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A Wife to Be Lett (1723), Eliza Haywood’s first original comedy, is often viewed as a casual early investment in drama more productively reoriented to novel writing. Taking a contrary view, this article shows how this early play is a sophisticated, self-reflective piece in which the author rehearses what became a recurrent motif in her writing: the unique hardships besetting women’s authorship. By drawing attention to the shared predicaments of wives and women writers, Haywood’s play offers a metaphoric figuration of the woman author as a wife, providing a twist to the common trope of the writer as prostitute. A Wife to Be Lett voiced a powerful criticism against the hypocrisy of a society that relied on women (as wives and writers) for the production and circulation of capital but obstructed their efforts to do so. The play’s radical depiction of women as figures of authority and social respectability in the twin markets of marriage and literature sheds light on the moderate success it had on the stage and its far longer afterlife in print. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of increasing political polarization in many democracies, politicians who try to make amends for past harms will often find that their reputation in the eyes of the other side is irredeemable. In such cases, publicly playing up rather than toning down those attributes that have made one an "archvillain" will often be a more effective way of making amends—whether by mobilizing an opposing camp with which one now secretly sympathizes, by increasing the chances of moderate candidates to win crucial elections, or by increasing the chance that the dangerous camp to which one pretends to belong will self-destruct. I explore several possible explanations for why repentant political wrongdoers might have a moral duty to "play the villain" to such ends. Drawing on the philosophy of punishment, and on the hypocrisy literature, I argue that the best explanation revolves around the inevitability of hypocrisy in democratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Standard View, a blamee can dismiss another's blaming of her as hypocritical and thus standingless if, and only if, the blamer's violations of the norm he is invoking are as bad as the blamee's. I defend a counterexample to this view showing that blame can be hypocritical and thus standingless when, simultaneously with blaming, the blamer willingly violates, in a minor way, the norm he is invoking. If correct, this has important implications for accounts of what makes hypocritical blame standingless. Hypocritical blame of the sort involved in my counterexample cannot be accommodated by the moral equality account of standing to blame. Nor can existing commitment accounts accommodate it without revising the way we think about standing‐relevant commitment. Hence, this article points to a need for both revising the common view of when blame can be dismissed as hypocritical and rethinking the two standard accounts of that in virtue of which we have or lack standing to blame. Specifically, it points to an interesting way in which standing to blame appears to be time‐relative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to nuance the traditional interpretation of Bishop Adalbero of Laon's satirical Carmen ad Rotbertum regem as a rebuttal of Cluniac reform and its disruptive effect on early eleventh‐century society. Study of the text's literary antecedents reveals that its criticism was rooted in a tradition of commentaries on the conduct and attitudes of a much larger monastic cohort. Furthermore, comparison of its argument with evidence about the context and with a number of polemical statements regarding the relations between bishops and monastic leaders since the 990s indicates that the author's focus was on cautioning against abbots' hypocrisy rather than against a programmatic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Time theft, especially with the shift to remote work during the pandemic, is an increasing challenge for organizations. Existing studies demonstrate that both authoritarian leadership and laissez-faire leadership can exacerbate time theft, putting leaders in a behavioral dilemma of neither being strict nor lenient. Additionally, the pervasive and covert nature of time theft diminishes the effectiveness of subsequent corrective actions. Our study aims to investigate how to prevent time theft by mitigating employees' inclinations. Based on role theory, our study examines whether supervisor developmental feedback can encourage employees to perform work roles more appropriately. To uncover the complicated internalization process of role expectation, our study incorporates perceived insider status and work passion as serial mediators and considers the boundary effect of leaders' word–deed consistency. In Study 1, a survey of 402 employees revealed that supervisor developmental feedback can negatively predict employee time theft through employees' perceived insider status and work passion. Study 2 employs the same sample to further identify three topics of supervisor developmental feedback: skill learning, attitude learning, and social learning. Moreover, serial multiple mediating effects are affirmed across topics. The findings suggest that providing feedback on employees' learning and growth is an effective approach to prevent time theft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Punishment institutions are a major guarantor of prosocial behavior. At the same time, their asymmetrical power structure may lead to antisocial behavior itself. We investigate power abuse, understood as the use of power for personal gain, of a single punisher in a public-goods game subject to variations in punishment power and contribution transparency. Using a laboratory experiment we find a high amount of abuse across all conditions. More power led to more abuse over time, while transparency could only curb abuse in the high power conditions. These findings highlight the dangers of power centralization but suggest a more complex relation of power and transparency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chronic emotional abandonment is traumatic for children, and often leads them to identify with the aggressor (IWA)—in order to hold onto their needed attachment to their parents, they feel, think, and do what their parents require, blame themselves for being abused and for their family's unhappiness, and feel ashamed. IWA often persists as a general tendency. Treatment requires therapists' dependability, attunement, empathy, interest, humility, and perhaps playfulness. Patients' history of abandonment should be explored in detail, though patients may be protective of their parents. Therapists should explore their own behavior if necessary, and