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In 1895 a woman from California named Sofia Peralta-Reavis leaped into the national spotlight when her husband, James Reavis, sued the federal government for con- firmation of her title to the Peralta Land Grant, an enormous Spanish land grant in the territories of Arizona and New Mexico. At the highly publicized trial that followed, it came to light that the evidence Reavis had presented to the court to prove the existence of the Peralta Land Grant and his wife's title to it was forged. This essay uses the trial transcript to recover the woman at the center of the scandal, arguing that Sofia Peralta-Reavis's fraudulent embodiment of a wealthy Spanish baroness unmasks the fluidity and fragility of racial categories, gender, and authenticity in the late nineteenth-century borderlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Never, ever be afraid to make some noise and get in good trouble, necessary trouble." - Representative John Lewis It is time now for organized medicine to make "good trouble" and call for racial justice in medical education and health care. It is also time to have an honest confrontation with reality in order to bring about racial healing and become anti-racist organizations. Using a racial justice framework, 4 elements described here can chart our course. Organized medicine must come together in solidarity to make "good trouble" and fight collectively for racial justice so that every community we serve can achieve their full health potential and achieve racial equity-that is, giving people what they need to enjoy full, healthy lives regardless of race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study utilizes interviews from 22 young female engineers from diverse racial/ethnic backgrounds as they first entered the White and male-dominated engineering labor force with the goal of examining: (1) how these women endorsed a gender-blind frame that characterizes their workplaces as fundamentally meritocratic, and alternatively, (2) how they named gender as relevant or salient to experiences and interactions at work. Drawing on the insights of intersectional scholars to answer the previous questions, the study calls attention to how the invocation of these frames differed for women of color compared to their majority White female peers. Results revealed that most respondents strongly endorsed the idea that engineering workplaces are meritocratic and that their gender is not relevant. However, there is also evidence of racial divergence in the themes expressed. For example, some White women expressed a narrative contradictory to meritocracy, discussing their workplaces as like family, while in contrast, women of color often expressed uncomfortable experiences of standing out. Overall, the results suggest that female engineers' tendency to disavow, either explicitly or implicitly, that discrimination and bias occurs in their workplaces, likely contributes to continued gender and racial inequality; subsequently, programs and interventions to facilitate awareness of inequality are critically needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, American society experienced a number of crises. They involved raced relations precipitated by the Black Lives Matter movement, the Covid 19 pandemic with its huge loss of life and rates of illness, the economic recession that accompanied the pandemic and efforts to control it, and the tensions of the national political campaign, followed by the refusal of President Trump to acknowledge his defeat. Each of these crises led to cleavages in the relationships of solidarity in the societal community subsystem of American society. The cleavages may prove to be the most enduring of the crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To examine the extent to which differences in medication for opioid use disorder (MOUD) in pregnancy and infant neonatal opioid withdrawal syndrome (NOWS) outcomes are associated with maternal race/ethnicity. Methods. We performed a secondary analysis of a statewide quality improvement database of opioid-exposed deliveries from January 2017 to April 2019 from 24 hospitals in Massachusetts. We used multivariable mixed-effects logistic regression to model the association between maternal race/ethnicity (non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, or Hispanic) and prenatal receipt of MOUD, NOWS severity, early intervention referral, and biological parental custody at discharge. Results. Among 1710 deliveries to women with opioid use disorder, 89.3% (n = 1527) were non-Hispanic White. In adjusted models, non-Hispanic Black women (AOR = 0.34; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.18, 0.66) and Hispanic women (AOR = 0.43; 95% CI = 0.27, 0.68) were less likely to receive MOUD during pregnancy compared with non-Hispanic White women. We found no statistically significant associations between maternal race/ethnicity and infant outcomes. Conclusions. We identified significant racial/ethnic differences in MOUD prenatal receipt that persisted in adjusted models. Research should focus on the perspectives and treatment experiences of non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic women to ensure equitable care for all mother–infant dyads. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Status distinctions have important consequences for most aspects of life, including inequalities in wealth, segregation, and interaction patterns in small groups. Much work documents such inequalities, but the mechanisms producing them are less understood. In our 2019 ASR article, "Status Characteristics, Implicit Bias, and the Production of Racial Inequality," we showed that a novel measure of implicit status beliefs explained some of the effect of race on social influence. The measure is based on an implicit association test (IAT) assessing the association between status and racial categories. In their comment, Bursell and Olsson (2020) assert that the IAT may be capturing evaluative bias, not status beliefs. Furthermore, Bursell and Olsson suggest our measure may work better for white compared to black participants. In this response, we review work in the sociology of culture and social psychology establishing the multidimensionality of cultural beliefs, and we