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This article explores the symbiotic relationship between Latin literature and Roman rhetoric. It discusses a historical debate between Howell and Burke about the nature of rhetoric as a discipline, with Howell arguing for a non-mimetic approach and Burke arguing that all symbolic acts should be considered rhetoric. The article also highlights the broader perspectives on rhetoric that have emerged in recent years, including the recognition of global rhetorics and the study of material rhetoric. It emphasizes the need for researchers to adopt new analytical methodologies and collaborate across disciplines to gain a more accurate understanding of the relationship between literature and rhetoric. [Extracted from the article]

This study examines how public health issues were communicated during the 2020 US presidential campaign, particularly those concerning the global COVID‐19 pandemic. Using content analysis, we examined the available campaign speeches of the two major candidates, Donald Trump and Joseph R. Biden. We examined how the candidates discussed the COVID‐19 pandemic and vital areas of public health in those speeches. Analysis of these speeches found little discussion on healthcare in general and little to no discussion on the vital areas of public health. We also found that COVID‐19 statements were not as prevalent as we anticipated, given the unprecedented scope of the pandemic. Even during a pandemic, public health matters received very little attention during a Presidential campaign. Public health topics accounted for less than 1% of the content in candidates' official speeches. Given that elites help increase knowledge of public health concerns and influence policy, the lack of attention given to the pandemic in the 2020 general election cycle is surprising, if not alarming. Key points: The language used by US presidential candidates and other political elites can have an effect on health policy, health outcomes, and public health.During the 2020 US presidential election, Donald Trump and Joseph R. Biden paid little attention to public health issues in their campaign speeches.Political elites can help increase public awareness regarding health issues. The minimal discussion of health issues during the 2020 US presidential campaign is surprising and alarming for public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of fair value of voting rights in a just liberal democratic society, with a focus on equal political liberty and unencumbered access to the ballot. The author criticizes restrictive voter ID laws and argues that societies committed to equality should make it easier, not harder, for citizens to vote. The historical context of voting rights in the United States, particularly for black citizens, is highlighted, emphasizing the need to guarantee fair value through unencumbered access. The article also discusses the varying opinions of Supreme Court Justices on voting rights and the disproportionate impact of voter ID laws on marginalized communities. The author asserts that the burden should be on states to justify making voting more difficult and emphasizes the importance of equal participation in the political process. [Extracted from the article]

The concept of collective memory receives increasing attention in international relations. This burgeoning scholarship, however, mainly centres on its role as a strategic tool in foreign policy, binding it to national context. This research uses collective memory as an analytical framework to gauge identification processes at the international level. Specifically, we examine how states self-present themselves with various collective We's and against multiple others. Contingent upon exclusive biographical narratives, we show how states transform and present collective memories in ways that resonate with their particular identity combination. Using inductive comparative analysis of speeches delivered by heads of state of Germany, the United States, and Israel during United Nations General Assembly sessions (1991–2017), analysis demonstrates how states evoke the past to narrate who they are, as states. Expanding understanding regarding how historical events are utilised in foreign policy, findings illustrate the dynamic juggling process states perform with various elements of self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The maiden speech – the first speech given by a newly elected member of parliament (MP) – is a tradition in many parliaments, a personalized rite of passage to political power. As ethnic minority MPs remain relative newcomers, the maiden speech is, for them, even more politically charged. How do ethnic minority MPs represent their identities in this transformative moment? Our data set includes 93 ethnic minority MPs who have held a seat in the Dutch parliament, covering 88 maiden speeches, spanning 11 cycles (1986–2023). The diachronic and intersectional analysis shows that the relation between descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation for historically marginalized groups fluctuates and is influenced by the political environment. The ‘firsts’ of a particular gender/ethnicity intersectional group are less likely to narrate a minority identity than non-firsts. Progressive party ideology influences the extent to which ethnic minority MPs emphasize an (intersectional) minoritized identity. Personal stories and family histories are often used to counter stereotypes, unmute silenced cultures and share values. The focus on the maiden speech as a political narrative sheds light on the blurry lines between substantive, symbolic and descriptive representation. The political narrative