Search

The article explores the question of whether New York City has killed indie rock. It discusses how New York's dominance in the indie rock scene is a relatively recent phenomenon, with college towns and second-tier cities like Chapel Hill, Athens, Minneapolis, and Seattle being the centers of indie rock in the 1980s and 1990s. The article also examines the impact of the mass migration of musicians, critics, and fans to New York City, and how it has reshaped the indie rock landscape. It concludes that while New York's influence on indie rock cannot be denied, other factors such as changes in production and performance requirements, the rise of electronic media, and the dilution of local press outlets have also played a role in shaping the indie rock scene. [Extracted from the article]

In recent decades, disruptive media events, such as major terrorist attacks, have gained increasing relevance in news coverage around the world. Despite the growing importance of such globally broadcast media events, little research to date has examined cross-national variation in event coverage or the predictors of this variation. This study examines news coverage about the 9/11 terror attacks in the United States across 51 countries to analyze whether the topical focus and emotional tone of news coverage about the attacks varied according to a country's proximity to the United States and the dominant role perceptions of its journalistic culture. We show that these macro-level predictors are associated in varying degrees with the country-level topical focus and emotional tone of reporting over the 30 days following this salient event. Moreover, our analysis also suggests that temporal developments may have uniformly structured much of this worldwide coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a review history of online collecting of current moments, including Hurricane Katrina, September 11, and the COVID-19 pandemic, which have been digitized.

Terrorism research has gained much traction since the 9/11 attacks, but some sub genres of terrorism, such as right-wing terrorism, have remained under-studied areas. Unsurprisingly data sources to study these phenomena are scarce and frequently face unique data collection obstacles. This paper explores five major, social-scientific terrorism databases in regards to data on right-wing terrorist events. The paper also provides an in-depth examination of the utilization of criminal legal proceedings to research right-wing terrorist acts. Lastly, legal case databases are introduced and discussed to show the lack of available court information and case proceedings in regards to right-wing terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Au regard de l'accroissement des attaques terroristes au niveau mondial ces dernières années et du caractère particulièrement dévastateur de celles-ci, les travaux de recherche succédant à ces événements, notamment les attentats du World Trade Center le 11 septembre 2001, se sont intensifiés en portant une plus grande attention à la santé mentale des survivants. Afin d'évaluer les conséquences des actes terroristes sur les enfants et les adolescents, la présente revue systématique a utilisé les bases de données PubMed, Scopus, PsychINFO et ProQuest sans limites de dates de publication. Seules les études évaluant les symptômes de stress post-traumatique ainsi que les conséquences psychologiques, sociales et développementales chez les enfants et adolescents dans les mois et années suivants l'exposition directe ou indirecte à des actes terroristes ont été incluses. Les données ont été extraites d'après un éventail de champs prédéfinis et la fiabilité des études a été vérifiée par un outil d'évaluation de la qualité des études. Dix-huit articles ont été inclus : treize études quantitatives descriptives, quatre études qualitatives et une ayant utilisé un mixte des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives. Les articles mettent en évidence les diverses difficultés que sont amenés à rencontrer les enfants et adolescents ayant été exposé au terrorisme au cours de leur développement (tel qu'un trouble de stress post-traumatique, des troubles neurocognitifs, sensori-moteurs, émotionnels...), parfois concomitantes à la perte d'un être cher tué durant l'événement, et le traumatisme de leur parent ayant également des répercussions sur eux, effets d'autant plus importants moins ils sont âgés. Considering the increase in terrorist attacks worldwide in recent years and their particularly devastating nature, research following these events, including the World Trade Center attacks of September 11th, 2001, has intensified with greater attention to the mental health of survivors. To assess the impact of terrorist acts on children and adolescents, this systematic review used PubMed, Scopus, PsychINFO, and ProQuest databases without publication date limitations. Only studies assessing posttraumatic stress symptoms and psychological, social, and developmental consequences in children and adolescents in the months and years following direct or indirect exposure to terrorist acts were included. Data were extracted according to a range of predefined fields, and studies were checked for reliability using a study quality assessment tool. Eighteen articles were included: thirteen quantitative descriptive studies, four qualitative studies, and one that used a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods. The articles highlight the various difficulties faced by children and adolescents who have been exposed to terrorism during their development (such as posttraumatic stress disorder, neurocognitive, sensorimotor, emotional disorders, etc.), sometimes concomitant with the loss of a loved one killed during the event, and the trauma of their parent also having repercussions on them, effects that are even more important the older they are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As of this writing, the twentieth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks and a capstone edited book that defines the narrative tradition of libraries and democracy have come and gone. They are related. There is cause for reassessment in light of those two decades and widespread worry about democracy, with parallels in libraries. The library and information science field must deepen its understanding of democracy, but do so in a way that does not abandon the historic commitments characterized in the capstone book. I propose a switch in perspective to libraries in the life of democracy, from democracy in the life of libraries. This article describes the defining narrative and then explores the idea of civic republican (active) citizenship, on which the defining narrative draws heavily, revealing a democracy-within-the-life-of-libraries perspective. "Actually existing democracy" is sketched in contrast, which fosters a libraries-within-the-life-of-democracy