present results from a new experiment, showing status and evaluations load on distinct underlying constructs. Results also show no racial differences in these measurement properties. We conclude with a discussion of ways to further refine the racial status IAT and the broader implications of this exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study extends research on cohort effects and crime by considering how bifurcated population dynamics and institutional constraints explain variation in homicide rates across racial groups in the United States. Drawing upon the extensive research on racial residential segregation and institutional segmentation, we theorize how the criminogenic influences of cohort characteristics elucidated in prior work will be greater for Black cohorts than for White cohorts. We assess our hypothesis by estimating Age-Period-Cohort Characteristic models with data for the total population and separately for the Black and White populations over the 1975–2014 period. The results reveal persistent effects of relative cohort size and nonmarital births on Black cohort-specific homicide rates but null effects among the White population. These effects follow Black birth cohorts across the life course, leading to higher rates of both homicide arrest and homicide victimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In drawing from Herek's (2007, 2009) sexual stigma and prejudice theory, the purpose of this study was to examine the relationship among prejudice toward sexual minority coaches, religious fundamentalism, sexism, and sexual prejudice and to determine whether race affected these relationships. The authors collected data from 238 parents. Results indicated that Asians expressed greater sexual prejudice than Latinos and Whites, while African Americans expressed more religious fundamentalism than did Whites. There were also differences in the associations among the variables. For African Americans, sexism held the strongest association with prejudice toward sexual minority coaches. While for Asians and Whites, religious fundamentalism held the strongest association, contact with lesbian and gay friends was a significant predictor of prejudice for Asians, but not for the other groups. For Latinos, both religious fundamentalism and sexism were associated with sexual prejudice. The authors discuss the results in terms of theoretical and practical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various scientific techniques are used worldwide in contemporary criminal identification. Caramex, called the "Face of the Mexican," is a face‐recall system for criminal identification specifically developed for the Mexican population. It is a photographic database composed of Mexican facial traits to generate composite sketches. In this article, I examine Caramex and show that it works according to specific ideas of nation, mixture (mestizaje), and race (mestizo). In contrast to racial ideologies in which purity is the assumed and desired condition of races, Caramex highlights hybridity. This specific framework—drawing on what I call "Mexicanness"—guides the construction of the database and thus the production of portraits. The analysis historically situates the development of Caramex and provides insights into the daily use of this technology. It shows that Caramex not only reproduces old views of nation and race but also generates new ideas on these issues, as users can alter the photographic database and contest the ideas that shaped the technology. Thus, more generally, this case shows how technologies of identification incorporate and construct ideas of nationhood and human variation in Latin America. [face‐recall system, mestizo, race, Caramex, Mexicanness, Mexico] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the crucial role that ideas about race and slavery played in the formation of the Early Republic. Instead of highlighting, as have others, the paradoxical emergence of race-based slavery in a society devoted to freedom and liberty, Jason Young instead envisions this conflict as merely a more recent iteration of a much larger trans-Atlantic concern. The central conflicts of citizenship and alienation that were at the heart of key Constitutional debates in the Early Republic were also playing out in West Africa and Western Europe. Instead of reflecting novel problems of state, these debates animated political formations and conceptions long before they arrived on American shores. In this way, viewing the Early Republic through an African Diasporic lens promises new ways of thinking not only about slavery and abolition but also about the processes of nation-building around the Atlantic rim at the turn of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we combine infrastructure studies and black radical traditions to foreground how imperial remains deeply inform the logics that bring forth contemporary large‐scale infrastructures in Africa. The objective, prompted by the ongoing avid promotion of such architectures on the continent, is to contribute to an analysis that centres race in these projects. Our argument is that these initiatives have to be understood in relation to inherited material and discursive scaffoldings that remain from the colonial period, through what we refer to as imperial remains and imperial invitations. These remains and invitations demonstrate how recent mega infrastructures inhere, in their planning, financing and implementation, a colonial racialism, despite rhetorical claims to the opposite. Empirically, we draw, principally, on China built and financed infrastructure projects from Kenya, and theoretically upon black radical traditions in order to foreground a longer genealogy of black pathologising and resistance to it on the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite their small numbers, Basque sheepherders became prototypical figures in the history the American West, viewed as elusive, mysterious men hidden in high pastures tending their enormous herds for months at a time. Basques became so associated with herding that even when the Immigration Act of 1924 placed severe restrictions on the number of Spanish nationals who could immigrate, American herders lobbied for special legislation that would allow them to keep importing sheepherders