is a strategic tool for MPs from historically disadvantaged groups to represent collective identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professional athletes increasingly use their popularity to speak out about political topics off and on the field. However, only few studies explore how audiences react to political speech in elite sports. Existing research has tended to focus on very few high-profile cases, usually in the United States, such as Colin Kaepernick's anthem protest. Going beyond single cases, this paper investigates factors that systematically influence public support for elite athletes' political activism. We integrated a vignette experiment into a survey of the German population (N = 1002). Using multi-level regression models, we analyze how public support for athlete's political acts varies with political topics, the specific political action carried out as well as the local reference of the issue in question. Moreover, we also compare the level of public support for political actions between athletes and non-athlete celebrities. Findings indicate that support is subject to conditions: Athletes receive more support when their critique refers to political topics abroad (as opposed to domestic topics) and when non-disruptive actions are chosen, for example, expressions of opinion instead of boycotts. The specific message has the strongest influence on support: actions and statements that express a progressive political claim for stricter environmental protection receive more support compared to a rather conservative claim for border security. Findings add to the state of knowledge by showing which forms of political activism meet with broad acceptance and which are likely to polarize audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are living in what Professor Jonathan Turley calls an age of rage. However, it is not the first such period. Professor Turley explores how the United States was formed (and the Constitution was written) in precisely such a period. Throughout that history, sedition has been used as the vehicle for criminalizing political speech. This Article explores how seditious libel has evolved as a crime and how it is experiencing a type of American revival. The crime of sedition can be traced back to the infamous trials of the Star Chamber and the flawed view of free speech articulated by Sir William Blackstone. That view continues to resonate in "bad tendency" rationales for criminalizing what Professor Turley calls "rage rhetoric." An advocate for a broader theory of free speech, Professor Turley suggests that the United States should break this cycle and reject a crime that it is not only superfluous in many cases, but the product of the anti-free speech theories extending back to the seventeenth century. The elimination of the crime would fulfill what Professor Turley believes is the original and revolutionary view of free speech articulated by some figures at the start of the Republic. It would finally slay what James Madison called the "monster" lurking in our political and legal systems for centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a summary of recent contributions in the field of political and legal anthropology. It discusses themes such as war, violence, grassroots mobilizations, migration, gendered and queer citizenship, and multispecies politics. The article highlights various ethnographic accounts and books that explore these themes, including works on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the war in Ukraine, popular responses to state violence, struggles for Black citizenship in Latin America, and the experiences of migrants and refugees. The article aims to illuminate key thematic currents in contemporary research within the discipline, providing valuable resources for library patrons conducting research on these topics. [Extracted from the article]

Politically grappling with history is a constructive act, one that relies on context, structure, and agency, and is also directed at the forging of cultural coherence. In light of the growing transnationalization of commemoration practices, political actors not only rely on national past but also appeal to historical foreign events in political domestic speech. This research focuses on Israel as a case study for theoretical expansion of the political encounter with history and the experience of alterity. Qualitative analysis of Israeli political rhetoric since the 2000s demonstrates how Israeli prime ministers primarily rely on domestic collective memories; when used, events of others are intended to create a sense of shared experience through comparison. 'Importation for comparison' is thus the apparatus reflecting how Israeli prime ministers comply with current needs put forth by internal and external challenges in a globalized world. Contributing to the ongoing discussion regarding the nature of identity, this research underlines how referencing to events from abroad is one of the prominent ways in which national self is evaluated, discussed, and negotiated, thus providing a better understanding of how Israeli society imagines itself in relation to others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does protest affect political speech? Protest is an important form of political claim-making, yet our understanding of its influence on how individual legislators communicate remains limited. Our paper thus extends a theoretical framework on protests as information about voter preferences, and evaluates it using crowd-sourced protest data from the 2017–2019 Fridays for Future protests in the UK. We combine these data with ~2.4m tweets from 553 legislators over this period and text data from ~150k parliamentary speech records. We find that local protests prompted MPs to speak more about the climate, but only online. These results demonstrate that protest can shape the timing and substance of political communication by individual elected representatives. They also highlight an important difference between legislators' offline and online speech, suggesting that more work is needed to understand how political strategies differ across these arenas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most scholarship on political rhetoric views it as an exercise in changing the minds of an audience. However, we see numerous examples of political speech aimed at those who already agree with the speaker, to motivate them to act on judgments they have already made. This kind of discourse is often dismissed as pandering, or the "red meat" rabble‐rousing that contributes to polarization. I draw upon Frederick Douglass to render a more complete account of this speech, which I term "hortatory rhetoric." Douglass draws upon the prophetic tradition of Black Christian preaching to develop an alternative for when persuasion has reached its limit. This kind of speech raises a set of normative difficulties that differ from those raised by the rhetoric of persuasion, which Douglass helps us to think through. He provides a framework for understanding when it might be permissible or even desirable to abandon persuasion for exhortation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the emergence and evolution of the "speech without doors" genre in seventeenth and eighteenth century England, highlighting its role in making parliamentary debates accessible to the public and reshaping political communication. It explores how this genre challenged the traditional boundaries of political discourse, particularly in relation to the privacy and secrecy of parliamentary deliberations, and examines the genre's various forms and influences over time.

In Australia, the marriage-equality plebiscite of 2017 prompted significant debate over appropriate limits to free speech in the context of expressions of religious belief. This article reports on the results of a political discourse analysis of media coverage in prominent national newspapers from 2017 to 2021. Findings show the debate was dominated by three representations: discrimination against Christians, disagreement as rights abrogation, and the meaning of 'free speech' as unbridled and unlimited. These representations were deployed in an (ultimately unsuccessful) endeavour to override long-held views about the appropriate place of freedom of speech in Australian political culture and law, and to misrepresent the meaning and purpose of vilification laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, word length in the texts of public speeches by USA and UK politicians is analyzed. More than 300 speeches delivered over the past two hundred years were studied. It is found that the lognormal distribution better describes the distribution of word length than do the Weibull and Poisson distributions, for example. It is shown that the length of words does not change significantly over time (the average value either does not change or slightly decreases, and the mode slightly increases). These results are fundamentally different from those obtained previously for sentence lengths and indicate that, in terms of quantitative linguistic analysis, the word length in politicians' speech has not evolved over the last 200 years and does not obey the principle of least effort proposed by G. Zipf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proffers an Afromodern analysis of black liberation, embodied in the Black Lives Matter movement. In doing so, it revisits the historical concept of barbarism as a critical modality for human silencing, in order to make sense of anti-black racism in our extant social order and its re-articulation through systematic discourses of black criminality. The essay explores two dialectically opposing modernities as having differentiated effects on the construction of the human being. Euromodernity barbarizes the black subject as a carceral being, absent political speech. Afromodernity, contrastingly, fashions the black subject as a communicative being endowed with political speech and as such, black politics becomes not a relic of barbarism, but in lieu, embodies a modern re-enactment of political society. The paper concludes that Black Lives Matter functions as an Afromodern displacement of Euromodern anti-black racism by contesting American democracy as a carceral apparatus to ensure a democratic revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public sphere should be regulated so the distribution of political speech does not correlate with the distribution of income or wealth. A public sphere where people can fund any political speech from their private holdings is epistemically defective. The argument has four steps. First, if political speech is unregulated, the rich predictably contribute a disproportionate share. Second, wealth tends to correlate with substantive political perspectives. Third, greater quantities of speech by the rich can "drown out" the speech of the poor, because of citizens' limited attention span for politics. Finally, the normative problem with all this is that it reduces the diversity of arguments and evidence citizens become familiar with, reducing the quality of their political knowledge. The clearest implication of the argument is in favour of strict contribution limits and/or public funding for formal political campaigns, but it also has implications for more informal aspects of the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the