acknowledge lapses; normalize and explore patients' shame; and avoid trying to "rescue" patients. Patients must be helped to re‐find authority and agency over their own lives, and mourn their early loss of feeling "the right to a life." The treatment of "Claire," a 40‐something child of two depressed parents, illustrates some of these points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Moral Equality Account of Hypocrisy (ME) is a prominent theory of why hypocrites lack moral standing to blame. Hypocrites make exceptions for themselves and thereby implicitly deny moral equality, which is an essential premise of moral standing to blame. ME has recently faced challenges from philosophers who deny that it is the hypocrite's rejection of moral equality that causes her to lose moral standing to blame. I have distinguished three main challenges which I discuss and rebut in this article: "The Internal Blame and Blame of Fictional Characters Challenge", which I attribute to Todd (2019), and "The Hypercrite Challenge" and "The Inegalitarian Norm Challenge", which are due to Lippert-Rasmussen (2021). The article begins by offering an account of ME. It fills in a few gaps in the theory, by explaining why it is necessary for a blamer to invoke a special right to blame and by determining the type of right that standing to blame is. It also distinguishes between the question of why hypocrisy is wrong or bad, and the question of why it undermines moral standing to blame. I hold that several theories provide plausible answers to the first question, but only ME has so far given a good answer to the second question. When distinguishing properly between these two questions, we see that ME can respond satisfactorily to the three challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers and philosophers have debated what leads people to judge others as being hypocritical. Some research has shown that perceivers consider targets to be more hypocritical when those targets contradict attitudes that are strongly (e.g., moralized and/or certain) rather than weakly held by the target. In the present work, I attempt to advance this research in several respects. First, I integrate these findings with research on the dimensions of attitude strength (i.e., commitment, embeddedness) to provide a more structured analysis of these claims. I show that characterizing a target's views as embedded and committed has many of the same hypocrisy‐related effects as labelling those views as moral, and affect (negative) evaluations of targets through similar mechanisms. However, in Experiment 3, I show that moral attitudes are, nonetheless, perceived as distinct from classic strength dimensions in one crucial respect: the presumption that the target would impose them on other people. Furthermore, whereas judgements of hypocrisy relating to embedded/committed attitudes can be mitigated when perceivers engage in situational attribution, perceivers rendering judgements of hypocrisy relating to moral attitudes resist situational counter‐explanations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immanuel Kant promised, 'as Your Majesty's loyal subject', to abstain from all public lectures about religion. All past commentators agree this phrase permitted Kant to return to the topic after the King died. But it is not part of the 'at‐issue content'. Consequently, 'as Your Majesty's loyal subject' is no more an escape clause than the corresponding phrase in 'I guarantee, as your devoted fan, that these guitar strings will not break'. Just as the guarantee stands regardless of whether the guarantor ceases to be your devoted fan, the compliance conditions of Kant's promise are not affected by Kant's ceasing to be the king's loyal subject. For good or ill, Kant made a lying promise to King Friedrich Wilhelm II in 1794. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Saul Smilansky presents us with a puzzle which, in combination with a small number of premises, is supposed to generate a reversal of Pascal's wager: the wagerer should bet on a secular lifestyle, and reject religion, as the surest way of pleasing God (if God exists). In this article, we argue that the puzzle, once unpacked, isn't particularly puzzling, that the premises aren't true, and that Smilansky's wager is open to both reductio and a reversal of its own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pascal famously argued that practical reasoning should lead people to try to form within themselves a commitment to religious practice and obedience, based upon a belief in God. I propose to take a less ambitious argument, which I call the Sensible Argument, and use it to present The Puzzle. I argue that there is a huge puzzle here, about the radical dissonance between the beliefs and practices of many of the purportedly religious. There are, I will argue, good reasons to doubt, concerning many (clearly not all or indeed most) purported religious believers, whether they are indeed believers, or at least whether their beliefs are strong; and religion seems to greatly increase the risks of deception, duplicity, and hypocrisy, as well as self-deception and inauthenticity. By turning towards a religious form of life, one will therefore be adding great morality-related risks. Arguably, if there is a God who deeply cares about individual moral behaviour, he would punish religious moral transgressors more than the secular ones. One is unlikely to be saved from hell (or other severe divine punishment) by becoming religious. If one is going to wager, it seems much more sensible to wager on the secular side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ayfer Tunç, who started her writing career in newspapers and magazines in the 1980s, addresses the difficulties of being a woman in a selfish, opportunistic, hypocritical, greedy, deceitful, and objectifying society in her latest novel, Kuru Kız. The symbolic narrative of the novel allows for both thematic and psychoanalytic examination, which can be interpreted through concepts such as Freud's Oedipus Complex, Kristeva's "abjection," and Arendt's "banality of evil." The connections between these concepts and the novel Kuru Kız are interpreted with examples from the text. There are significant parallels between the harassment of the sister by her brother and the subsequent events, and the mythological story of Oedipus, indicating a psychoanalytic construct where "The Brother" character embodies traces of guilt and abjection. The behavior of the neighborhood residents exemplifies thoughtlessness and lack of judgment, in line with Arendt's concept of the banality of evil. The concepts of abjection and disgust serve as symbols of "resistance" against the evils portrayed by the other two concepts in Kuru Kız's inner monologues. Ultimately, the novel allocates a significant portion of its narrative to the psychological and sociological roots of the evils manifested or endured by Kuru Kız and those around her. The author suggests "taking action" as a way out for women through the message conveyed in the novel. Merely being aware is not sufficient for women to find peace in their lives; they must bravely implement the necessary changes. The novel Kuru Kız contains strong evidence to be considered an example of a female bildungsroman, as it encapsulates the coming-of-age story of a woman. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: In recent years, due to the increasingly prominent role of voice behavior in leader decision-making and organizational performance, such behavior has become a central topic for scholars. A majority of studies explore the "uphold" effects of multiple leader behavior toward the voice behavior; nonetheless, our study revealed the "undo" effect --- leader hypocrisy on voice behavior. Drawing on social cognitive theory, we investigated the relationship between leader hypocrisy and voice behavior, examined the mediating effects of cognition-based trust and affect-based trust, and the moderating effect of moral identity. Patients and Methods: We conducted a three-wave survey in a large Chinese corporation to test the hypothesized model. We collected 562 employees to participate in this survey. Results: The results show that leader hypocrisy negatively impacts employees' cognition-based and affect-based trust, and both types of trust mediate the relationship between leader hypocrisy and voice behavior, respectively. In the meantime, moral identity manifested the negative effect of leader hypocrisy on cognition-based and affect-based trust. Conclusion: Our research not only enriches the related research on leader hypocrisy and voice behavior but also uncovers the underlying mechanism through which leader hypocrisy affects voice behavior and the boundary conditions of this effect. Meanwhile, our research provides a theoretical reference for increasing employees' voice behavior and promoting the healthy development of enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the relationship between the general factor of personality (GFP) and moral hypocrisy, the mediating effect of moral disengagement, and the moderating effect of system justification. Six hundred and four Chinese college students (59.9% female, Mage = 22.58, SD = 1.81) completed questionnaires assessing their personality and the levels of moral disengagement and system justification. The moral situation assessment paradigm was used to measure interpersonal moral hypocrisy (i.e., moral double standards). The task assignment paradigm was used to measure intrapersonal moral hypocrisy (i.e., misalignment between words and deeds). The results revealed that the GFP was negatively associated with moral hypocrisy, and moral disengagement mediated this relationship. In addition, this mediating effect of moral disengagement was moderated by system justification. That is, the mediation effect was stronger for students with a higher level of system justification. These findings provide educational suggestions for preventing and intervening in moral hypocrisy among college students. Practitioner points: The general factor of personality (GFP) was negatively associated with moral hypocrisy among college students.Moral disengagement played a mediating role between the GFP and moral hypocrisy among college students.Teachers should create a fair and just classroom climate and learning environment to reduce students' level of moral disengagement and prevent their moral hypocrisy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is no longer enough, if it ever was, for geographers to publish research with no mind to practising it in their daily lives. This essay is quasi‐polemical, calling for us to consider both our responsibilities as geographers and our futures outside of research and to more consciously think about how to be role models of our discipline in both our professional and private lives. Such labours include asking how we can act sustainably in hosting, travelling to, and catering for conferences and how we can address our need to help build community and accommodate diversity, which are often present in calls to action in our research. Acknowledging the potential for hypocrisy also means being engaged citizen scientists and Anthropoceneans. Let us start a conversation: are we only communicators, or can we be role models, too? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to evaluate the moral sensitivity of Iranian public librarians using a scenario-based approach. Based on an adopted moral sensitivity testing model nine scenarios were developed to assess bribery, discrimination, hypocrisy, contempt, blackmail, collusion, cover-up, whistleblowing, and disregarding merits. The scenarios were sent to a sample of 588 librarians via e-mail. The results indicated that the librarians had a moderate level of moral sensitivity and their moral development was at the "conventional level II." This suggests that their focus has been on social aspects and upstream regulations in making moral judgments while considering legality and morality as equivalent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM) and the Global Compact on Refugees (GCM) were adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2018. After nearly five years, it is time for a critical reflection on the geopolitical interests that motivated the negotiations, agreements, and implementation. The purpose of this special issue was to critically examine how states used the Global Compacts to achieve their strategic interests using migration diplomacy. Each article attempts to question and problematise the assumptions, logics, and rhetoric put forward in the Global Compacts and resulting implementation by states and international organisations. The special issue also highlights the emerging norm of state responsibility for well-managed migration within the Global Compacts, and the notable silences around non-refoulement, internal displacement, and climate migration. The authors in this special issue worked to understand the gaps, hypocrisy, and contradictions in the implementation, now five years after the adoption of the Global Compacts. This introduction article lays out the driving questions for the special issue, along with our main themes, concepts, and contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is important to align what we teach with how we teach information literacy (IL), otherwise we may inadvertently engage with what Hipple et al. (2021) identify as the pedagogy of hypocrisy through neoliberal pressure in higher education. This occurs when there is a misalignment between the values and principles behind what we teach and the pedagogical approaches we