approach. Factors working against and for democracy in libraries in the past two decades are presented in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to understand how the conception of North Korea as a rogue state influenced the relations of Washington and Brussels with this eastern Asian country between 9/11 terrorist attacks (2001) and the outbreak of the pandemic crisis (2020). This is done by drawing on the analytical framework offered by Miskimmon, O'Loughlin, and Roselle that allows one to compare the US and EU strategic narratives vis-à-vis North Korea. Besides adding a novel comparative perspective to the available studies focused on rogue states, this work concludes that although the US and the EU utilised sanctions to coerce North Korea, they exhibited different conceptions of rogueness. While the US' system narrative characterised North Korea as a rogue, the EU's characterisation focused on its violations of international law. Yet, the two actors' identity and issue narratives highlighted their role and responsibility to bring the country back to the path of denuclearisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of transforming the EU in an Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ) area dates back to 25 years and in the meantime hundreds of legislative measures, political strategies and operational measures have been adopted even if, according to several critics, the original balance between the three notions of freedom, security and justice has not been granted. Two important books have analyzed the content of the measures adopted and the main obstacles still present even after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and of the EU Charter, which have removed most of the previous institutional and legal obstacles in fulfilling the original objective. However, as crisis such as 9/11 paved the way to the transfer to the EU of new power and responsibilities also the war in Ukraine unblocked, at least temporary, the current Dublin standstill. An unprecedented movement of interstate solidarity has followed sheltering millions of citizens of that country, and this precedent may show the way for a stronger freedom dimension in the AFSJ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Charles Taylor's "radical redefinition of secularism" has a significant place in the post-9/11 research on secularism. He replaces secularism's "old" paradigm, separation between state and religious institutions, with a "new" one, responding to diversity. Taylor appeals to French laïcité in-itself as the old paradigm. With an analysis of the parliamentary debates at the institutional origins of the old paradigm in the Third French Republic, this article questions whether Taylor's redefinition of secularism is truly radical. This historical intervention in Taylor's "radical redefinition" reformulates his novelty as the reconfiguration of the relation between generality of laws and meaning worlds in the institutional response to diversity. The Third Republic pushed generality in laws against diverse meaning worlds. Taylor (with Jocelyn Maclure) demands that general laws reasonably accommodate "meaning-giving convictions." I explore this reversal and argue that it's questionable Taylor offers a radical redefinition of secularism—or even that we need one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On July 31, 2022, the Biden Administration successfully eliminated al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri in Kabul, Afghanistan via drone strike. This killing represented a continued implementation of U.S. policy forged after the September 11th attacks to eliminate al-Qaeda members wherever they seek shelter. Nevertheless, the United States has refrained from filing an Article 51 notification of self-defense to justify its use of force against Afghanistan. With the United States asserting that the Taliban was "unwilling or unable" to neutralize Zawahiri's threat, existing international law fails to provide clear guidelines on addressing this determination. The following Note attempts to examine the legality of the strike through implementation of the Deeks Factors Test of "unable or unwilling." Further, this Note advocates for a U.N. Resolution to establish a robust "unable or unwilling" framework, to provide states with a standard to consider when assessing the use of force against non-state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 9/11, considerable research has been done on US interrogation and detention operations, but comparatively little is known about the involvement of other traditionally liberal states' intelligence agencies and their evolving perspectives on torture-related policies for foreigners abroad. Particularly, the United Kingdom and Germany provide interesting cases; despite similar levels of public and political pressure regarding their indirect involvement in Central Intelligence Agency's operations, the two states took different strategic decisions in 2010 on whether to implement new extraterritorial human rights safeguards. While the United Kingdom introduced a new intelligence guidance for interrogations overseas, the German government opted for policy-continuance, which raises the question why the two states embarked on different policy trajectories, even if they found themselves in contextually similar situations and were subjected to the comparable accountability measures. By bridging insights from Rationalist and normative literature, the article addresses this conundrum by clearly outlining the states' differing strategic preferences, and by dissecting the multi-layered composition of these interests. As a result, the article delineates how strategic constraints pertaining to the states' national, international, or political elite level affect decision-makers' policy responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper first introduces a theoretical formalization connecting a polity's income level to terrorism. Our framework can accommodate different underlying assumptions about individual- and society-level grievances, yielding competing hypotheses. We then construct a panel database to study terrorism for 1527 subnational regions in 75 countries between 1970 and 2014. Results consistently imply an inverted U-shape that remains robust to incorporating a comprehensive set of region-level covariates, region- and time-fixed effects, as well as estimating an array of alternative specifications. The threat of terrorism systematically rises as low-income polities become richer, peaking at GDP/capita levels of ≈ US$12,800 (in constant 2005 PPP US$), but then falls consistently above that level. This pattern emerges for domestic and transnational terrorism alike. While peaks differ by perpetrator ideology, the inverted U shape also prevails across ideology-specific subsamples. In sum, alleviating poverty