role of image schemas in language with a specific focus on their presence in the construction of metaphors in political speeches delivered during the 2018 electoral campaigns in the Kurdistan Region, Iraq. Image schemas refer to recurring patterns of understanding that arise from our bodily movements through space. To achieve this, the study utilizes the Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Image-Schema Theory, which investigate the presence of image schemas in political discourse. The study centers on the PATH, CONTAINER and FORCE image schemas, examining their role in the formation of metaphors and how they structure the relationship between source domains (journey and container) and the target domain (politics). Precisely, the study examines how politicians conceptualize politics as a journey or container, identifying four structural elements that define this relationship. The research also considers the persuasive techniques employed by Kurdish politicians and how they impact voting patterns. Overall, the study shows that image schemas are an essential tool in gaining public support and influencing voters, and they work as source domains for accessing target domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The announcement of one's candidacy for the presidency sets the stage for everything that will follow in the campaign. This study analyzes candidate announcements from the 2020 Democratic Party nomination for president and how each of the top six candidates branded themselves. The campaign announcement is the first opportunity to shape the brand of the candidate in a crowded field of candidates. Comparisons will be made between candidates with national name recognition and those who have yet to make a name for themselves on a national stage. For more well-known candidates, this address is meant to energize supporters and build momentum toward the nomination. Well-known candidates may be able to more clearly form a branding around policy positions. For the lesser-known candidates, it is a chance to introduce themselves to the nation and begin to build a following. These speakers may present a more personal narrative to brand themselves as an individual before presenting policy. A comparison will also be made between male and female candidates, including an analysis of gendered language in announcing their candidacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that spokespersons who claim to speak on behalf of a social group cannot escape the structural problem of delegation whereby speaking in someone's name entails speaking instead of someone. This form of delegated and authorised silencing through the promise of empowerment imposes symbolic violence on a group which recognises the spokesperson as a valid representative, without recognising its own potential disenfranchisement. I build on Pierre Bourdieu's sociological writings on language and symbolic power to theorise the trajectories of authorisation of spokespersons. In doing so, I critically engage with theories in International Relations which rely on a separation between speaker and audience to analyse the legitimation of political speech. Instead, I reformulate the speaker/audience relation through the concept of symbolic power and introduce the category of the spoken-for. When spokespersons struggle over symbolic power, they seek to impose social classificatory categories on social groups and spaces. I illustrate these dynamics in the context of human rights politics in Crimea, showing how various spokespersons are engaged in a symbolic struggle over 'authenticity' of their speech and the 'universal' of human rights. I conclude by suggesting new lines of inquiry to analyse creative strategies to mitigate the spokesperson problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent political developments in the West, such as the rise of right-wing populist leaders, have prompted political theorists to examine the lack of public spaces in Western democracies for citizens to engage in collective deliberation. David Antonini's book, "Public Space and Political Experience: An Arendtian Interpretation," explores Hannah Arendt's political thought and argues that a truly political experience can be regained through political action. Antonini examines revolution, civil disobedience, and speech as forms of political action that can help maintain the public sphere. Adriana Cavarero's book, "Surging Democracy," focuses on the importance of plural, participatory, and nonviolent interactions in public spaces for political engagement and democratic movements. Cavarero emphasizes the embodied nature of reclaiming public space and highlights the distinction between physical presence and digital democracy. The text also explores the debate in Arendt scholarship regarding the agonistic nature of democracy and the influence of totalitarianism on her political thought. Cavarero struggles to differentiate between positive collective action and negative violence, ultimately emphasizing the significance of hope and imagination in effecting political change. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the reasons behind Donald Trump's election and the rise of right-wing power globally. It suggests that Trump's campaign resonated with themes such as dissatisfaction with neoliberalism, a call for protectionism, fear of globalized corporations, weariness of media elites, suspicion of corporate donations to politicians, and a belief that the military was being used to serve global economic elites. The article argues that the Democratic party's adoption of neoliberal positions and identity politics, along with the progressive elite's disdain for the working class, contributed to Trump's appeal. It concludes that addressing economic issues and emphasizing economic equality and security for all is crucial for the left to reverse the rightward trend. [Extracted from the article]