from Spain. This article contends that this preference for Basque herders arose not from Basques' particular expertise but from narratives of their ancient origins and racial distinctiveness. Both Basques and non-Basques developed constructions of Basqueness that emphasized the group's non-"Latin" status, thus placing Basques in an advantageous position in the American ethnoracial hierarchy relative to other Southern European ethnic groups. These narratives allowed sheepherding to be racialized as a Basque profession and also underlined Basques' European Indigeneity—an Indigeneity that was to some extent transferred to the American West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Syrian refugee "crisis" has prompted contradictory responses of securitization of European borders on the one hand, and grassroots compassion on the other, that posit a universal conception of the human deserving of equal rights to safety irrespective of racial or religious difference. However, in the aftermath of the 2015 and 2016 Paris terror attacks there has been a backlash against refugees amid fears of Islamist terrorists exploiting refugee channels to enter Europe, as well as an upsurge in a populist nationalism framing Brexit and anti-Muslim hostility following recent UK terror attacks. I argue that the convergence of the "Muslim refugee" and the "terror suspect" as threatening mobilizes a racialized biopolitics present in intersecting counter-terrorism and asylum regimes that prioritise security concerns above human rights. I advance the Concentrationary Gothic as a framework for understanding continuities in logics of racial terror framing the "Muslim question" within the Syrian refugee "crisis." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Introduction first proposes a definitional map applicable to the racial nationalisms currently ascendant in Britain (and Western Europe, more broadly). The paper then outlines the respective contributions to the Special Issue – with an emphasis on the politics of bordering that organizes today so much of nationalism's claim on the state. The second half thereupon establishes a wider conjunctural context within which such analyses can be most productively read. Drawing on Stuart Hall's formative analysis, we argue that it is an understanding of the distinctly contradictory drives intrinsic to recent capitalism that is required. Through mapping the uneasy nation/market bind constitutive of the "Little Englander" political subjectivity that Thatcherism forged, this section focuses on the "disjuncture" that has emerged in the intervening period: a disjuncture, compounded by complementary forms of "postcolonial melancholia", that has seen the various nationalist drives in the body politic obtain today a more pronounced political autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on Chios, at the start of 2016, and my experience there as a volunteer, this paper aims to understand the forms of violence that unfolded in that location and considers what they mean for the social and political transformation of Europe. Violence takes many forms, but in this paper I focus on cruelty – specifically, modern, colonial and racial acts of excessive violence committed without regard for the victim. Secondly, the paper develops a feminist and postcolonial analysis of care. This analysis is concerned with acts of empathy, responsibility and relation that acted as correctives to cruelty. The paper shows how cruelty and care are intertwined and how their quotidian workings reveal wider patterns of violence and responsibility. However, rather than reiterate that care is ensnared in cruelty, this paper defends care's autonomy, vitality and centrality to an alternative humanist ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I examine the experiences of Jason and Ricardo, two men who were deported to Jamaica from the UK following criminal conviction. This ethnographic inquiry into deportation provides a rich and complex account of race-making at different scales. Theorizing the connections between racialization and illegalization offers a productive framework for the study of racism in multi-status Britain. The paper argues that the border is central to race's contemporary mobilization, not only in the lives of individuals like Jason and Ricardo but also for those interpellated as "natives". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Studies have highlighted that, for African American men, race-related and sociodemographic contexts are inextricably bound and have profound effects across the life course. These context and related experiences, individually and collectively, are critical social determinants of their parenting practices. The current study examined African American fathers' racial identity beliefs in relation to their ethnic-racial socialization practices. Further, this investigation examines this association within the context of sociodemographic factors (i.e., age; education level; residential status). Methods: Data were collected from 174 African American fathers (M = 32.2; SD = 8.24; Range = 23–62 years of age) of adolescents (M = 12.6; SD = 2.20; Range = 8–18 years of age) residing in a mid-sized, urban city in the Southeastern region of the United States. Participants completed survey questionnaires regarding their parenting ideologies, sociocontextual experiences and parenting practices. Results: Regression analyses revealed that racial identity dimensions (centrality; public regard; private regard) and sociodemographic factors were directly associated with multiple ethnic-racial socialization domains. Also, the relationship between fathers' perceptions of others' views about African Americans (public regard) and ethnic-racial socialization was moderated by residential status. Conclusions: Findings suggest that, African American fathers' public regard beliefs, in combination with sociodemographic factors, shape race-related discussions with their children. Overall, results suggest that the public lens of fatherhood is further heightened by African American fathers' sociodemographic landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the intimate encounters between Japanese women and African American servicemen in post--World War II Japan and the ways in which these intimacies