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The book "Cold War Social Science: Transnational Entanglements" challenges the conventional narrative of the Cold War as a bipolar conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. It explores the transnationalism of the social sciences during this era, showing how academic concepts and social instruments crossed the Iron Curtain. The book features contributions from scholars with diverse disciplinary backgrounds and discusses various geopolitical settings. It delves into the factors that facilitated transnational exchanges, the impact of transnationalism on social scientific endeavors, and debates about the nature and significance of the social sciences. The book provides historically significant details and incorporates "Eastern perspectives" to enhance its inclusivity and breadth. However, readers may find the diverse approaches and lack of strong correlation between chapters somewhat disjointed. Additionally, while the book emphasizes the Cold War's influence on the social sciences, it may overlook the inherent complexity and regularity of their progression. [Extracted from the article]

War remains a central feature of global politics and has been a core focus for politics and international relations, history, economics, sociology as well as other cognate disciplines. The analysis of the effects of war has, however, tended to be compartmentalised by sub-disciplines. This article proposes a heuristic framework to map the effects of war in terms of ripple and backwash across a range of interconnected layers of societies. Through this framework, the article then introduces a set of empirically rich and theoretically informed studies from across multiple disciplines which examine the first consequences of the war in Ukraine. Taken together, these studies show that the war has had deep and complex effects affecting human life; human development; economies; values and attitudes; policy and governance; and power distribution and relations around the world. Although broader international public interest in the war may have waned within weeks of the invasion, the effects of the conflict have been deep and continued in many areas, but also differentiated across space and time. Traditional public policy concepts used to frame the effects of "external shocks" such as punctuated equilibrium and critical junctures may overlook such deep-seated and diverse effects, warranting the multidisciplinary lenses used in this volume. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examinations the nexus between creativity and teacher identity in post-war peacebuilding. It aims to understand how infusing creativity into teacher preparation geared towards peacebuilding can help language educators reflect on their identities, values and their roles in bridging a fragmented society at the end of a war. Drawing on data generated from a visual ethnography carried out in the aftermath of Sri Lanka's civil war, one of the longest civils wars in recent history, this study explores the power of self-generated identity portraits in helping teachers to visualise their identities as second language educators. This paper highlights the potential of creativity and creative approaches to teacher education to help teachers articulate their identities, expectations, responsibilities towards their learners and challenges they face. The paper highlights the power of creative approaches to meaning making, especially in tapping into identities that are otherwise hidden and the need be for teachers to be included in larger discussions on educational reforms towards peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strategic use of intimacy to achieve concrete objectives during war has not been systematically or comprehensively analysed. This article presents the cases of civilian women in armed conflict situations who acceded to or initiated intimate relationships with armed actors in order to achieve specific objectives. It focuses on 'strategic intimacy', analysing it from the perspective of civilian women in areas impacted by Colombia's armed conflict. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Colombian civilian women who were the intimate partners of armed actors, it demonstrates that in violent contexts where state protection is lacking and armed groups govern large swaths of territory, women civilians may resort to their own devices to achieve objectives that government institutions or other non-state protective entities would have otherwise been responsible for. Due to their status as intimate partners and the subsequent influence they could exert from this positioning, civilian women were able to sway how their armed actor partners behaved as a form of gendered micro-governance: they exerted pressure on them and encouraged them to protect others and to share and gather information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article shows, first, how Sociology has approached the concepts of "hope" and "war" and how throughout the history of the discipline these terms have gone from being neglected to arousing considerable interest. Second, the paper analyzes how and why avant-garde artists understood the First World War as a motif of utopian hope to annihilate a civilization in crisis and to transform it through its aesthetic formalization. Third, the essay tries to find out whether that hope was preserved over time or, on the contrary, was soon dissolved as a result of the drama of the events. It is shown here that the savagery of the fighting dissolved all European values of modernity and progress, including artistic ones. In fact, theoretical and stylistic conceptions, aesthetic categories, ethical postulates, and artists' aspirations for conscience to rule the world were blurred. For the artistic avant-garde, utopian promises of a better world broke down. Consequently, this obliges sociologists to pay more attention to both phenomena—that of the war and that of the avant-garde—and to seek a more objective and critical interpretation of modernity, calling for its actualization, and of Sociology itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The New Makers of Modern Strategy: From the Ancient World to the Digital Age" is an updated edition of a classic book on strategy. It features over 40 authors and covers a wide range of topics, including ancient warfare and modern statecraft. While some critics argue that the book could have included a broader range of practitioners and thinkers, it offers a comprehensive overview of strategic thinking throughout history. However, those seeking a more specific examination of military strategy may find it lacking. The author of the text provides a critical review of the book, questioning the inclusion of certain chapters and suggesting that it could have been more focused and comprehensive. [Extracted from the article]