may first exacerbate terrorism, contrary to much of the proposed recipes advocated since 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism Studies as a specific area of research came to prominence in the aftermath of the September 11th 2001 terrorist attacks in the USA, but had existed across a range of disciplines long before albeit as a less consolidated and certainly less visible subject area. However, despite the existence of a body of work on terrorism, the impact of 9/11 on western perceptions of terrorism ensured that the direction of study was firmly focused on Islamic extremism for many years after the attacks. It is only very recently that significant attention has been focused on other ideologically motivated extremisms, namely the Far-Right. This article examines the nature of research into the Far-Right in the field of terrorism studies and examines what we mean when we refer to the Far-Right, and to what degree the field of terrorism studies has attended to this form of ideological extremism over the past two decades. In order to achieve these aims, this article presents an analysis of the academic publications concerned with the Far-Right produced in three Terrorism Studies journals: Terrorism and Political Violence, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism and Critical Studies in Terrorism. The results demonstrate that between 2001 and 2018 only 41 articles exclusively focus on the Far Right, and of these only 6 use primary data in their analysis. The results of a content analysis carried out on these 41 articles provides an insight into the research trajectory on the Far Right. Ultimately the results of the rapid appraisal and the content analysis speak to the extent to which and nature of how Far-Right terrorism is attended to in the field of Terrorism Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

9/11 and its aftermath was to have a dramatic impact on the visual arts and the artistic response to the War on Terror. This study surveys the evolution of these responses from the dramatic events of 11 September 2001 to the longer term reactions generated by the two-decade long encounter with the so-called War on Terrorism, primarily via the Imperial War Museum's Age of Terror/Art Since 9/11 exhibition of 2017–2018. The analysis suggests that the visual artistic response moved from the initial amazement at the destruction of the Twin Towers, through satirical caricature of the terrorist persona, to a trite predictability that mirrored official equivocation about the threat posed by violent jihadist activism. Artistic endeavor on these terms became notable only for its moral ambiguity and complicity in self-censorship rather than contributing to the creation of artwork of enduring value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines money laundering and terrorist financing from both a conceptual framework as well as the regulations that attempt to combat its use. A historical perspective of money laundering provides context on its origins, evolution, and anti-money laundering efforts. After a review of the money laundering process, anti-money laundering efforts in the United States are examined through the end of the twentieth century as well as the rise of international terrorism. The impact of September 11, 2001 on anti-money laundering efforts is then examined along with identifying links between human and drug trafficking with terrorist financing. The article concludes with emerging technologies that may have a significant impact on both money laundering and anti-money laundering efforts as they apply to the threat of terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the strengths, weaknesses, and gaps in the discipline of counterterrorism studies since al-Qaeda's catastrophic attacks against the United States on 9/11 along 10 dimensions: defining terrorism, group and lone actor typologies, causes of terrorism, terrorist psychologies, radicalization and recruitment, organizational dynamics, modus operandi, incident chronology databases, forecasting and predicting terrorism, and countering terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2002, a few months after 9/11, I published one of the very first academic examinations of environmental terrorism: what was included in this term and what wasn't, who might commit such terrorism, and what sorts of environmental resources were vulnerable. Since then, it has been the subject of academic and government analyses. Now, twenty years later, it is time to revisit the concept in light of worsening anthropogenic climate change, the rise of authoritarian states and ecofascism, and gray-zone conflicts in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores terrorism against healthcare facilities and workers throughout the world since September 11, 2001 to assess trends in these attacks. Using five datasets, it examines the increased risk of terrorist attacks against healthcare facilities and workers, and analyzes when, where and how these largely soft targets have been attacked by terrorists. The article provides a quantitative and qualitative analysis about the types of attacks and concludes with recommendations for healthcare facilities to mitigate the risk of terrorist attacks as well as provides suggestions for further studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The motivations of Hamas in its October 7, 2023, attacks seem perplexing and not rational. What was the point of the brutality? The essay argues the violence should be considered apocalyptic and in a global tradition going back nearly 100 years. Such violence aims to create an apocalyptic process by eliciting a vast overreaction. Apocalyptic goals and sacred values are not negotiable in a world of realpolitik. Hamas treats its own people as dispensable pawns. They want the indiscriminate destruction of apartments, hospitals, and even mosques to stir a wider upheaval. That is only way for Hamas to hope to offset their huge military disadvantage. We are familiar with the offensive rhetoric of Hamas about wiping Israel off the map (including the antisemitic meme "From the river to the sea"), but the totalistic excesses in the remarks of many Israeli officials and its citizens are disturbing. The more such comments occur, the more extreme calls to "wipe out" and "eliminate" Gaza become normalized. Americans, however, should be humble in what we say about this war. We overreacted to the 9/11 attacks out of rage and humiliation, unleashed two forever wars, killed hundreds of thousands of people, spent several trillion dollars—and lost both wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A few years after the end of the Cold War, Richard Betts argued that a specter was haunting the field of strategic studies, "the specter of peace," and asked whether that field should survive the new era. Today, more than two decades after the 