challenged American racial politics that were reproduced in Occupied Japan, while at the same time reaffirmed American heterosexual masculine power and the subordination of Japanese women. It interrogates the gendered politics of the historical conception of Afro-Asian solidarity, and contributes to studies of the Black Pacific by considering these interracial intimacies as sites of potent marriage rights discursive production in the postwar years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The status of the concept of race in modern biological anthropology is not clear. While in some countries (e.g. in the USA, Australia and most of Western Europe) the majority of biological anthropologists favour the non-racial approach to the study of human variation, in others (e.g., China and most of Eastern Europe), racial approach, both populational and typological, is still utilized. In addition to the fact that human variation is a complex subject and almost by its very nature lends itself to different interpretations, it has been shown in a number of studies that the ways in which human biological variation is conceptualised is highly dependent on the socio-political context and the way the anthropological community is functioning within this broader framework. This study reports the results of a questionnaire based survey focusing on the attitudes of Serbian biological anthropologists towards the concept of race. It was found that the majority of respondents still accept the race concept. It is hypothesized that this is for a variety of reasons, including the development of the discipline in relative isolation from the centres of excellence in bio-anthropological research, lack of appropriate academic infrastructure and research funding. Further research, including surveys of academic communities in other countries and research traditions might throw more light on the elusive subject of the status of the concept of race in biological anthropology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although indigenous populations have been subjected to some of the worst forms of institutionalized oppression in the United States, little social science research has sought to understand the day-to-day ethnoracial biases that contemporary Native American populations face. Seeking to expand this knowledge, we present a theoretical framework of the cultural processes of ethnoracial disadvantage experienced by Native American students in predominantly white colleges. Drawing on 65 in-depth interviews with 50 Native students, we identify four cultural processes of disadvantage: derogatory stereotyping , exoticized othering , delegitimation , and assimilation pressures related to cultural hegemony. Intertwined with these processes is the cultural permissibility of ignorance , a willful dearth of knowledge—and lack of accountability for knowledge—about indigenous peoples, traditions, and histories of oppression which enable these biases and exclusions. Students tend to respond to these cultural processes of disadvantage in three ways: educating others, working to disprove stereotypes, and spanning two worlds. We end by discussing how these results help advance theoretical understanding of ethnoracial bias toward indigenous populations and cultural processes of ethnoracial inequality in the United States more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public debate and scholarly research has largely concentrated on the vast array of disparities between blacks and whites in their treatment by and experiences with the criminal justice system. Nevertheless, a growing body of research shows that African Americans' life chances are internally stratified by gradational differences in their skin tone. This study brings together research on race, color, and the criminal justice system by using nationally-representative data to examine whether (and to what extent) skin tone is associated with policing and punishment among African Americans. I find that skin tone is significantly associated with the probability of having been arrested and/or incarcerated, net of relevant controls. Further analyses, using a sub-sample of whites drawn from the same nationally-representative survey, show that disparities in policing and punishment within the black population along the colour continuum are often comparable to or even exceed disparities between blacks and whites as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study aims to examine the patterns of Asian Americans' partisanship acquisition by asking why and in what ways Asian Americans develop partisan affiliation with the Democratic and Republican Party. Methods: Drawing on the 2008 National Asian American Survey data and employing logistic regression analysis, this research situates the analytical framework on socioeconomic attainment and political socialization, and tests the extent to which socioeconomic status, policy preferences, and race‐based political commonality constitute the directional components contributing to partisan orientation. Results: We find that socioeconomic status cannot efficiently predict Asian Americans' partisan preferences; instead, Asian Americans' partisanship acquisition derives mainly from policy preferences and a sense of minority political commonality and racial identity. Conclusion: Different from white and African Americans, where socioeconomic attainment and a sense of in‐group linked fate tend to work efficiently to predict their partisanship, in the Asian‐American context, partisan orientation is grounded in a combination of liberal policy preferences and race‐based political calculus. Specifically, liberal policy preferences and the sense of political commonality with blacks and Latinos tend to lay a concrete groundwork for partisan identification with the Democratic Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview of the topics discussed in the preceding pieces in this issue. The analysis of sport in the context of social inequality is seen as their overriding theme. Three theoretical traditions, Marxism, Critical Race Studies, and Poststructuralism, are said to dominate the discourse. The relationship between scholarship and society is examined. Sociology of sport is seen as the pursuit of examining sport as a contested seat of power.