take when teaching. For example, when teaching IL concepts that intend to engage with social justice themes around access privilege and information, the pedagogy of hypocrisy can occur when we simply demonstrate how to access library resources on the library's website, without engaging in critical conversations about systems that contribute to inequities in access within society. To counter this, Hipple et al. (2021) suggest that those who teach must critically reflect on who they teach for, examine how they use and activate (or co-opt) social justice language, and name dominant and oppressive structures. This paper builds on Hipple's argument to suggest ways of recognising the pedagogy of hypocrisy within IL practices, and argues that this recognition is key to countering hegemonic ideologies within LIS teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A 'bad feminist' is someone who endorses feminist ideals and values but finds themselves falling short of them. Since bad feminists exhibit an inconsistency between what they say and what they do, this can generate worries about hypocrisy. This article investigates whether and when members of political movements with certain ideals ought to worry they are being hypocritical. It first provides a diagnosis of why worries about hypocrisy seem common in the political arena. I argue that accusations of hypocrisy are apt when one is in insufficiently committed to the values entailed by one's pronouncements. It is particularly hard to assess what constitutes sufficient commitment in politics because many issues are multi-factorial, overdetermined, and involve numerous competing considerations, making it difficult to assess how genuine commitments to values should manifest in behaviour. Since there are many ways that one can act inconsistently with their pronouncements, mere inconsistency is not a signal of hypocrisy, particularly if one is disposed to take on costs to further that movement's ends. I also consider and respond to a number of considerations against calling out hypocrisy, including worries about our accuracy, worries about the effects such accusations have on discourse, and worries about how accusations incentivise particular kinds of behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is information about "hypocrisy" (riyā) in the Qur'ān and hadiths, which are the two main sources of Islam. Hypocrisy is criticized by Allah and His Messenger and it is emphasized that hypocrisy is not regarded as a feature of faith. It is seen that the words riyā and sum'a express the same meaning in classical sources and are often used together. In this study, the words hypocrisy and süm'a were analyzed after mentioning its basic concepts in the context of faith, under the headings of intention, faith, good deeds, sincerity and ihsanbeing related to hypocrisy. The concept of "jah", reffering the ambition for rank and position, which is one of the main factors that lead to hypocrisy and that is mentioned in classical works, was also evaluated. Then the types of hypocrisy, its effect on faith and the treatment of hypocrites were examined. The purpose of this study is to classify and evaluate the subject from a holistic perspective, as much as possible, by analyzing the concepts related to hypocrisy, within the framework of the expressions in the Qur'ān and the Sunnah and the determinations of the ancient scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the process and outcome of the review and recast of the EU Dual-use Regulation which concluded in 2020. The recast was dominated by conflicts both among EU member states and between the European Council, European Commission and European Parliament about the interlinked issues of expanding the range of human rights states should consider when implementing the Regulation and controlling exports of "cyber-surveillance items". The processes through which states individually and collectively determine their content of their export controls are often portrayed as a zero-sum contest between "norms" and "interests". This article argues that the recast can be better understood if it is viewed as a competition between different constitutive and regulative norms grounded in humanitarian, economic and national security concerns. The article also argues that the outcome of the recast can be better understood if we apply Brunsson's concept of "organized hypocrisy" and view it as a set of compromises which sought to address several competing norms. The article concludes by reflecting on the potential wider application of the "competing norms" and "organized hypocrisy" frameworks for other studies of states' export controls and export control regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ayfer Tunç, who started her writing career in newspapers and magazines in the 1980s, addresses the difficulties of being a woman in a selfish, opportunistic, hypocritical, greedy, deceitful, and objectifying society in her latest novel, Kuru Kız. The symbolic narrative of the novel allows for both thematic and psychoanalytic examination, which can be interpreted through concepts such as Freud's Oedipus Complex, Kristeva's "abjection," and Arendt's "banality of evil." The connections between these concepts and the novel Kuru Kız are interpreted with examples from the text. There are significant parallels between the harassment of the sister by her brother and the subsequent events, and the mythological story of Oedipus, indicating a psychoanalytic construct where "The Brother" character embodies traces of guilt and abjection. The behavior of the neighborhood residents exemplifies thoughtlessness and lack of judgment, in line with Arendt's concept of the banality of evil. The concepts of abjection and disgust serve as symbols of "resistance" against the evils portrayed by the other two concepts in Kuru Kız's inner monologues. Ultimately, the novel allocates a significant portion of its narrative to the psychological and sociological roots of the evils manifested or endured by Kuru Kız and those around her. The author suggests "taking action" as a way out for women through the message conveyed in the novel. Merely being aware is not sufficient for women to find peace in their lives; they must bravely implement the necessary changes. The novel Kuru Kız contains strong evidence to be considered an example of a female bildungsroman, as it encapsulates the coming-of-age story of a woman. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power is an all-pervasive, and fundamental force in human relationships and plays a valuable role in social, political, and economic interactions. Power differences are important in social groups in enhancing group functioning. Most people want to have power and there are many benefits to having power. However, power is a corrupting force and this has been a topic of interest for centuries to scholars from Plato to Lord Acton. Even with increased knowledge of power's corrupting effect and safeguards put in place to counteract such tendencies, power abuse remains rampant in society suggesting that the full extent of this effect is not well understood. In this paper, an effort is made to improve understanding of power's corrupting effects on human behavior through an integrated and comprehensive synthesis of the neurological, sociological, physiological, and psychological literature on power. The structural limits of justice systems' capability to hold powerful people accountable are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Morality has traditionally been described in terms of an impartial and objective “moral law”, and moral psychological research has largely followed in this vein, focusing on abstract moral judgments. But might our moral judgments be shaped not just by what the action is, but who is doing it? We looked at ratings of moral wrongness, manipulating whether the person doing the action was a friend, a refugee, or a stranger. We looked at these ratings across various moral foundations, and conducted the study in Brazil, US, and UK samples. Our most robust and consistent findings are that purity violations were judged more harshly when committed by ingroup members and less harshly when committed by the refugees in comparison to the unspecified agents, the difference between refugee and unspecified agents decays from liberals to conservatives, i.e., conservatives judge them more harshly than liberals do, and Brazilians participants are harsher than the US and UK participants. Our results suggest that purity violations are judged differently according to who committed them and according to the political ideology of the judges. We discuss the findings in light of various theories of groups dynamics, such as moral hypocrisy, moral disengagement, and the black sheep effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hypocrisy and selectivity are not monopolies of superpowers; all states have been privy to these vices from time to time. However, superpowers (or, more aptly, their statespersons) resort to these in the name of standing for justice; then, they become a stark mockery. This Article seeks to highlight the hypocrisy of many states regarding the terrible aggression of Russia in Ukraine, and how their focus on the potential war crimes and crimes against humanity in Ukraine ignores the core issue. It also demonstrates how often scholars knowingly or unwittingly pander to the chorus and offer a peripheral response to a perennial challenge facing humanity. It argues that this attempt at the low-hanging fruit is misplaced and regressive, and the international legal academe may and should play its part in countering this narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A notable feature of our practice of blaming is that blamees can dismiss blame for their own blameworthy actions when the blamer is censuring them hypocritically and, as it is often put, lacks standing to blame them as a result. This feature has received a good deal of philosophical attention in recent years. By contrast, no attention has been given the possibility that, likewise, refraining from blaming can be hypocritical and dismissed as standingless. I argue that hypocritical refrainers have a duty to blame, if asked to do so, and possibly even if they are not asked to do so. Acknowledging this fact about hypocritical silence is crucial to an adequate understanding of our practice of blaming. Specifically, it bears on a worry that naturally arises when we consider cases where the blamee is blameworthy yet the blaming is problematic, because standingless. The worry is that, absurdly, the idea of standing justifies our being more interested in silencing preachers of virtue than making wrongdoers overcome vice. However, if one can lack standing not to blame, this concern is unwarranted. If there is such a thing as standing to blame, then sometimes one must, for reasons of standing, speak up in the face of wrongdoing, meaning, in effect, that one lacks the right not to challenge wrongdoers to improve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political leaders may change their mind about a policy, or even a significant moral issue. While genuinely changing one's mind is not hypocritical, there are reasons to think that leaders who claim such a change are merely hypocritically pandering for political advantage. Indeed, some social science studies allegedly confirm that constituents will judge political leaders who change positions as hypocritical. Yet these studies are missing crucial details that we normally use to distinguish genuine mind changers from hollow hypocrites. These details suggest ways in which political leaders can communicate that their mind change is genuine without necessarily being judged hypocritical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is commonly accepted that non-hypocrisy is a condition of blaming, and that it is a moral condition. This paper proposes an alternative, epistemic, view of blaming: knowledge is necessary for blaming, and with the added condition that knowledge provides a (motivating) reason for action – sufficient. First it is argued that knowing that the action of a blamee is wrong is necessary for blaming. Second, it is shown that the phenomenon of hypocritical blaming extends to circumstances not involving moral judgment (such as sports). Third, it is claimed that expressions of intentions such as (1) "A is wrong and I intend to do it" are infelicitous as they stand. The similarities between such expressions and hypocritical blaming recommend a unified account of their infelicity. Finally, it is argued that only the epistemic view of blaming provides accounts for both moral and non-moral blaming, and for the related phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of chemical weapons (CW) by Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War appears to have been subject to far less decisive US responses than similar accusations against Syria during the Syrian civil war. However, the two instances have not yet been subject to direct scholarly comparison. This article treats the Iraqi and Syrian instances as two distinct cases and compares US actions to prevent, investigate and deter CW use on each occasion. After demonstrating that the US responded more decisively to the allegations against Syria, we then employ process tracing to locate both cases within existing theoretical discussions of US intervention in the global South generally, as well as CW norm enforcement in particular. In doing so, we propose that, in addition to other factors including the US aspiration to world dominance and its resultant framing of its material and