This article argues that social media companies' power to regulate communication in the public sphere illustrates a novel type of domination. The idea is that, since social media companies can partially dictate the terms of citizens' political participation in the public sphere, they can arbitrarily interfere with the choices individuals make qua citizens. I contend that social media companies dominate citizens in two different ways. First, I focus on the cases in which social media companies exercise direct control over political speech. They exercise quasi-public power over citizens because their regulation of speech on social media platforms implies the capacity to arbitrarily interfere with citizens' democratic contestation in the political system. Second, companies' algorithmic governance entails the capacity to interfere with citizens' choices about what mode of discursive engagement they endorse in their relationships with fellow citizens. By raising the cost of deliberative engagement, companies narrow citizens' choice menu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In televised election debates, politicians confront each other side-by-side to publicly debate their political viewpoints. As a result, these debates have the potential to promote reflective reasoning in citizens. However, concerns are voiced regularly about politicians' increasing use of one-liners, slogans, and empty phrases, and decreasing use of elaborate and thoughtful argumentation, which may lower the debates' reflection-promoting potential. Despite concerns, systematic empirical evidence testing whether reflection-promoting speech is declining is extremely scarce. This study contributes to filling this gap by (1) identifying four reflection-promoting speech components, that is, provision of justifications, substantive information, accessible communication, and engagement with others' perspectives and (2) conducting a longitudinal quantitative content analysis (1985–2019) of Belgian election debates through the lens of their reflection-promoting potential. The results of all studied speech components point in the same direction: reflection-promoting speech in election debates has not declined, showing that allegations surrounding debates should be considered with caution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political candidates use Spanish-language appeals in efforts to increase their support among Hispanic voters. We argue that candidates, Hispanic or not, can use Spanish to signal closeness to Hispanics and posit that the effectiveness of these appeals is conditional on proficiency. To test this, we run two experiments where participants listen to an audio clip of a hypothetical candidate's stump speech. We vary the ethnicity of the candidate (Anglo or Hispanic) and the language of the speech (English, non-native Spanish, and native-like Spanish). We find that Hispanic support for the Anglo and Hispanic candidates is higher in the native-like Spanish condition compared with the English-only condition. Relative to the English condition, non-native Spanish does not increase support for the Anglo candidate, but it decreases support for the Hispanic candidate. We find mixed effects for Anglo participants. Our results suggest that candidates can effectively appeal to Hispanic voters using Spanish-language messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Direct democrag processes facilitate the use of citizen initiatives to ajfect a change in governing law without the intervention of elected representatives. Since initiative measures became popular in the earb twentieth centug, regulations designed to insulate the political mechanisms from fraud and undu€ influences haue become commonplace. Many regulations impose a'requirement that petition circulators be residents of the state wherein the; circulate materials, but several circuit courts have found such regulations to be an unconstitutional burden on political speech. In response, some states have abandoned theirresideng requirements in favorof a consentto-jurisdicti.on approach that only requires would-be circulators to agree to be subject to the state's jurisdiction if any issues arise. This Note advocates for the broad adoption of a third approach: a requirement that petition circulator groups only acceptfunding from in-state sources. An in-state funding system more aPpropiately addresses the competing concerns of the state and citizens by insulating the government from outside moneyed special interest groups without imposing a substantial burden on political speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which types of political rhetoric are most persuasive? Politicians make arguments that share common rhetorical elements, including metaphor, ad hominem attacks, appeals to expertise, moral appeals, and many others. However, political arguments are also highly multidimensional, making it difficult to assess the relative persuasive power of these elements. We report on a novel experimental design which assesses the relative persuasiveness of a large number of arguments that deploy a set of rhetorical elements to argue for and against proposals across a range of UK political issues. We find modest differences in the average effectiveness of rhetorical elements shared by many arguments, but also large variation in the persuasiveness of arguments of the same rhetorical type across issues. In addition to revealing that some argument‐types are more effective than