Although mainstream historiography's postcolonial indifference has been heavily contested, a profound engagement with how race relates to racism in Switzerland seems far-off. As the country's direct democratic system relentlessly allows for race to be mobilized, Swiss racial denial results in an inability to productively name and contest racism. This would be particularly pertinent, as racism has not only been normalized by right-wing popular initiatives but also by a state-sponsored climate in which any attempt of naming racism is deemed excessive or hysterical. This article explores the effects of anti-racialist 'anti-racism' on public debates about racism in Switzerland. It has been argued that, in wake of the UNESCO consensus, anti-racialism has been established as the dominant paradigm of anti-racism across Europe. Through an analysis of Swiss state anti-racism, I will propose that an unexamined commitment to the anti-racialist tradition actively contributes to the difficulty of naming and combating racism in Switzerland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the question of race has been largely underexplored in the study of postsocialist Europe, the logic of coloniality remains at the heart of Europeanness, complicating the assumption that migrants from the region only encounter racial difference once they arrive in a "multicultural" society. The article contributes to recent debates on racializing Central and East European studies as well as the literature on migrant encounters with difference by examining the articulations of "race" and coloniality among migrants from former Yugoslavia in Britain. On the one hand, interactions with fellow migrants are frequently imbued with racialized hierarchies that equate Europeanness with whiteness and modernity. On the other hand, the history of Yugoslav solidarity with decolonizing nations provides an alternative archive that refutes claims of British "openness" and recognizes unexpected forms of intimacy, highlighting a genealogy of encounter that extends the spatiotemporal scope of debates about migrants' responses to racialized difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current antidiscrimination law is exceedingly hostile to the project of race-conscious remediation-the conscious use of race to mitigate America's persistent racial hierarchy. This Article argues that this broad hostility can be traced in significant part to what I call "Whiteness as Innocence" ideology. This ideology is a system of legal reasoning by which the formal principle of equality is filled with the substantive principle of white racial dominance via invocations of white innocence. That is, under this ideology, ideas about white innocence influence legal decisions on who is "alike" and "unalike" and what constitutes "alike" and "unalike" treatment in race-conscious remedies cases in ways that generally favor whites as a group yet appear consistent with, perhaps even required by, the ideal of racial equality. As a result, Whiteness as Innocence reasoning legitimizes doctrinal outcomes that help perpetuate America's racial hierarchy by making them appear to be decisions about responsibility, fairness, and desert, rather than exercises of racial power. In this process, innocence has displayed a malleable meaning and become presumptively attached to the law's understanding of whiteness itself. This illustrates in powerful ways that race is a socially and legally constructed concept. Whiteness as Innocence ideology has shaped important aspects of American race law in favor of perpetuating racial hierarchy. The most significant contemporary example is strict scrutiny doctrine as developed in the 1970s and 1980s under the lead of Justice Lewis Powell. Whiteness as Innocence ideology influenced all major aspects of this doctrine that have hamstrung race-conscious remedial efforts since then: (1) its strict standard of review; (2) its restrictions on the purposes for which race-conscious remedies can be used; and (3) its firm limits on the ways in which such remedies can be implemented. Important cases before and after that time, reaching from Dred Scott to decisions of today, also illustrate the long historical arch of this ideology. Whiteness as Innocence ideology allows racist premises of white superiority to infiltrate legal doctrine and creates racial hostility and resentment. Reform efforts seeking to promote racial justice ought to be freed from the strictures imposed by this ideology. This may well have to involve redefining the meaning of white innocence itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highly educated Indian and Pakistani immigrants arrived in boomtown Houston in the 1960s and 1970s, readily securing employment as engineers or other white-collar professionals. At the same time, they faced racism in housing, the workplace, university campuses, and restaurants. Asians were "conditionally included"--that is, accepted for their economic value but often, socially outcast. The racial calculations made by Indian and Pakistani immigrants in a rapidly internationalizing city were fraught with contradictions. They sought places and spaces where they felt tolerated, even if not completely welcomed into the fold. At the same time, they wielded their class status and ethnicity as tools by which they could both distance themselves from other racialized minorities and attempt to bypass their own racialization altogether. The experiences of immigrants of color reveals the racial architecture--that is, those norms that upheld the structure of white privilege--of a changing American South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This symposium on my book, The Specter of Race: How Discrimination Haunts Western Democracy (Princeton, 2018) provides an opportunity to engage specialists in classical and modern political theory and philosophy, comparative racial and ethnic politics, and political sociology who have provided commentary on different aspects of the two overarching arguments intertwined in The Specter of Race; how students of democracy have largely ignored how racial and ethno-national hierarchy has been historically tethered to its practice , and how students of comparative politics have, for the most part, ignored how these hierarchies have informed the very development of modern democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper defends the concept of racialization against its critics. As the concept has become increasingly popular, questions about its meaning and value have been raised, and a backlash against its use has occurred. I argue that when "racialization" is