security interests as well as a lesser regard for citizens of the global South, the anti-US stance of either the CW perpetrator or victim can also affect how the US responds to accusations of CW norm violation. This casts further doubt on the veracity of stated humanitarian motives for US intervention abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A prominent view in religious epistemology, which I call divine-help epistemology , says that people of faith are epistemically gifted by God, whereas non-believers are subject to the noetic effects of a fallen world. This view aims to show how religious beliefs for people of faith can be epistemically justified. But I argue that it makes such people prone to a cluster of epistemic vices that I call epistemic phariseeism. Divine-help epistemology is especially apt to promote these vices because its normativity is not just epistemic, but also religious and moral. I suggest an alternative epistemological view that is better suited to religious faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary researchers pay less attention to the intellectual principles of the spiritual movements of Islam in matters related to the worldly life and lifestyles. “Work” is one of these principles, which has gained special importance in the contemporary era and the Islamic spirituality also paid attention to its ethical and spiritual dimensions. The Malāmatīs of Khorāsān, who were one of the most authentic Iranian spiritualists in the Islamic era, had a special attitude towards work as a spiritual matter. Paying attention to the intellectual principles and the practical method of the most prominent representatives of Malāmatīs (Ḥamdūn Ķaṣṣār, Abū Ḥafṣ Ḥaddād and Abū Uthmān Ḥīrī), with the method of textual analysis, shows that their focus on the self-blame (malāma) and at the consequence, hiding the conduct (solūk) and fighting against hypocrisy, made them to criticize those who have advised to leave the work and business under the pretext of asceticism and reliance (tawakkul). Few reports show that the Malāmatīs, both in the field of opinion and in the field of action, have considered the work as a means to promote the inner self (bāṭin) and fight against the ego (nafs). In their opinion, the work is the best way to earn lawful (Ḥalāl) sustenance, and by working, the wayfarer (sālik), in addition to self-blame, will be freed from falling into the trap of hypocrisy, and it is not only compatible with the two doctrines of reliance (tawakkul) and poverty (faqr), but also is necessary to be considered, because it is the best way to hide one's conduct (solūk). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is about Sultan Murad III [d. 1003/1595], it is about the examples of repetition and follow-up art, which he frequently uses in his Turkish Dîvân and Kitâb al-Menamat. However, his name is Murad and he uses the phrases of Murâdî as a pseudonym for the purpose, desire, purpose, etc. of the word. The examples used repeatedly with their meanings will be examined. The language of Murad III letters to his sheikh Şücâ, in which he conveyed daily events, asked what he was wondering about sufism, and shared his spiritual depression and spiritual journey, is quite plain, understandable and far from hypocrisy. The cries he heard when he was in a state between sleep and wakefulness, the facts, the inspirations that came to him; while the dreams he saw are being conveyed, the language suddenly changes, especially the examples of repetition and subordination art are frequently encountered. This is also true for his poems. The language he used in his ghazals outside the sufi valley and the language in his sufi poems were different from each other. This language preference of Murad III will be revealed with examples from his works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across two studies (N s = 268 and 574), we examined the perceived legitimacy of sexual harassment allegations made against male allies. Overall, observers were less inclined to believe an allegation (Studies 1 and 2) and endorsed less severe punishments against a perpetrator who engaged in egalitarian (vs. sexist) behaviors toward women (Studies 1 and 2). Observers also endorsed weaker reparatory measures, were more willing to move past the allegation, and were more inclined to blame the victim for the incident when an egalitarian (vs. sexist) man was accused, especially when there was greater uncertainty surrounding his guilt (Study 2). Importantly, these effects were mediated by perpetrator typicality: the egalitarian perpetrator less closely resembled a typical perpetrator of sexual harassment, which, in turn, predicted more lenient evaluations (Study 2). These findings highlight how accusations of male allies' problematic behavior can reinforce widespread scepticism surrounding sexual harassment allegations and discriminatory attitudes towards victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Lord Acton said power corrupts, he had in mind the powerholders. Can power also corrupt the powerless? I ponder this uncomfortable question as I walk through three films about smuggling: Dying to Survive (China), Dallas Buyers Club (U.S.), and In Darkness (Poland). In all, the protagonist is either a petty criminal or a flawed individual who is suddenly faced with a choice that pits him against the law while promising moral redemption. This disjuncture in legal and moral justice is precisely where crime fiction thrives. By reading these films together, I hope to make two points: (1) an unjust system forces the powerless to live in bad faith; (2) the powerless can overcome the moral burden of bad faith by forging communities of complicity. In conclusion, I suggest that it is not enough to reject victim-blaming and that attending to the moral injury of power can strengthen the fight against domination and oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the well-documented costs of word–deed misalignment, hypocrisy permeates our personal, professional, and political lives. Why? We explore one potential explanation: the costs of moral flexibility can outweigh the costs of hypocrisy, making hypocritical moral absolutism a preferred social strategy to admissions of moral nuance. We study this phenomenon in the context of honesty. Across six studies (total N = 3545), we find that communicators who take flexible honesty stances ("It is sometimes okay to lie") that align with their behavior are penalized more than hypocritical communicators who take absolute honesty stances ("It is never okay to lie") that they fail to uphold. Although few people take absolute stances against deception themselves, they are more trusting of communicators who take absolute honesty stances, relative to flexible honesty stances, because they perceive absolute stances as reliable signals of communicators' likelihood of engaging in future honesty, regardless of inconsistent behavior. Importantly, communicators—including U.S. government officials—also anticipate the costs of flexibility. This research deepens our understanding of the psychology of honesty and helps explain the persistence of hypocrisy in our social world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on talk of Frederick Jackson Turner noted that the census of 1890 officially proclaimed the closure of the frontier, marking the end of westward expansion. It mentions indigenous people confined to reservations and African Americans, Asian Americans, and Mexican Americans officially classified as second-class citizens. It also mentions effort to protect the Founders' brand of liberty and freedom from charges of hypocrisy.