One of the artistic motivations and main contributions of the late war photographer Tim Hetherington was to visually explain how young men fighting in war are influenced by representations of war--a process he referred to as a 'feedback loop'. This article accompanies Hetherington's 'visual explanations' with a theoretical one. Drawing on Gadamer's hermeneutics and Merleau-Ponty's phenomenology, I develop a framework for understanding how representations influence realities of war. In particular, I theorize how aesthetic forms are understood, embodied, and enacted, and how they thereby become historically continuous. To illustrate this framework, I conduct a brief genealogy of three aesthetic themes of war captured by Hetherington--of militarized masculinity, of the ideal of the professional soldier, and of the paradoxical absurdity of war. This article will be of interest to scholars seeking to better understand the culture of modern war and the intimate relationship between war and broader society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs the LIM method, complemented by publications and interviews conducted during the ongoing war in Ukraine, to explore the shifts in attitudes toward war and peace within Ukrainian evangelical communities. This shift involves a transition from a pacifist mindset previously predominant among Ukrainian evangelicals to questions about their responsibility and involvement in Ukraine's state and society amid the war that Russia has launched against Ukraine. Interviews with leaders and active church members hint at a possible alignment with Stassen's alternative model of transformative initiatives that might provide potential guidance. While reconciliation initiatives amid the ongoing war may be premature, the article highlights the role of Christian communities in transformative peacebuilding within Ukraine. It is necessary to address tensions within Ukraine. This also entails aiding war-affected individuals, ensuring care for soldiers and civilians, and confronting power abuse and corruption. Ukraine's unity, freedom, peace, and reconciliation must include diverse political and social groups. The article recommends that Ukrainian evangelicals embrace a contextual public theology that advocates for peace, justice, and reconciliation. Ukrainian evangelicals, while supporting soldiers engaged in active combat against Russian invaders, are also contemplating strategies for active participation in peacebuilding and post-war reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the reactions of the Haredi society in Israel to the recent Israel-Hamas war and the potential for change and integration within the community. It discusses the tensions between conservative forces and pockets of change within the Haredi community, as well as the impact of the war on their views on military conscription and their relationship with the state. The article emphasizes the religious and cultural context of the Haredi community and highlights the organized efforts to continue educational activities and the spontaneous initiatives to support soldiers and affected families. However, it remains uncertain whether these actions will lead to significant changes or a softening of boundaries within the Haredi society. [Extracted from the article]

"Scorched Earth: Environmental Warfare as a Crime against Humanity and Nature" is a book that explores the destructive effects of war on both society and the environment. The author argues that the traditional separation of studying the effects of war on humans and the environment is flawed and fails to capture the full scale of destruction caused by scorched-earth tactics. The book reframes environmental warfare as a crime against both humanity and nature, using the concept of "environcide" to highlight the interrelated nature of environment and society. Through extensive archival research, the author examines different conflict-affected societies from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries, demonstrating the long-lasting and widespread consequences of war on environmental infrastructure. The book also challenges the "virgin soil epidemics" model, which attributes the demographic collapse of indigenous societies to diseases alone, by emphasizing the role of warfare and displacement in making these populations vulnerable. Overall, "Scorched Earth" serves as a cautionary tale about the devastating impact of war on communities and the environment, highlighting the need to protect civilians and the environment from the worst effects of warfare. [Extracted from the article]

Raymond Kelly's widely cited Warless Societies and the Origin of War (University of Michigan Press, 2000) seeks to explain the origins of two central signatures of human society: war and segmented—i.e., multilevel—societies. Both, he argues, arose with the emergence of a social-substitutability principle, a rule that establishes a collective identity among a set of individuals such that any one member becomes equivalent to, and responsible for the actions of, the others. This principle emerged during the Holocene, when population increase gave rise to the first lethal ambushes. By its nature, ambush obscures attackers' identities. Those attempting to retaliate for the ambush were therefore obliged to target members of the ambushers' group indiscriminately—i.e., based on a social-substitutability principle. Kelly's proposals draw welcome attention to a widespread, deeply influential, and unsettling human behavior, the disposition to hold everyone in a group culpable for the actions of a few, a proclivity that all too often results in mass slaughter. His general argument, however, is logically and empirically deficient, and cross-cultural evidence on ambush in contact-era New Guinea undermines his anonymity-of-ambush hypothesis. What then accounts for war and multilevel society? The New Guinea evidence strongly supports a contention that social-substitutability behavior arose not from offensive military action (i.e., ambush) but from the defensive military response to ambush. These findings render the social-substitutability argument's unconventional definition of war superfluous, undermine its chronology for the emergence of war, and underwrite an alternative scenario for the origins of multilevel, segmented society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