properly understood, criticisms of the concept are unsuccessful. I defend a definition of racialization and identify its companion concept, "racialized group." Racialization is often used as a synonym for "racial formation." I argue that this is a mistake. Racial formation theory is committed to racial ontology, but racialization is best understood as the process through which racialized – rather than racial – groups are formed. "Racialization" plays a unique role in the conceptual landscape, and it is a key concept for race eliminativists and anti-realists about race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The early twenty-first century is marked by new postcolonial nationalist ideologies and their indifference to modern histories of colonisation and the urgent need for anti-nationalist theories of racialised subjectification. I discuss the importance of work on 'intersectionality' and consider how some theoretical formations reproduce core elements of 'common sense' nationalisms such as universal, fixed racial categories, the gender binary and the idea of separate cultures. I then argue for a transdisciplinary theory of racialised subjectivity that I call 'biocoloniality'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2019 marks thirty years since the publication of Kimberlé Crenshaw’s groundbreaking article, Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics. While scholars across the disciplines have engaged intersectionality from a range of theoretical and normative vantage points, there has been little effort to analyze intersectionality in relation to two other enormously influential theoretical frameworks: Angela Harris’s critique of gender essentialism and Catharine MacKinnon’s dominance theory. This Essay endeavors to fill that gap. Broadly articulated, our project is to map how anti-essentialism, dominance theory, and intersectionality converge and to articulate the places where they do not. In the context of doing so, we advance three core claims. First, scholars erroneously conflate intersectionality with anti-essentialism and thus erroneously perceive a strong opposition between intersectionality and dominance theory on the view that dominance theory is essentialist and that intersectionality is not. In the context of disaggregating intersectionality from anti-essentialism, we contest the view that feminism and critical theory must always avoid essentialism to achieve normative commitments to social transformation. Second, we argue that scholars have largely overlooked the fact that dominance theory and intersectionality share a critique of conceptions of equality structured around sameness and difference. Third, we contend that while there is an affiliation between dominance theory and intersectionality, there is also at least some tension between their respective framings of race and gender. We explore this tension by examining how intersectionality potentially stages a “soft” critique of MacKinnon’s defense of dominance theory against charges of essentialism in her provocatively titled essay, From Practice to Theory, or What Is a White Woman, Anyway? Our hope is that the Essay will both challenge the prevailing ways in which many scholars, including some feminists and critical race theorists, frame anti-essentialism, intersectionality, and dominance theory, and underscore the critical importance of attending to how racial power is gendered and gender subordination is racialized. Much is at stake with respect to the theoretical terrain we mean to cover. In addition to taking women’s theorizing seriously and facilitating the production of knowledge in historically marginalized areas of legal scholarship, we believe that engagements with anti-essentialism, intersectionality, and dominance theory have profound implications for the substantive form and content of political organizing, civil rights advocacy, and legal reform initiatives. Indeed, underwriting our effort in this Essay is the view that how we theorize social problems, including the subordination of women, necessarily shapes the scope and content of our social justice imaginary — which is to say, our freedom dreams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussion of growing inequity in U.S. life expectancy increasingly focuses on the popularized narrative that it is driven by a surge of "deaths of despair." Does this narrative fit the empirical evidence? Using census and Vital Statistics data, we apply life-table methods to calculate cause-specific years of life lost between ages 25 and 84 by sex and educational rank for non-Hispanic blacks and whites in 1990 and 2015. Drug overdoses do contribute importantly to widening inequity for whites, especially men, but trivially for blacks. The contribution of suicide to growing inequity is unremarkable. Cardiovascular disease, non-lung cancers, and other internal causes are key to explaining growing life expectancy inequity. Results underline the speculative nature of attempts to attribute trends in life-expectancy inequity to an epidemic of despair. They call for continued investigation of the possible weathering effects of tenacious high-effort coping with chronic stressors on the health of marginalized populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article probes the discourses of the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) in the war on alcohol, prison reform, and the twin punishments of lynching and incarceration that help recontextualize Frances Harper's 1893 novel Iola Leroy. The argument between Frances Willard and Ida B. Wells frames the illusory fear of black men raping white women and the threat of miscegenation. Harper's novelistic response to this debate is to create multiple discourses for diverse audiences: white slavery, miscegenation, and the rise of a carceral state and its practice of convict leasing and the chain-gang. The article shows that the debates over women's issues, domesticity, gender normativity, and prison reform within the WCTU disrupt the discourse of the tragic mulatta that has often been assumed primary and has softened the narrative critique in Iola Leroy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the interpersonal conflict between black power leader Eldridge Cleaver and the African American author James Baldwin concerning the latter's sexuality during the late 1960s and early 1970s, referencing the memoir "Soul on Ice," by Cleaver and the nonfiction book "No Name in the Street," by Baldwin. An overview of Cleaver's homophobic insult to Baldwin, including in regard to Cleaver's perspective on the racial aspects of masculinity, is provided.