This paper explains the occurrence of hypocrisy – when the by-society most despised types pretend to be the most revered types. Real-world phenomena include pedophile priests, sex-offender feminists and seemingly very busy dispensable office workers. Building on the signaling framework of Bernheim (1994) – where payoffs consist of an intrinsic cost of falsifying yourself, and a concern for social esteem – we show conditions for emergence of hypocrisy in equilibrium. In such equilibria the most despised types along with the most revered types behave normatively, others do not. Thus, in equilibrium there are 'rumors' about those acting the most normatively – society infers that they are either truly normative or despised, but one cannot know who is who. This is to be distinguished from 'conformity' – where the most normative and almost-normative types fully follow a social norm. Whether conformity or hypocrisy will arise in equilibrium depends on the cost of falsification, and the number of hypocrites depends on the weight of social esteem. Our theory thus shows how cultural parameters map into equilibrium culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of alliances in human evolution and its connection to political psychology. It argues that alliances are crucial to human evolution and that humans have developed cognitive programs for forming alliances and using propaganda to support allies and harm rivals. The article also examines the benefits of honesty and the evolution of moral principles within the context of alliances and conflicts. It suggests that moral principles are not fixed but can be influenced by alliances and the need to navigate conflicts. The text discusses the evolution of moral judgment as a strategy for choosing sides in conflicts without resorting to violence. Moral judgment involves observers assessing the actions of opponents in a conflict and siding against the opponent who committed the most wrongful action. Moral rules, or principles, are established by communities through debate and precedent and are used to determine the wrongness of an action. The text emphasizes the importance of evidence in moral condemnation and the role of alliances in shaping moral judgment. The author raises concerns about the strength of the evidence presented in the text and discusses the potential for propaganda and false accusations of hypocrisy in political discourse. [Extracted from the article]

Submitting to temptation gives rise to guilt, and the anticipation of guilt can generate guilt-avoidance. But guilt-avoidance may itself cause guilt. To account for this, we model guilt-avoidance as a temptation. The model unifies evidence pertaining to social preferences, perfectionism and information avoidance. While the social preference literature interprets moral hypocrisy as reflecting selfishness in true preferences, the model suggests that it may reflect a temptation to be selfish instead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academics have long regarded air travel as vital to pursuing a successful career. Meanwhile, many academics are at the frontline of climate change science and advocate the urgency to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The conflict between combating global warming and high aeromobility practices traps academics in a loop of hypocrisy. However, COVID-19 presents an opportunity for academics to advance their research and careers with reduced aeromobility. This research investigates how academics have adapted to virtual working experiences during COVID-19 and the implications for establishing changes in aeromobility practices. Informed by the theory of practice change, this paper reports the findings of a comprehensive survey and interview programme in New Zealand. It provides insights into the prospects for reduced aeromobility and the institutional policy frameworks required to embed a new normal, considering the unique circumstances faced by academics working at geographically remote institutions. The findings reveal that instead of being trapped in a loop of hypocrisy, New Zealand academics face a moral quandary in being concerned about climate change and wishing to reduce aeromobility practices, while wanting to avoid compromising career success. Recommendations for academics to face this moral quandary and their institutions to support practice change are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the FATF and its relationship with other normative frameworks (security, human rights), and actors (states, private institutions, civil society). It explains how the FATF, was appropriated willingly by states, beyond the peer-pressure, or financial repercussions explanations. It finds that one of these reasons was that states could use them to their own benefit through 'rhetorical adaptation'. At the same time, it explains that the FATF's frameworks go beyond merely being 'vague and broad'; they are erroneous in terms of their methodology and contradict certain human rights such as the freedom of association, and the rights to due procedure. To illustrate this, it takes the case of India which has been coerced by the FATF to amend its security legislations to comply with its standards, but which has also instrumentally used these standards against minorities and political dissenters – particularly those that have organized themselves into some form of association (a segment specifically identified by the FATF as being vulnerable to money laundering and financing terrorism). Despite drawing attention to these issues, the FATF continues to operate with empty promises, and the standards continue to be supported and endorsed by the UN mechanisms, in what would otherwise be 'hypocrisy'. This is because the FATF and the UN too, operate within institutional and material limitations – in this case, that its primary members are states or (in fact) representatives of the states, for whom security and political expediency stand at the forefront. Under these circumstances, the organizational