T.H. White, an acclaimed author and one of the representatives of Fantasy and the Matter of Britain in the twentieth century, explores the topic of war in Arthurian society in the novel The Once and Future King (1958). In this article, I will demonstrate the central conundrum of this political allegory as the opposition of "Might versus Right" and Arthur's endeavours toward solutions against violence and warfare. T. H. White and (by extension) Arthur are trying to find an "antidote to war" by exploring types of governing to pinpoint which one is the most pacifist, inspired by the horrors of the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural heritage in Ukraine is presently endangered. As Russia's war against the country continues, Ukrainian cultural heritage has been damaged, destroyed, and remains at risk. Interventions into the war initiated by the international cultural heritage community commenced with the issuance of formal public statements regarding the war and its implications. This article reviews the statements by some of the world's leading cultural heritage organizations, specifically the International Council on Archives (ICA), the International Council of Museums (ICOM), the International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA), and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Twin objectives are offered: first, establishing an overview of the international cultural heritage community's early communications regarding the war; and second, comparing and critiquing these public pronouncements and implications for Ukrainian cultural heritage. Ultimately, a joint contemporary and historical snapshot situating the international cultural heritage community within the war's early stages is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the first decades of the twentieth century the American public developed a fascination with the concept of the future war. Indeed, by the interwar years future war tales had become a staple of American popular culture, primarily via the mass circulation pulp magazines, where they played a pivotal role in promoting the growth of the science fiction genre. This study considers the role of the future war story in engaging the American public's interest in military affairs during the first decades of the twentieth century, with a specific focus on the role of the author/editor/publisher Hugo Gernsback (1884-1967). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since February 2022, the full-scale war in Ukraine has been strongly affecting society and economy in Ukraine and beyond. Satellite observations are crucial tools to objectively monitor and assess the impacts of the war. We combine satellite-based tropospheric nitrogen dioxide (NO2) and carbon dioxide (CO2) observations to detect and characterize changes in human activities, as both are linked to fossil fuel combustion processes. We show significantly reduced NO2 levels over the major Ukrainian cities, power plants and industrial areas: the NO2 concentrations in the second quarter of 2022 were 15–46% lower than the same quarter during the reference period 2018–2021, which is well below the typical year-to-year variability (5–15%). In the Ukrainian capital Kyiv, the NO2 tropospheric column monthly average in April 2022 was almost 60% smaller than 2019 and 2021, and about 40% smaller than 2020 (the period mostly affected by the COVID-19 restrictions). Such a decrease is consistent with the essential reduction in population and corresponding emissions from the transport and commercial/residential sectors over the major Ukrainian cities. The NO2 reductions observed in the industrial regions of eastern Ukraine reflect the decline in the Ukrainian industrial production during the war (40–50% lower than in 2021), especially from the metallurgic and chemical industry, which also led to a decrease in power demand and corresponding electricity production by thermal power plants (which was 35% lower in 2022 compared to 2021). Satellite observations of land properties and thermal anomalies indicate an anomalous distribution of fire detections along the front line, which are attributable to shelling or other intentional fires, rather than the typical homogeneously distributed fires related to crop harvesting. The results provide timely insights into the impacts of the ongoing war on the Ukrainian society and illustrate how the synergic use of satellite observations from multiple platforms can be useful in monitoring significant societal changes. Satellite-based observations can mitigate the lack of monitoring capability during war and conflicts and enable the fast assessment of sudden changes in air pollutants and other relevant parameters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the role, interchangeability and liquidity of emotions in the speeches of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev during the Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020. It enquires about the functionality of emotions before, during, and after the war and finds that Aliyev prepared, mobilized and motivated society for the war through multiple 'Address to the Nation' speeches that aimed to evoke specific emotions such as shame, pride, and humiliation via portraying the occupation of Shusha and the surrounding region as a source of shame and humiliation and the military victories in 2020 as a source of pride for the whole nation, which, combined, constitutes a crucial example of the interchangeability and liquidity of emotions. The emotional appeals in his speeches also justify and garner support for the initiation of the conflict, which, after the victory, transforms into Azerbaijani pride and humiliation of Armenians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This book, titled "The United States and the East Asia Society in the Cold War Era," is a collection of articles that were presented in a 2017 workshop. The articles aim to shed light on the significant impact of the Cold War on both the United States and East Asian societies. The topics covered include the American garrison in mainland China, Taiwan, Japan, the Korean Peninsula, and the Soviet troops in East Asia. The articles also explore the fate of medical institutions, women, diplomats, and scholars during this period. The studies in this book are based on primary sources such as police archives, official reports, newspapers, magazines, and diaries, and they aim to challenge the prevailing notion of the Cold War as solely a military and diplomatic contest by examining social issues and the impact on the societies involved. The book also highlights gendered perspectives, the history of drugs and violence, and features international, transnational, and comparative perspectives. While the book has received praise, there are some areas for improvement, such as further exploration of gender and racial dimensions, and providing more historical background in some articles. Overall, this book provides a comprehensive examination of the Cold War in East Asia and is recommended for both professional historians and the general public interested in history. [Extracted from the article]