Historical accounts of sickle cell disease tend to emphasize either its theoretical role in catalyzing the field of medical genetics or its clinical and social significance in representing the health-care disparities experienced by African Americans. This essay bridges these narratives by focusing on the discovery of sickle cells in marginalized Arabic-speaking communities of Yemen and Turkey in the 1950s. As in North America, sickle cell research in the Middle East unfolded along the social fractures of race. The essay analyzes how British, Turkish, and Arab geneticists attempted to create evolutionary hypotheses that reconciled historical and sociological boundaries between white and African, Arab and Turk. As the parameters of Turkish and Arab nationalism shifted in the Cold War–era Middle East, so did the favored explanatory narratives for the presence of sickle cells in different communities, which assigned different degrees of importance to African ancestry, socially enforced endogamy, and evolutionary adaptations to malaria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2014, the release of an album by a Montreal-based hip-hop group whose lyrics systematically combine words and phrases from English and French activated fears among the francophone majority about their future as a national minority. Neo-conservative nationalists responded to the album by criticizing youth for having "massacred" the French language and for giving in to the glamour of American rap music. By recalling Québec's fragile status as a linguistic minority and its ongoing struggle to defend the French language vis-à-vis the rest of Canada, criticisms drew sharp lines between insiders and outsiders. This text takes inspiration from critical sociolinguistics and recent analyses of race relations in Québec to show that code-switching in popular music can create new opportunities for shared community among young people of diverse backgrounds, but these emerging forms of solidarity do not necessarily translate into belonging in terms of the larger political community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented which discusses topics featured within the issue such as race, economic freedom, and sociocultural issues being faced by the African American population in the U.S.

We combine insights from the sociological and psychological traditions of social psychology to examine how status inequality may affect group performance. Specifically, we examine how synergy, that is, performance gains produced through group interaction, is realized in ethnically diverse groups. Research suggests that diverse work groups struggle to capitalize on the strengths of all group members, and in turn, achieve synergy less frequently than homogeneous groups. We examine how an intervention in the status generalizing process affects group members' influence—and how this affects synergistic gains (n = 50). We study these processes over a three-week period of time. In groups that received an intervention in the status generalizing process (experimental condition), racial hierarchy is decreased in weeks 1 and 3—but inequality remained in baseline groups. Additionally, in week 3, experimental groups achieved synergy more than baseline groups and did not perform worse than baseline groups on any task. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on 13 months of participant observation at a welfare‐to‐work nonprofit that provides unemployed poor women with used business attire, I assess the extent to which—and how—this "objectified cultural capital" is transmitted to clients. I advance prior theorizing in this area by considering whether clients' "bodily capital" impacts the services they receive. I find that despite providing needed services to clients, the organization reifies many of the inequalities it seeks to remedy. When sorting clothing donations, staff and volunteers curate particularly classed embodiments by selecting garments that are work‐appropriate yet not luxurious. Also, well‐intentioned efforts to provide a luxurious shopping‐esque experience for clients ironically produces service scripts that facilitate control over clients' behavior. Finally, service interactions reproduce inequities between different types of clients along the lines of race, class, and body size, such that clients with more privileged bodily capital fare better than those with stigmatized embodiments. I use these findings to caution against romanticized understandings of philanthropic efforts to remedy social inequality, while also underscoring the importance of taking embodiment—particularly the striking social disadvantages of larger body size—into account when examining the intersections of gender, race, and class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In their attempt to address racial disparities in the provision of healthcare, the U.S. medical profession has reproduced racial inequalities of their own. In this article, I draw upon interview data with medical educators and students to detail how medical educators routinely offload the instruction on the social underpinnings and consequences of race onto students, particularly students of color. I develop the concept of the conscripted curriculum to capture how students' social identities are utilized by educators in the professionalization process. While there are exceptions in curricular approaches, most educators create the conscripted curriculum by eliciting students to share their social experiences with race in the small group setting while only providing students with didactic material on biological understandings of race. As a result, students of color report experiencing more emotionally exhausting and unrewarded labor than their white peers, and educators further devalue the social implications of race for healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial stratification in immigrant earnings has been widely influential in theories of immigrant socioeconomic assimilation, but discussions of how racial stratification might differ by gender are underdeveloped. Segmented assimilation theory attempts to explain the underlying mechanisms that cause racial disparities, but it fails to incorporate gendered dynamics like occupational sex segregation and the feminization of particular labour flows. In this paper, we address that gap. Using data from the 1990 decennial census and the American Community Survey in 2009-11, we compare the earnings of black and white African migrants to US-born blacks and whites separately by gender. Our findings indicate that black African migrant women experience no racial disadvantage in their earnings, but black African migrant men do. Our results highlight the importance of examining racial differences in immigrant earnings interacting with gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this presidential address, I advance a theoretical sketch on racialized emotions—the emotions specific to racialized societies. These emotions are central to the racial edifice of societies, thus, analysts and policymakers should understand their collective nature, be aware of how they function, and appreciate the existence of variability among emoting racial subjects. Clarity on these matters is key for developing an effective affective politics to challenge any racial