others in shaping public opinion, these results have important implications for the interpretation of survey‐experimental studies in the field of political communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine how in the 1960s the political leadership in Anjou, a suburban community in the Greater Montreal region, cultivated the stereotypical ideal of a bourgeois residential suburb in contrast with its actual dynamics of development in the metropolitan region. Our analysis focuses on three dimensions of the suburban ideal: residential monofunctionalism, political autonomy, and an exclusive and apolitical community. For each of these dimensions, we show how Anjou's political leadership grappled with a complex reality and adapted the suburban ideal to ensure that their community, dependent as it was on metropolitan infrastructure and a host to heavy industry, could still be considered an ideal suburb. Our contribution speaks to the material and political impacts of such representation in a more complex set of processes of suburban and metropolitan development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the influence of the Swiss Reformed tradition of Calvinism on the political views of Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, the first Italian prime minister. Cavour's upbringing in a Calvinist family and exposure to Protestant liberalism shaped his belief in individual freedom and the separation of church and state. The author argues that understanding these religious influences is crucial for understanding the ideological foundations of the Italian modern state. Cavour's formulation of a "free church in a free state" represented a compromise that aimed to establish a basis for the newly formed Italian state. [Extracted from the article]

This study examined the influence of speaker sex and verbal aggression on the persuasiveness of political speech. College students (n = 106) read eight examples of political speech where the sex of the speaker and the level of aggression were manipulated. Participants then completed measures assessing message agreement, speaker credibility, and communicative appropriateness. Results indicated that male and female politicians were evaluated similarly on measures of persuasiveness. In addition, aggressive messages were evaluated as being less persuasive than nonaggressive messages. Finally, results identified a significant interaction between speaker sex and level of aggression when predicting message persuasiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political speeches frequently use fallacies to sway voters during electoral campaigns. This study presents an approach for implementing machine learning models to automatically identify a specific type of fallacy known as an "appeal to emotion" fallacy. The objective is to establish a set of elements that enable the application of fallacy mining, as in existing literature, fallacies are typically identified manually, and there is no established structure for applying mining techniques. Our method utilizes features derived from an emotion lexicon to differentiate between valid arguments and fallacies, and we employed Support Vector Machine and Multilayer Perceptron models. Our results indicate that the Multilayer Perceptron model achieved an F1‑score of 0.60 in identifying fallacies. Based on our analysis, we recommend the use of lexical dictionaries to effectively identify "appeal to emotion" fallacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Parisian banlieues have long been depicted through harmful stereotypes in political speeches, the press and mainstream film as places of violence, crime and poverty, and of social, racial and religious divisions. In this article, Ashley Harris demonstrates the impact of different modes of visual culture upon the thousands of communities in the banlieues and, more broadly, to examine the significance of visual representations for their potential to create, reinforce or challenge inequalities and injustices. Using critical cartographical theory and an intermedial approach, this article assesses the impact of representation upon the banlieues, considering mainstream dominant narratives and grassroots visual cultures. It argues that grassroots visual cultures produces a more nuanced and integrated depiction of the banlieues. Through a comparative study of Sandrine Madji's blog 'Ma Petite Banlieue' and Aristide Barraud's creative works on Les Bosquets, this article asserts the possibility of reconsidering the banlieues as creative centres, rather than precarious peripheries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early in the nineteenth century, members in the UK Parliament (MPs) hardly ever debated education. When they did, it was nearly always in the context of aid for the religious instruction of the poor. Indeed, even by 1850, nearly two decades after the first Great Reform Act (1832), the Prime Minister Lord John Russell made the case that a system of compulsory state schooling would be immoral and un-British. Yet, by the '80s, MPs debating in Westminster routinely drew connections between schooling and the most critical social issues of the day: social-class mobility and equity, child welfare, national development, emigration, and the civil service, among others. What explains the expanding, and expansive, political uses that elite policymakers put to schooling? How did schooling and education take on such an aggrandized role in society for British statesmen? To address these questions, this paper combines natural language processing techniques, semantic network, discourse, and regression analyses to read and interpret the ∼1.1 million political speeches given