9/11 attacks that stimulated the field of homeland security (HS) studies, we could ask a similar question about that field. Should it survive as an academic field of study, and if so, how should it adapt and change in an era in which concerns about terrorism have in large part been overtaken by great power competition, climate change, AI, pandemics and a host of other asymmetric threats? Is it/can it be an academic discipline? A profession? What questions does it ask and what contributions does it make to practitioners, policy makers, or society? This article reviews the state of HS studies today and what sub-fields and disciplines it touches. It examines HS publication and education in the United States and evaluates the contributions that HS studies have made to date. This review suggests homeland security studies should indeed survive, as a meta discipline that serves a valuable purpose by addressing the question of how governments and societies should best prepare for and respond to threats to their security that can range from local to global in scope, from small to large in scale, and from tame to wicked in character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this systematic review is to examine longitudinal associations between post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and lower respiratory symptoms (LRS) specifically among responders present at the World Trade Center (WTC) site on September 11, 2001 (9/11). This group, which we refer to as "9/11 early responders," appears to have particularly high rates of both mental and physical illness relative to other 9/11-exposed populations. We performed a systematic literature review to examine associations between PTSD and LRS among 9/11 early responders in accordance with Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines for systematic reviews. After a structured search of Pubmed and the Fire Department of New York (FDNY) WTC bibliography for relevant articles, we identified 4 articles commenting on associations between PTSD and LRS in this population; all 4 passed quality review and were included in our primary analysis. 10 other articles we found in our research discussed rates of PTSD and LRS, but not associations between them, in the population in question; we commented on these in a secondary analysis. The data demonstrate that there are significant associations between PTSD and LRS among 9/11 early responders. The data also suggest that both of these phenomena are more prevalent among 9/11 early responders relative to other 9/11-exposed populations. These findings are relevant for optimizing care for the population in question, as well as for other survivors of past and future disasters with both psychiatric and medical sequelae. [Display omitted] • PTSD and Lower Respiratory Symptoms (LRS) are prevalent in 9/11 responders. • These are bidirectionally associated in responders present at the WTC on 9/11 itself. • PTSD and LRS appear more prevalent in this group relative to other 9/11 survivors. • Enhanced psychiatric and medical collaboration can optimize care for this group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the National Lawyers Guild's (NLG) extensive support for radical left activists and progressive social movements, highlighting its holistic approach to legal support beyond legal observing. Topics include NLG's diverse legal support initiatives, such as monitoring police misconduct, defending activists in court, setting up legal offices during protests, and collaborating with activist-led legal collectives and community-based groups.

The incident of 9/11 changed the practical politics and international relations of the world. At the same time, it influenced the thinking patterns and intellectual movements around the world. Thus, it exerted its influence on different sort of scholarships as well. A general survey of the historiography on Prophet Muhammad PBUH in the West reveals the influences of the incident of 9/11 on this genre of historiography too. On a closer examination it was revealed that some of the works produced after 9/11 are focused on inherent differences and enmity between the Christian and the Muslim community and have built their new narratives based on that old hatred. These works began to level new kind of sacrilegious charges against the Prophet PBUH and associated him with the phenomenon of terrorism. The present study has critically analyzed this literature by evaluating the biased views of the western authors along with pointing out and highlighting the weaknesses in the sources and arguments of these writings. The analysis has been further strengthened by adding some sane western works produced in the same period highlighting the merciful nature of the Prophet PBUH and treating his teachings as a continuity of the legacy of all earlier prophets. The study is based on the methods of historiographical research and has analyzed particular works from the western sīrah writing. The analysis has been done by using primary sources of sīrah and tārīkh along with consulting secondary literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the role of anniversaries of global events or crises to understand how their practice of memorial storytelling manages and governs cultural narratives of crises in ways that obscure more productive approaches to resistance. Drawing on the 30th Anniversary of the Cultural Studies Association of Australasia (2022) as a call for new cultural approaches to anniversaries, this paper investigates their productive role in new imaginaries for ethics of cohabitation, interdependency and liveability. Anniversaries of global crises as rituals of interdependency and belonging can, it is argued, be critically understood not as instances of historical rupture but as moments of ontological adjustment. Building on the recent work of Judith Butler, it is suggested that such ontologies centre on the relationship between interdependency, equality of grievability and infrastructural supports for care, all of which must be apprehended from poststructuralist cultural perspectives. If cultural studies is to play an advocacy role towards ethical change, then making sense of how global anniversaries can highlight rather than obscure marginal ethical practices is a starting point for cultural change towards more equitable and liveable global cohabitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on an examination of Shenila Khoja-Moolji's book "Sovereign Attachments," delving into the interplay of Islam, politics, and the nation-state in Pakistan and Oman. It mentions the impact of British colonialism on religious authorities, analyzes the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the U.S. confrontation between state and Islamist movements, and elucidates how both sides employ a common Islamic vocabulary to articulate distinctive notions of sovereign space.