order. After the sketch, I offer potential strategies to retool our racial emotive order as well as our racial selves. I end my address urging White sociologists to acknowledge the significance of racism in sociology and the emotions it engenders and to work to advance new personal and organizational anti-racist practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We used qualitative methods (semi-structured interviews with healthcare providers) to explore: 1) the role of narratives as a vehicle for raising awareness and engaging providers about the issue of healthcare disparities and 2) the extent to which different ways of framing issues of race within narratives might lead to message acceptance for providers' whose preexisting beliefs about causal attributions might predispose them to resist communication about racial healthcare disparities. Individual interviews were conducted with 53 providers who had completed a prior survey assessing beliefs about disparities. Participants were stratified by the degree to which they believed providers contributed to healthcare inequality: low provider attribution (LPA) versus high provider attribution (HPA). Each participant read and discussed two differently framed narratives about race in healthcare. All participants accepted the "Provider Success" narratives, in which interpersonal barriers involving a patient of color were successfully resolved by the provider narrator, through patient-centered communication. By contrast, "Persistent Racism" narratives, in which problems faced by the patient of color were more explicitly linked to racism and remained unresolved, were very polarizing, eliciting acceptance from HPA participants and resistance from LPA participants. This study provides a foundation for and raises questions about how to develop effective narrative communication strategies to engage providers in efforts to reduce healthcare disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on what the notion of super-diversity means in the practice of everyday life. Whereas the founder of the super-diversity concept, Steven Vertovec, primarily uses the term to point to specific demographic transformations, other scholars have deployed it in more ideological or theoretical terms. Based on ethnographic research in a working-class area of Amsterdam, this study analyses how and to what extent a new demographic super-diverse reality is lived on the ground. Whereas some studies show that super-diverse demographics can result in a super-diverse lived reality in which ethnic and racial diversity becomes the “new normal”, this article reveals a different situation. The findings of this study suggest that demographic transformations leading to increased migration-driven diversity can reinforce boundaries between groups of neighbourhood residents based on dominant class, racial and ethnic distinctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is provided to the articles within the special issue on the history of immigration control in the U.S. with topics, including immigration law, racialization and refugees.

Historians have long understood rootedness as a hallmark of the Nazi regime and German race thinking. Blood and Soil implied an intimate bond between lands and peoples, and the Nazis co-opted ideas of Heimat to claim that members of the German race were indelibly marked by their milieu. Meanwhile, German designs on living space and the creation of a land empire are hallmarks of the territorialized logic of "heavy" modernity. Closer attention to German engagements with mobility complicates this picture, however, demonstrating how the material effects, embodied experiences, and discursive renderings of movement in Nazi Germany influenced geopolitical calculations and everyday life in equal measure. The Nazis celebrated mobility as much as they cherished rootedness. Mobility politics lay at the foundation of power relations in the Third Reich, and the Nazis developed a set of institutions in the form of a circulatory state to manage the productive potential and disruptive danger of mobility. Systems and logics of mobility connected seemingly distinct realms of historical experience in Nazi Germany, suggesting the potential of mobility for historians who study other times and places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bachelor’s degree (BA) completion is lower among black students than among white students. In this study, we use data from the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 and the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System, together with regression-based analytical techniques, to identify the primary sources of the BA completion gap. We find that black students’ lower academic and socioeconomic resources are the biggest drivers of the gap. However, we also find that black students are more likely to enroll in four-year colleges than are white students, given pre-college resources. We describe this dynamic as “paradoxical persistence” because it challenges Boudon’s well-known assertion that the secondary effect of educational decisionmaking should reinforce the primary effect of resource discrepancies. Instead, our results indicate that black students’ paradoxical persistence widens the race gap in BA completion while also narrowing the race gap in BA attainment, or the proportion of high school graduates to receive a BA. This narrowing effect on the BA attainment gap is as large or larger than the narrowing effect of black students’ “overmatch” to high-quality colleges, facilitated in part by affirmative action. Paradoxical persistence refocuses attention on black students’ individual agency as an important source of existing educational gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research suggests that corporal punishment and growing up in socially disorganized neighborhoods may have differential effects on children of color compared to White children. We test this idea by employing multilevel models with interaction terms to examine whether the associations of perceived neighborhood collective efficacy and maternal corporal punishment with behavior problems at age 5 differed by race/ethnicity. The analytic sample consisted of 2388 White, Black, or Hispanic families in the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. Covariates at the individual child, parent, and neighborhood levels were included to account for the racial/ethnic differences in structural and socioeconomic factors. Results demonstrate that race/ethnicity does not moderate the associations of maternal corporal punishment with internalizing or externalizing behavior problems in early childhood, nor does race/ethnicity moderate the association between neighborhood collective efficacy and externalizing behavior. However, the significant interaction between neighborhood collective efficacy and Hispanic ethnicity suggests that the protective role of collective efficacy on internalizing behavior is more pronounced in Hispanic children than White children. Overall, these findings underline the importance of multilevel interventions that strengthen neighborhood collective efficacy, particularly for Hispanic children, and of interventions that discourage physical discipline practices for young children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]