwriting Fukuyama's originality is the following declaration: While uncovering the original Hegel is an important task for the purposes of the "present argument", we are interested not in Hegel per se but in Hegel-as-interpreted-by-Kojève, or perhaps a new, synthetic philosopher named Hegel-Kojève. Keywords: Universal history; liberal democracy; Fukuyama; end of history EN Universal history liberal democracy Fukuyama end of history 824 833 10 10/04/22 20221001 NES 221001 I It is against this background that the remarkable worldwide character of the current liberal revolution takes on special significance. It was at the Olin Center that Fukuyama first presented his end of history argument at the invitation of Nathan Tarcov and Allan Bloom (Fukuyama, I The End of History i , ix). [Extracted from the article]

Universal manhood suffrage — the right to an equal vote for all adult males, regardless of racial, economic or literacy conditions, as adopted by some Spanish American countries in the 1850s, at a time when very few countries in the Western world had done so — is the subject of this article. It considers in more detail the experience of New Granada (Colombia), with some comparative references, especially to Argentina and Mexico, in the wider context of the 1848 European revolutions. It offers a novel contribution to the wider historiography of suffrage while also contributing to a growing literature that seeks to decentre the history of democracy. Additionally, in as much as issues related to suffrage were central to the process of constitution-making, what we detail here has some bearing on the renewed interest in constitutional history. While this is above all an engagement with history, it is hoped that its findings will have relevance to theoretical discussions among social scientists on the expansion of suffrage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Petition, writes Daniel Carpenter in his excellent I Democracy by Petition, i is like a prehistory to the history of democracy. Much like forms of anti-democracy, petitions become expressions of distress toward a governing majority.[2] Footnotes 1 Petition fits well with presentation as making claims, on which see Saward ([2]). Although the petition promoted by the Chartists in 1848 was massive and gained one million signatures, on the whole petitions were less determinant in the trajectory of European democracy. [Extracted from the article]

The aim of the paper is to illuminate how folktales, with their specific conceptualization of universal dilemmas, reflect culture-bound patterns of decision-making in relation to the contemporary socio-political discourse in a given society. In this respect, I perceive folktales firstly as a reflection of embedded cognitive/cultural matrices that determine »cognitive-instrumental rationality«, linked to traditions and cultural norms (Jürgen Habermas). I explore these matrices using a new methodological approach which connects the sociological theory of fairy tales, deliberative democracy and cognitive history. This approach is then applied to the analysis of the conceptualization of dilemmas in three Slovenian folktales (Mojca Pokrajculja, The Ant and the Lazy Cricket, The Bean, the Straw, and the Coal). The analysis asserts correlations between traditionally and culturally conditioned forms of decision-making, and contemporary practices of decision-making / deliberation, thus shedding light on the specifics of national epistemology from a comparative and historicist perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the long history of democracy some notion of rational intercourse has always played its part. A common arena, whether concrete or abstracted, has provided a capacity for the exchange of opinion, argument and for arbitration and decision making. While the nature of this arena has evolved, a shared understanding of what the grounds of agreement, and disagreement, has usually been evident. This consensus has come under radical question in contemporary politics. The attendant concepts of communicative, or public reason — the former most closely associated with the critical theorist, philosopher and sociologist, Habermas, and the latter with the political philosopher Rawls has also been challenged from left and right. This article will present a defence of the use of public reason as an important component of the fight against COVID-19, and in the cause of both democracy and social solidarity — as these ideals have come under strain in the first decades of the twenty-first Century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Declining turnout, declining party membership, declining aggregate vote for mainstream parties and increasing vote for anti‐party‐system parties all suggest a crisis of liberal party democracy. One suggested cure for the crisis of party democracy is more democracy within parties. But increased intraparty democracy, and increased use of instruments of direct democracy, such as recall, have their own potential costs. Following the example of de Tocqueville in looking to the United States, where intraparty democracy has a longer and deeper history, for lessons and warnings that might be applicable to Europe, this article points to polarization, alienation, intransigence, and decreased responsibility of political leaders – all feeding the anti‐party‐system narrative – as suggesting that the cure of more democracy may indeed be worse than the disease. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social protests are a feature of democracy in Latin America. When the police cannot handle them, governments, facing threats to their tenure, are tempted to order the armed forces to step in. The military, when ordered to deploy in counter-protest operations, exhibits behaviors ranging from defiance to conditional and full compliance. The article investigates the sources of variation in military responses to mass protests, leveraging a small-n comparative analysis and a diverse case selection strategy. It draws on qualitative evidence from Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador, democracies with a history of protests. It finds that a combination of the judicial risks soldiers assume if they repress, professional mission preferences, and social identity between the military and the protesters are the most compelling explanations for military responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical evidence points to democratic erosion as dominant pattern in Post-Cold War cases. The debate about democratic erosion so far remains fragmented due to the proliferation of labels, and the lack of conceptualization and a shared definition. This paper presents a concept of democratic erosion as a route of "slow death" of democracy developing three definatory features: agency, opportunity and sequencing. Regarding the drivers of this change, the argument presented here is actor-centered, conceiving democratic erosion as a process shaped by the intentionality and systematic actions of an erosion agent. In view of the mechanism, the article introduces sequencing as specific logic of action that is able to explain the incremental dismantling. This logic of action is derived inductively from the Venezuelan case and illustrates the pattern of active and intentional change of rules realized in sequenced hollowing out of democratic structures, processes, norms, and principles. Five developed sequences serve as framework for the analysis of democratic erosion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her latest monograph, I Infamous Bodies: Early Black Women's Celebrity and the Afterlives of Rights i , Samantha Pinto theorizes "uncertainty" and "vulnerability" to problematize the mire of issues surrounding Black women's early celebrity in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Infamous Bodies: Early Black Women's Celebrity and the Afterlives of Rights by Samantha Pinto. [Extracted from the article]