This article explores the relationship between climate change and security, with a specific focus on the Arctic region. It highlights the rapid warming of the Arctic and its implications for security, including resource scarcity and potential conflicts. The article discusses the role of NATO in addressing climate change and adapting its strategies, emphasizing the need to prioritize the Arctic region. It also examines the absence of the Arctic in NATO's recent Strategic Concept and suggests that the region should be included in future official documents. The author argues for cooperation between NATO and the Arctic Council to ensure a safe and secure environment in the region. [Extracted from the article]

One of the significant effects of the September 11 terrorist attacks in New York was the politics of the US-led war on terror encompassing secularism and calls for Islamic reformation. The political discourse of war on terror was not limited to the Americas but was witnessed in other Western nations, such as Australia. The discourse of "Islam needs reforming" by the Prime Minister of Australia, Tony Abbott, in response to the Lindt Café siege (labelled as "Islamic terrorism") tacitly associates Islam with terrorism and represents Muslims negatively to the wider Australian society. This paper with the research question of "How does 'Islam needs reforming' discourse perpetuate Islamophobia?" carried out critical discourse analysis on the selected speeches of Tony Abbott in response to the Lindt Café siege in 2014 to find out the context and implications of Abbott's discourse in relation to calls for Islamic revolution. The study found that Abbott through the example of al-Sisi's (Egypt's president) calls for Islamic reformation forwarded his stance of the need for change in Islam to counter terrorism. Therefore, the present paper argues that the calls for Islamic reformation in response to terrorism can associate Islam with terrorism, thus, perpetuating Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Vietnam war, America has opted for a professional model of military service. This model has come with several major benefits as well as drawbacks. In recent years, calls for a return to some form of mandatory national service have found increased attention within public discourse. While many arguments in favor of such a model find their justification by way of prudence, in this article, I make this argument by way of a different set of justifications. Rather than arguing for mandatory military service based on typical prudential considerations concerning misuse, adventurism, or civilian incompetence, I argue instead from reasons of fairness and legitimacy. In particular, my claim is that at least since 9/11, the lion's share of warfighting responsibilities, and importantly, the accruing of moral residue or so-called "dirty hands" endemic to warfighting have disproportionately and unfairly been shouldered by an increasingly thin sliver of American society. This phenomenon, since the end of Vietnam and particularly over the past two decades, is becoming increasingly unfair towards soldiers and is weakening the legitimacy of continued US warfighting efforts. Accordingly, these considerations give us motivation for a return to a mandatory national service model in some form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article models the geography of the 9/11 network members' many travels from the moment the hijackers first boarded a plane to the United States until they killed 2,977 people on 11 September 2001. Building on publicly available sources, and for the first time in the literature, we address the spatiality of the terrorist network through two related concepts. First, we focus on colocation and show that the scale and sophistication of the 9/11 attacks did not require copresence to be successful. Individuals from a cell did not spend most of their time together. We then focus on co-destination and find that the need for coordination required that the 9/11 hijackers followed the same itineraries between cities. In other words, the travel geography of the four Al Qaeda cells responsible for the attacks closely mirrors the network's cell-based social structure. Then as now, the case of the 9/11 attacks suggests that spatializing social networks is an important window to understanding the emergence of terrorist networks and disrupting their patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political leaders construct meanings for current events in support of their existing policy goals, but the constructed meanings do not change when policy goals change. Consequently, the established narrative of the past becomes part of the policymaking terrain, justifying existing policies and creating criteria for policy success. It must be navigated by leaders seeking to reach their policy objectives. References made by U.S. and Israeli political leaders to the event known as "9/11" from 2002 through 2019 reveal how they renegotiated its meaning as their policy goals evolved. Policy goals at the time of the event shaped the meanings made of the event. As policy goals changed, existing meanings could not be discarded or reshaped at will, nor could 9/11 simply be forgotten. Instead, leaders navigated and amended the inescapable public memory of 9/11 to support varying policy goals over a 20-year time span. For Israel, 9/11 made a chronic problem an international cause célèbre, offering potential to generate international response to a commonly marginalized threat, a narrative prime ministers sought to adapt as their policy goals changed. In the U.S. the George W. Bush Administration's narrative of 9/11 promoted and sustained the administration's policies and goals, making it difficult for Barack Obama's administration to change course unless it could tell a different story. Both cases demonstrate that arguments made for or against policies are contingent upon how the past is narrated. Collective remembrance can affect the contours of public policy, for the remembered past constitutes the terrain of policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than 20 years after the 9/11 attacks and the ensuing "war on terror," there is still very little comprehension of what its transitional justice implications might be. This article interrogates