in the UK Houses of Parliament during the long nineteenth century (1804–1913). In contrast to explanations emphasizing the direct role that economic, social, and political development as well as conflict played in the UK state's historic expansion, this piece demonstrates how social scientization, the sweeping international epistemic movement that institutionalized and diffused functionalist social theory, created the context that made it possible for political elites to see and promote schooling as an effective policy instrument of greater cultural rationalization supporting the development of capitalist industrial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the convergence of state redress and the educational construction of citizenship from the 1990s onwards in Australia. It examines how successive settler political leaders used the education of a historical consciousness—settler citizens' relation to past, present and future—as a core strategy to seek resolution to the problematic national past. The article examines key political speeches that sought to mediate the settler nation's past in light of growing international and domestic pressures, including Keating's 1992 Redfern Park speech and Rudd's 2008 Apology to the Stolen Generations, and one of conservative backlash: Howard's 1996 Menzies Lecture. Rudd's subsequent national policy agenda of apology and an Australian Curriculum sought to inaugurate a new era in the settler nation's history. That program was embodied by the figure of the future citizen positioned to reckon with the nation's unjust past, a task inscribed in the inaugural national history curriculum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research endeavors to analyze two political speeches delivered by two Pakistani prime ministers Imran khan and Shahbaz Sharif in the 74th and 77th session of UN General Assembly. With the Van Dijk model of Critical Discourse Analysis as an analytical framework the current study examines two political speeches by two prime ministers of Pakistan at both Micro and Macro level to gain insight into their diverse political agendas, use of language, distinct perceptions and unalike intentions due their personal world view and unlike political background. The current study combines the micro level text analysis with the macro level focusing on the dichotomy of ‘Us versus Them’. This study investigates the significant difference in the usage of Micro and Macro structures in political speeches. Given study analyses different discursive devices used by both of them at micro level while at macro level as well positive self-representation and negative others representation. Then the section of discussion shows the difference in the usage of macro and micro structures. Findings are explained within the CDS framework of political discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Speaking to political ecology, this article takes a more holistic analysis of the impacts of the political decisions taken to construct aqueducts and dams along the Río Yaqui, Sonora, Mexico, diverting water away from the traditional homeland of the Yaqui, Indigenous people of Sonora. Moving away from just the agricultural and health implications, instead I demonstrate that environmental change has political sources, and how we regard nature carries deep and often unacknowledged implications and ramifications. Particularly, the dams and aqueducts have had a severe impact on Yaqui culture, as they view the Río Yaqui as crucial culturally. In addition, this article demonstrates that environmental change alters the ability of marginal groups, such as the Yaqui, to resist other actors by showing that their autonomous political system has increasingly been eroded as the Yaqui have been forcefully integrated into the capitalism system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, an increasing 'emotionality' in Britain's political discourse has been attested by many researchers and public commentators alike, regularly accusing alleged modern-day 'populists' of having caused this emotionalization with their unusual conduct and rhetoric. In these analyses, however, emotional speech is too often conflated with 'populist' speech, without offering substantial historical proof to support such claims. To scrutinize this alleged novel emotionalization of the general political discourse in Britain and to historically contextualize the influence that alleged 'populists' have had on it, I conducted a comparative, sequential mixed methods study of political speeches from British Labour and Conservative Party leaders (quant → QUAL), performing a manual neopragmatist discourse analysis as well as an automated dictionary analysis. With this approach, I was able to determine the distinct argumentative characteristics of the speeches and explore the discourses' emotional quality, reporting a multitude of qualitative and quantitative differences as well as similarities between the two parties. Thus, the paper offers a (historical) overview of the general employment of emotion within political speech and consequently, argumentation used by British politicians. These findings are then used to contextualize claims about the influence that alleged 'populists' have had on the emotionality of recent politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the late sixteenth century, top-tier elites of Ming China wrote mock memorials on behalf of the king of Chosŏn Korea. While the Chinese court developed this prompt to familiarize its officials with the changing geopolitics and test their abilities to elaborate on the greatness of China, up until the sixteenth century, elites turned this exercise into an opportunity