The history of democracy is increasingly understood as not only the recovery of its practices and conceptualisations but also of its signifiers. In order to grasp the transition of the word "democracy" from a reviled to a revered term in Britain, this article focuses on socialist uses of the democratic idiom during the 1880s. Across a study of socialist publications, speeches and newspapers, three different uses of "democracy" emerge. First, the word could mean a political ideal to be materialised, through universal suffrage but more widely by means of popular and direct control of Parliament. Second, the term was seen as a dangerous illusion that cast a veil over capitalist oppression. Third, "democracy" could denote a political reality already present in Britain, which needed to be reflected in the economic sphere. Although sometimes diverging, these uses can be linked to three important socialist organisations: the Social Democratic Federation (S.D.F.), the Socialist League (S.L.) and the Fabian Society (F.S.). Recovering these distinctive uses illuminates the relationship between "democracy" and "socialism" and offers a key with which to understand our current political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years and decades, authoritarian regimes and illiberal democracies have passed and enforced punitive memory laws, intending to ban certain interpretations of past events or sheltering official versions of history against challenges. This comes as no surprise in countries whose governments undermine pluralism and assume the existence of a historical truth that is stable over time, invariable, and self-explanatory. But why do liberal democracies, committed to political pluralism and open debate, pass laws that penalize challenges to certain interpretations of the past and restrict freedom of speech? This article argues that liberal democracies may do so yielding to bottom–up pressure by courts and to regulate civil law disputes for which existing legislation and jurisprudence may not suffice. Based on case studies from Germany, France, Switzerland, Poland, Ukraine, Russia, Turkey, Rwanda, and the former Yugoslavia, we also found punitive memory laws in liberal democracies narrower and more precise than in nonliberal states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Ottoman and Turkish history are filled with important events, both also contain complex stories as well debates from numerous perspectives, including republicanism, nationalism, conservatism, and orientalism, among others. Danforth also explores the geography and foreign policy of Turkey with regard to its Arab neighbors and the US engagement in the Middle East during the Cold War. Overall, Danforth's work remains a historically useful academic source relevant to those interested in the DP era, the Turkish press, Turkish-American cooperation during the Cold War, and Turkish modernity and nostalgia in the mid-twentieth century. [Extracted from the article]