the transitional justice silence over the legacies of the war on terror as a way of problematizing both the war on terror and dominant liberal transitional justice paradigms. It charts how both paradigms have often failed to intersect, how some existing initiatives might nonetheless be understood as arising at their intersection, and the sort of questions that would need to be answered to frame a broad and ambitious transitional justice agenda to deal with the legacies of both terrorism and the response to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Divided by Terror: American Patriotism after 9/11" by John Bodnar explores the concept of patriotism in the United States following the September 11 attacks. Bodnar argues that instead of fostering unity, the attacks and subsequent wars in Afghanistan and Iraq created internal divisions and raised questions about patriotism itself. He identifies two forms of patriotism: war-based patriotism, which focuses on supporting military power, and empathetic patriotism, which emphasizes the suffering and destruction caused by war. The book also examines the memorialization of war and the controversies surrounding the Ground Zero memorial. Overall, the book provides insight into how Americans remember and engage with their nation's history. [Extracted from the article]

In the book "Limited force and the fight for the just war tradition" by Christian Nikolaus Braun, the author examines the use of limited force by the United States and its adherence to the just war tradition. Braun analyzes President Barack Obama's decisions to use limited force in the raid that killed Osama bin Laden and to refrain from launching punitive airstrikes on Syria. He argues for a neoclassical third-way approach that combines Saint Thomas Aquinas' concepts with casuistry and virtue ethics to establish a framework for morally defensible uses of limited force. Braun also explores the moral defensibility of targeted killings and the enforcement of international norms through limited airstrikes. He concludes that the just use of limited force can contribute to the global common good by deterring norm violators. However, he acknowledges the complexities and uncertainties faced by policymakers in making morally justifiable decisions. [Extracted from the article]

Background: The World Trade Center (WTC) Health Program ("Program") seeks to assess the inventory, quality, and impact of its funded research in the context of all clinical and translational research involving WTC populations. This paper presents a protocol for ongoing scoping reviews of WTC-related health research. Methods: Using terms relevant to the September 11 attacks, we will search OVID MEDLINE, PsycINFO, Scopus, Web of Science, CINAHL, and Embase for records of peer-reviewed publications. Title, abstract, and full text screening will be used to exclude records according to a priori criteria. Data abstraction will be performed on all articles that meet inclusion criteria using a standardized query form that was developed in collaboration with NIOSH. A team of reviewers will be trained to abstract data from included articles. Articles will be double-reviewed, and disagreements will be adjudicated. Results: We will summarize existing research involving WTC populations. The summary will assess the extent, nature, and signals of impact of WTC-related health research. Conclusions: Our review will lay the groundwork for additional study of research impact by identifying population, clinical, and translational topics that can be assessed through future focused reviews. It will also support planning activities by Program policy makers and stakeholders as they work to achieve the Program's research goals. Systematic review registration: This publication serves as documentation of the protocol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On October 7, 2001, 3 weeks after 9/11, U.S. forces attacked Afghanistan; bombers struck Taliban headquarters and Al Qaeda training sites. By early December, the Taliban and Al Qaeda have been defeated and had fled. However, a war that began so successfully in 2001, eventually ended ignominiously on August 30, 2021, almost exactly 20 years later, with a U.S. withdrawal and a total Taliban victory. The speed of the Taliban's triumph shocked everyone. The entire campaign, costing US$2.3 trillion and 2,488 U.S. lives, had failed—utterly. The United States had lost its longest-ever war. How is it possible to explain a defeat of that magnitude? This article seeks to address this question. Although numerous factors played a role, this article identifies three principal factors: the environment, the local politics, and the Taliban. Afghanistan is a very difficult place to conduct large-scale military operations. The West never came to terms with the local politics and consequently undermined their own efforts. Finally, although they were not militarily sophisticated, the Taliban were politically astute and very resilient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2017, Operation Temperer – the deployment of British military personnel in support of the police following a terrorist attack or the threat of such an attack – was activated for the first time. The deployment of uniformed armed personnel as a core element of the U.K.'s CT capability represents a significant and, in the authors view, welcome shift in how successive administrations have utilized aspects of state power in response to a terrorist threat or incident. Little academic work has been devoted to explaining how and why this change occurred, with the military moving from reluctant participants in domestic CT missions, to playing a central (and public) role in providing capacity for domestic security, as witnessed under Operation Temperer. This article charts the evolution of greater military involvement in domestic counter-terrorism missions after 9/11, revealing that a decade of policy paralysis was finally broken by the combination of terrorist events in Paris in January 2015, and the intervention of a forward leaning prime minister overcoming institutional reluctance on the part of the Ministry of Defence and other government departments to put British troops on British streets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National September 11 Memorial & Museum commemorates specific traumatic moments in history—the February 26, 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center in New York and the catastrophic attacks of September 11, 2001. The recovered realia, exhibiting damage from the attacks, consists of many objects never intended to be preserved. Now 20 years later, the plastics, newspapers and corroded metals which served as placeholders connecting us with both the past and the innocent lives lost are beginning to age. In addition, the people who care for these artefacts may no longer have personal associations with the trauma; that is, the lived experience of the events which motivated the original caretakers. This paper discusses the current research conducted by museum staff related to how the conservation community navigates our own experiences, memories and evolving biases in interpreting trauma collections and how a human-centred approach of involving family members and survivors defines conservation priorities for objects meant to stay frozen in time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism in the United States, particularly highlighted by the infamous 9/11 attacks, continued to be a persistent concern. This study investigated the intricate relationship between terrorism and sporting events and examining the emergence of global-local terrorism, exemplified by the Boston bombers. Methodologically, this research incorporated Amanda Palmer's poem written in the aftermath of the Boston Marathon bombing. Using qualitative analysis, the study examined the rhetorical elements and appeals employed in the poem to convey the emotional toll and complexities faced by individuals in the aftermath of terrorism. Thematic analysis reveals recurring rhetorical strategies, emphasizing the transformative influence of art and the human spirit during difficulty. The researcher employed classical rhetoric to dissect the poem, exploring ethos, pathos, logos, and other rhetorical elements to assess its persuasive and artistic effectiveness. This comprehensive analysis contributes valuable insights into the rhetorical strategies used by artists in addressing societal challenges and highlights the importance of empathy and compassion in artistic expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the impact of exogenous shocks on nonprofit operations by assessing the effect of 9/11 on donations to Muslim American nonprofits. The first narrative promoted by civil rights groups and some Islamic charities argues that donations to Islamic charities have declined. Individuals are afraid of getting indicted by law enforcement agencies for advertently or inadvertently funding an organization that supports terrorism. The second narrative is that donations to Islamic charities have increased post-9/11 as donors push back against Islamophobia by supporting Muslim nonprofits. I systematically assess these narratives using difference-in-difference (DiD) methodology and find that 9/11 had no significant impact on overall contributions to Islamic charities. Although donations to internationally focused Islamic charities declined in the year following 9/11, when compared with domestic-focused Islamic charities, they also recovered shortly after that. Moreover, they did not reduce significantly when compared with non-Islamic internationally focused organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Laughter and humour can have therapeutic effects on traumatized individuals. Now, the generation of Muslims that grew up after the 9/11 terror attacks is using comic relief to recount their experience with Islamophobia. While the trend started with television stand-up comedians and their performances, the movement has spread through the social media grape vine all the way from Twitter to TikTok. In this article the (social) media landscape is examined and comedic content is analysed to assess how and why content creators share their experiences. It finds that the greatest difference between content creators results from the gender-based experiences they draw on when recounting their stories. Comedy was a very strong means of communicating this highly sensitive subject. Through humour, content creators also wished to also break the stereotype of Muslims not understanding satire and just being an angry inflexible mob. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the formation of contemporary Yemeni American agency at the interplay of economics, politics, and arts. The context of my analysis draws from the unfolding events and policies following the tragic attacks of 9/11 (2001) in the United States and the revolutionary fervor of the Arab Spring in Yemen (2011). The various economic, political, and cultural forms of agency explored in this work constitute responses to US policing of Yemeni American individuals and communities in both the United States and Yemen as part of the so-called war on terror campaign. Moving away from the "sojourner-settler" paradigm, which has limited understanding of Yemeni American experiences in the United States since the 1970s, I theorize Yemeni American agency as multi-dimensional and multi-sited and emphasize its dynamic and collaborative, albeit often contradictory, character. In doing so, I demonstrate how Yemeni Americans have not been passive victims of the post–9/11 backlash against Arabs and Muslims and the post–Arab Spring collapse of Yemen, but instead been active participants in building coalitions, joining alliances, and resisting forms of discrimination, harassment, and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dominant narrative by which political and military leaders justified the American War on Terror held that America was attacked on 9/11 because America is "the brightest beacon of freedom and opportunity in the world." Today, an entire generation has been raised in the shadow of 9/11 and steeped in a dualistic and militaristic understanding of American destiny. That view of America's role in Providence is centered on a totem cult of the sacrificial soldier and makes the flag a symbol of American greatness and of freedom itself. This essay examines the "freedom narrative" as a justification of the War on Terror, analyses the cult of the sacrificial soldier as a backstop for a militaristic religious nationalism, and ultimately shows how the dominant narrative legitimating the war represents an idolatrous devolution of a more prophetic and classically republican understanding of American civil religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is a content analysis of American news coverage of World Trade Center (WTC) cough syndrome, a common ailment among 9/11 survivors, published before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Before the pandemic, coverage was limited to areas geographically proximate to the attacks and embodied themes of respiratory disease descriptions, heroism and patriotism and government involvement. Pandemic-era coverage expanded to areas where survivors now live and embodied themes of survivors comparing 9/11 to the pandemic, survivors' vulnerability to COVID-19, lack of federal government transparency, calls for caution and safety protocols, heroism and patriotism and the 9/11 Victim Compensation Fund. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Steel has become the de facto material to memorialize 9/11. In this article, we show how the vast majority of steel from the World Trade Center (200,000 tons) was recycled abroad but what remained was sacralized and made into local memorials. Using newspaper reports and materials obtained from a freedom of information request, the article analyzes how dispersed memorialization honored first responders across the United States (and abroad) enlarging both the geography of trauma and responsibility to remember. We connect the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey's curation, gifting, and transportation of 9/11 steel to a form of mourning with military antecedents as well as the deliberate focus on strength, masculinity, and participation in the War on Terror. Finally, we show how local memorialization democratized the process of 'sacred steel' distribution while also tightly controlling what could be done with salvaged metal in order to make sure that relics remained communal, rather than personalized, objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Walker's most interesting arguments examine pre-2001 counterterrorism policy and intelligence, including the shortcomings that made September 11th possible. J. Samuel Walker's new book focuses on why the United States failed to prevent the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, as well as the experiences of that day and the U.S. policy response. [Extracted from the article]

[80] Jenkins, then, saw how the assumptions held by terrorism's audience racialized these disparate actors and the trouble that created; yet he displayed little concern that experts in the "terrorism industry" had contributed to these perceptions.[81] While RAND's chronology of international terrorism was one way of creating the figure of the terrorist, RAND's simulation of future terrorism was another. He contended that the attraction for terrorists in "going nuclear" was not in causing "mass casualties", but in "the fact that almost any terrorist action associated with the words "atomic" or "nuclear" automatically generates fear in the mind of the public."[53] The most likely threat posed by nuclear terrorists, wrote Jenkins, was the "creation of potentially alarming hoaxes" i.e. the use of pre-existent fears to heighten the effects of the next performance.[54] It was in imagining terrorists going nuclear that Jenkins formulated his aphorism: "terrorists want a lot of people watching, not a lot of people dead." Jenkins and Johnson affirmed that "governments may also employ terrorism at home and abroad", but the chronology excluded "incidents of state terrorism" because "such terrorism tends to be internal rather than international." "Ironically", Jenkins saw, "while extensive media coverage tends to magnify individual terrorist episodes, continuing coverage ultimately deflates their effect by making them commonplace."[59] "We ought not to be too surprised", Jenkins concluded, if terrorists "alter their targets or their tactics" to affect their audiences, which might produce more deadly terrorism.[60] Nevertheless, Jenkins remained convinced that the principle that terrorists wanted "a lot of people watching, not a lot of people dead" would maintain. [Extracted from the article]

This article aims to analyze the evolution of trading networks, emphasizing aspects of centrality and reciprocity among the major exporting nations, specifically, the U.S., China, India, Japan, and South Korea, from 1992 to 2020. The study problem we address is how these network structures have shifted over time, and what the implications of these changes are for international economic relations and policy. We further consider the impact of major global events on these trade networks and how they have shaped the evolution of these networks. We utilized three distinct methods. First, we examined time-series trade data during the study period and quantified network reciprocity through the sum of squared trade imbalances across different product categories. Second, we visualized these trade networks using arrows, with their sizes being proportional to the trade value between each pair of countries; significant trade relationships were indicated by arrows with a standard deviation value of 55 or above. Finally, we introduced a new cluster analysis methodology for studying the evolution of network structures over time. This method utilized an 80-dimensional vector representation of the annual networks, divided into four categories, and the resulting structures were visualized as dendrograms using R software. The network structure has become more reciprocal for most product categories, and the center of the network has shifted from the U.S. to China for all product categories, except for consumer goods and raw materials. The study also highlights the significant impact of global events and crises such as 9/11 attacks on the international trade network structure. Our findings inform several policy recommendations. These include encouraging balanced trade for economic stability and improved international relations, realigning trade focus in response to the shift in trade network center, and developing resilience policies that account for the substantial impact of global events on trade networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]