to rethink the proper order of the world. Notably, some of them epitomized by Ye Xianggao made the critical step to advocate the Korean perspective with words that were even more "intense" than their Korean counterparts. These mock exercises offer access to an important yet much-underappreciated aspect of political culture in early modern China; accordingly, those who had received or had been receiving rhetorical training were actively exploring alternative possibilities of speaking for political and cultural others in a hierarchical world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given ongoing debates in Spain over how to reckon with its recent past, time operates as a potent site for doing politics in the Peninsula. In this article, I develop the concept of chronopolitics—that is, the discursive configuration of time or history to advance political projects in the present—by analyzing a speech from the leader of Vox, a radical-right populist party in Spain. Through detailed analysis of the text, I reveal a range of chronopolitical strategies, including blatant acts of historical revisionism and the resurrection of slogans associated with Spain's authoritarian past. I also shed insight on more subtle forms of chronopolitical action: the confusion of temporal modes, the subversion of linear perceptions of time, and metapragmatic talk about historical interpretation itself. My aim is to illuminate Vox's particular tactics of persuasion, while drawing lessons from the case of Spain about the mechanics of populist discourse in general. (Spain, Vox, populism, chronopolitics, time, history) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the share of women in parliaments rises, increased attention is paid to how they substantively represent women. Meanwhile, the availability of parliamentary speech data has enabled researchers to dissect politicians' rhetorical patterns. We combine these two literatures to ask whether rhetorical differences between men and women in parliament are connected to style, policy, and preferences of women voters. We apply machine‐learning models to speeches from five West European parliaments (2000–18) to measure the femininity of the rhetoric used in each speech. Results show that women and men talk differently in parliament, and that this distinctiveness is due to both style and substance. Combining these results with public opinion surveys, we find that women MPs have the most distinctively "feminine" discourse on issues that are most salient to women in society. These findings showcase the direct connection between descriptive and substantive representation of women in contemporary democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explored incidents in schools involving the controversial campaign slogan, Make America Great Again (MAGA). Using a cartography of controversies approach, we located news reports to understand how educators, students, and families engaged with MAGA as a cultural symbol. In addition to mapping the location of each incident and grade level, we interpreted news reports through a cultural studies lens during weekly meetings. While discussing MAGA related incidents in schools we scripted a blogcast as we worked thematically with data. Our interpretations coalesced into three key findings. First, MAGA's symbolism, as an extension of Trumpian rhetoric, aroused emotions. Second, actors wielding the symbols exhibited entitlement racism. Third, those provoked to act in response to fear and anger faced a double-bind—they were at risk of punishment for reacting to MAGA and at risk of harm (i.e. political trauma) if they ignored it. We discuss the implications of the findings for educational leadership and offer recommendations for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the public reception of the rhetorical style of then-U.S. congressman Abraham Lincoln during a campaign trip in Massachusetts on behalf of U.S. presidential candidate Zachary Taylor, the candidate of the Whig Party, in September 1848. It highlights the differences between the expectations of Massachusetts listeners and Lincoln's speaking style, Lincoln's self-deprecation, and his perceived lack of eloquence.

During its more than 20 years in power, the AK Party has made many contradictory decisions in foreign policy. Events in the region beyond Türkiye's control have left the AK Party in a spiral of contradictory decisions. This study aims to reveal this spiral in the AK Party's foreign policy practices and to explain the AK Party's maneuvers in this regard by exemplifying them. In this framework, first of all, a large number of articles, books, and political speeches were accessed by conducting a literature review on the aforementioned subject. Sample countries and autonomous regions (Iraq, Libya, Syria, Crimea, East Turkistan), which are considered to have a more pronounced foreign policy spiral and which are hotly discussed in the media, were selected and analyzed. In this framework, the main determinants (such as the Iraq War, the Greater Middle East Project, and the Arab Spring) that caused Türkiye to remain in a spiral in foreign policy were focused on. And then the tools (soft power, public diplomacy, etc.) used to get out of this spiral were briefly explained. Afterward, the AK Party's foreign policy spiral was analyzed and interpreted within the framework of "the main determinants and tools used in foreign policy" through foreign policy examples. In this context, it was concluded that the AK Party tried to get out of the foreign policy spiral by "putting forward different policy practices" in relation with the aforementioned country examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]