Elections, one of the important facts of the history of Turkish democracy, guide us in understanding the periods. Presidential elections are also important in this sense. Republic of Turkey, founded by 20 times from 1923 until 2014 lived in the presidential election; Those before 2014 were elected by the parliament and by the public in 2014. The election of the President, which was held in 1980, was inconclusive. In the elections, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and İsmet İnönü have come to this position four times, Celal Bayar three times, and other presidents once. The subject of the study consists of the 1980 President Election Process, which was conducted in 1980 and failed. Within the framework of a qualitative study, it was tried to be done depending on the document analysis. In the country, which has chaotic days periodically, it appears as evidence that unity or togetherness or reconciliation is impossible. At the end of 1980, we have been able to see how fragmented that of Turkey, albeit a bit. At the end of the article, the presidential election process shows that the movement is impossible at the point of unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of "literary democracy" can be traced back to the early twentieth century, which this article does by looking initially at the work of Georg Lukács. His distinctly humanist view of literary democracy resonates with other key thinkers, including Erich Auerbach and Mikhail Bakhtin. But it is in the contemporary work of Jacques Rancière that an explicit engagement with this idea resurfaces. The task, then, becomes to trace the progression in thought in the passage between these two thinkers, and to evaluate the differences in their concept of literary democracy. Whilst Lukács presents a humanist view of the relation between literature and democracy, Rancière, I argue, presents an anti-humanist view. This claim leads to a critique of Rancière's anti-humanist position, which has much in common with concepts of democracy in critical theory at-large. The essay ends by returning to Lukács' work, which provides some solutions to the problems posed by Rancière's. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite Turkey's long-standing history of inter-party democracy, its political parties have remained distant from intra-party democracy (IPD). This study investigates the quality and level of Turkey's four big parties' IPD culture with a systematic, quantitative survey data collected from parties' district members in 2015. The data analysis demonstrates that despite its anti-systemic left-radicalism and alleged association with the armed groups, the Kurdish left (HDP) is relatively the most internally democratic party. The centre-left CHP has some edge owing to its limited use of primaries for candidate selection, yet it often comes secondary after the HDP. The two parties of the Turkish-Islamic right, AKP and MHP, are relatively more autocratic, sometimes indistinguishable. Despite the overwhelming effects of the failed coup and the system change with the 2017 referendum, the birth of new splinter parties such as the Good Party (İYİ), Future Party and DEVA still points to potential future in-party dynamics that can help improve the IPD culture in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black Americans need not be told that racism is not accidental, nor is it marginal in their lives. The rest of the American society does. In fact, race is a foundational consideration in the development of democracy in Anglo-American history. This article attempts to demonstrate, through colonial history of Hong Kong, how white supremacy played a central role in shaping the British colonial policy during the nineteenth century--the reign of Queen Victoria. Hong Kong was ceded to the British Empire when two ideas in Victorian England were competing to dominate its colonial policy: one was anti-slavery, and the other free trade. Anti-slavery demanded imperial control over British overseas colonies because the Empire became increasingly frustrated by the fact colonists--who were slave owners--refused to carry out abolition. For that reason, senior colonial policymakers preferred new colonies set up as "Crown Colonies," as it accorded more control to the Crown. On the other hand, overseas colonies were increasingly considered as a financial burden to the Empire. Free-trade advocates--Adam Smith and his followers--pushed for less direct control and more autonomy in the colonies. This view led to representative democracy in Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Hong Kong was established as a "Crown Colony," but there was no lack of interest in pushing for democracy. This article is largely based on internal communications between colonial administrators in London and Hong Kong in their debates about the proper policy choice in Hong Kong. It reveals the central consideration of race in deciding the political structure for Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to refine our understanding of the potential perils and possibilities of national myths for democratic history education. Previous research studies in history education have often assumed that national myths are ideological constructs serving the interests of the privileged. This study examines national myths as empty signifiers responding to students' present demands. The focus is the case of Catalonia, where nationalism has recently grown. Based on interview (14) and questionnaire (340) data collected from Catalan secondary students, my analysis suggests that national myths can be open to existing contemporary demands against a powerful Other. As such, national myths can be considered an interface where history educators can intervene. National myths, and likely other myths and countermyths, might implicitly or explicitly exclude some students whilst providing others with a collective identity capable of political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about the relationship between the U.S. Civil War and the debate on liberal democracy in Great Britain. Topics discussed include the liberation of Sicily from the Bourbon king's oppressive regime; the Confederates' fight for independence, and the human degradation associated with slavery, with the institutionalized prejudice of racial segregation.

The article is dedicated to analysis of the phenomenon typically referred to as "barbarism," which remains in social and political practice to this day. The authors focus on so-called "vertical barbarism." Unlike the "horizontal" barbarism known since antiquity, this type of barbarism relates not to a direct clash of peoples, but to complex social processes, in particular to powerful vertical mobility and a massive increase in opportunities for broad segments of population to gain access to achievements of civilization. The authors believe that the birth of vertical barbarism relates to the phenomenon described by the Spanish philosopher Ortega y Gasset as "the revolt of the masses." This was one of the most significant social and cultural shifts in human history, when the development of democracy and industrial technology gave rise to a new kind of social space that brought the "mass man" to the forefront of social and political life. As a result of the revolt of the masses, during the first half of the 20th century, a wave of vertical barbarism swept across Europe, leading to the establishment of fascist, Nazi, and right-wing authoritarian regimes in a series of European countries. After the end of World War II, this first wave of vertical barbarism receded in favor of the formation of consumer society, in which the mass man turned from an aggressive political subject into its relatively passive object. The authors interpret the political engagement of the mass man in recent years as a new wave of vertical barbarism. They believe that behind this wave lie the fear and frustration of a mass man who has failed to adapt to the sharp expansion of his living space, and the qualitative transformation of the social sphere caused by the late 19th-early 20th century development of democracy and technological revolution. This situation is aggravated by a lack of appropriate attention to these shifts by the political structures and powers that be, which leads to a sense of abandonment that motivates the mass man to revolt against the established order and challenge modern civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]