doublespeak is but necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the United States being the only country in the world that places its former and incoming leader on a stage for millions to see, with the "Peaceful Transition of Power" being the very symbol of American democracy watched around the world, the events on January 6th, 2021, show how such performances of democratic culture are not permanent fixtures. Indeed, whereas US and foreign audiences have become accustomed to watching anti-government protests in illiberal states or underdeveloped democracies, the scenes of thousands of protestors storming the US Capitol has opened the United States itself for critique from the very nations it has admonished in the past. Thus, although the protest paradigm has become the dominant framework for understanding mediated portrayals of anti-government protests, this study argues it provides only partial insight into the January 6th insurrection, eschewing the larger strategic dimensions of non-democratic countries' media coverage of the event. Rather than focusing on how media framed the event, this study examined 525 news articles from 26 Chinese, Russian, Iranian, and Saudi media outlets' reporting on the event from January 5th to January 19th through the lens of strategic media narratives. Results show that while elements of the protest paradigm are present in all four countries' reporting—providing clear condemnation of the event and its participants, with blame placed on President Trump for instigating the attack—two additional overarching plotlines emerge: one shifting the scene away from President Trump to America's broader polarized politics and failed governance and a second concluding the end of US exceptionalism and characterizations of US hypocrisy. Taken together, these two overarching narratives highlight the significance of storytelling as a potent form of geopolitical contestation in today's global media environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philosophers have argued that subjects who act wrongly in the situationist psychology experiments are morally responsible for their actions. This paper argues that though the obedient subjects in Milgram's 'Obedience to Authority' experiments are blameworthy, since most of us would have acted in the same manner they did, it is inappropriate for most of us to blame them. On Todd's ([2019]. "A Unified Account of the Moral Standing to Blame." Noûs 53 (2): 347–374.) recent account of standing to blame, agents lack the standing to blame others for a wrong when they are not sufficiently committed to the moral values which would condemn that wrong. I argue that the obedient subjects lack sufficient commitment to the kinds of values which would condemn their wrongdoing. This is evidenced by the fact that the wrongdoing was severe, that the subjects had the capacity to avoid wrongdoing, and that there was very little cost to avoiding wrongdoing. Since these studies are very well-replicated, most of us in the moral community would have acted as they did for similar reasons. At least 80% of us therefore lack the standing to blame the obedient subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By using the interactive big data between enterprises and stakeholders in social media, this paper investigates the views of different stakeholders on the disclosure of enterprise digital transformation. In view of the social media platform brings together different stakeholders, this paper uses the organizational hypocrisy theory to explore the stakeholders' Reflection on the hypocritical speech, decision-making and action strategies adopted in the disclosure of enterprise digital transformation. Through data mining and computer-aided emotion analysis, the posts of sina Weibo's top 500 Chinese enterprises from December 31, 2020 to December 31, 2021 and the reactions of stakeholders are retrieved and analyzed. It is found that stakeholders have different reactions to the hypocrisy strategies of enterprises. Although stakeholders pay more attention to information related to actions, and the disclosure of such actions will cause positive and negative reactions, the inconsistency of speech and decision-making will produce positive reactions and reduce negative impressions. Overall, research shows that the use of organizational hypocrisy strategies in social media can enable enterprises to manage the views and legitimacy of stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at a constellation of three interrelated figures, the hypocrite, the imposter, and the chameleon, all of whom deceive others and at times themselves as they present themselves and are examined by others in different social settings. On closer examination, different facets of their public presentations come to light, some related to their motives, some to the expected goals of their conduct. The conduct of hypocrites overlaps with and resembles imposters insofar as they both suggest a possible nefarious intentionality associated with undeserved outcomes or gains, as compared with chameleons, who seem at most to camouflage themselves in order to become undetected in their environments. The deceptive (and occasionally self-deceptive) character of the conduct of all three figures (whether understood interchangeably or not) remains of interest beyond the circles of social theorists and political pundits at least in the sense that it is condemnable as much as it is condemning, though to different degrees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is a book review titled "Remembering Antônia Teixeira: A Story of Missions, Violence, and Institutional Hypocrisy" published in the Journal of Religious History. The review discusses the book's comprehensive analysis of Indian Buddhism during the colonial and early postcolonial eras, highlighting its valuable insights on the lesser-known aspects of modern Indian history. The reviewer acknowledges the limitations of the study, such as the absence of perspectives from Indian women and the lack of analysis on the impact of seminal historical events on Indian Buddhism. However, overall, the book is praised for its well-researched and dedicated effort to shed light on the developments in Buddhist circles in India during the specified period. Another book review in the same text discusses a different book that exposes the racism, sexism, and xenophobia involved in the cover-up of a sexual abuse case by Baylor University and missionaries of the Southern Baptist Convention. The review highlights the collaboration between two historians from the United States and Brazil, which provides perspectives invisible to Anglophone historians. The book documents the harm caused by religious triumphalism and colonialism and is commended for its meticulous scholarship. [Extracted from the article]