War, Spectacle, and Politics in the Ancient Andes by Elizabeth N. Arkush is a valuable contribution to the study of war in antiquity. The book challenges the traditional model of ritual warfare in the Central Andes and proposes a new model that explains the diversity of violent conflict in the region. Arkush argues that the mode of war is related to how the opponent is defined and treated, and that the relative value of labor for the societies engaged in war plays a crucial role. The book presents three contrasting cases of Andean pre-conquest history to support the validity of the argument and allows for cross-cultural comparisons with cases outside the region. Overall, this book provides insights into the complexity of Andean warfare and its interconnection with other aspects of life, and offers a framework for understanding human society throughout history. [Extracted from the article]

This article inquires into the practices and the egalitarian discourse of the artiguist experience during the first decade of the revolution. We seek to examine the different dimensions of the notion of equality addressed by artiguismo as well as the network of concepts, images and metaphors linked to this notion and its changes throughout the period. We also wonder about what kind of equality could be proposed, practiced and imagined in a stamental society in war and revolution, where popular mobilization was based on novel political principles and the questioning of the structures and practices of the colonial order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the paradox of post-war Britain in 1945, where significant changes have occurred in the visible aspects of society, such as lifestyles and customs, while the underlying social structure has remained largely unchanged. It discusses how myths and misconceptions have often obscured the reality of social transformation, with a particular emphasis on the persistence of social stratification despite superficial changes in society's outward appearance.

This article argues that contemporary debates around intervention, and especially humanitarian intervention, have misunderstood the meaning of these concepts in Cold War international society. By comparing a specific kind of humanitarian interventionism with a specific kind of internationalism, that of a revolutionist strain of Third World practice, it shows that existing studies have paid too little attention to discursive entanglements of coercion, self-determination, and humanitarianism. The Angola case provides a significant illustration: in 1975 the problem of intervention comes to be tied not just to dictatorial interference, but to a logic of self-determination, which is itself tied to causes of anticolonialism and anti-racism. It is too easy to say that the period's rules of non-intervention precluded the legitimate coercive prevention of atrocities and related international crimes. Particular practices of internationalism, linked to the promotion of self-determination, provided a basis for enforcing international human rights treaties, including the Genocide Convention. All this seems very different from what we usually know of the legitimacy of saving strangers and the character of Third World organising in the mid-20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial discusses the importance of conflict archaeology in understanding and studying the impact of war on society. It acknowledges the ongoing conflicts around the world, such as the war in Ukraine, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and political divisions in America, highlighting the relevance of conflict archaeology in such times. The editorial also introduces a new project that aims to document the experiences of civilians during war through photography and oral testimony, emphasizing the importance of including the perspectives of those affected by war. The issue of the journal includes papers on World War I and World War II, providing new insights into these conflicts. Overall, the editorial emphasizes the significance of conflict archaeology in comprehending the effects of war on individuals and society. [Extracted from the article]

The Japanese government led by Shinzo Abe passed the Security Bills in 2015. The passage of these bills drastically changed Japan's passive stance in the security arena. Utilizing the context surrounding the Security Bills in Japan, the present research examines Japanese citizens' attitudes and behavior toward security issues. In addressing this matter, this study focuses on the roles of war memories in Japanese society. Recognizing that war memories constitute an essential element of Japanese society in the post-World War II era, I present two hypotheses. First, one can expect that those who are deeply immersed in war memories tend to be opposed to the Security Bills. Second, it is possible to hypothesize that those who are extensively exposed to war memories tend to discuss security issues more actively. To test these hypotheses, I conduct an original survey in Japan that is specifically tailored for this study. A statistical analysis relying on the survey data verifies the second hypothesis although it fails to support the first one. By dissecting the processes through which war memories shape Japanese citizens' attitudes and behavior in the security arena, this study significantly advances our understanding of Japan's security culture. Findings from the statistical analysis generate critical implications that are essential in understanding the current discourse over security issues in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protests could exhibit properties of an asymmetrical, nonconventional war when paramilitary police utilise counterinsurgency measures and decentralised protestors adopt guerrilla tactics. This study examines the structural characteristics of the 2019 Hong Kong protests and the organisation of the police and protestors. Strategic challenges seen in civil wars emerged. Blurred frontlines and identification problems escalated violence for collaboration and control. The civil war theoretical framework explains the role of civilians, the logic of violence, and the realignment of social and economic life in prolonged protests. The resemblance of society at civil war suggests civilians were forced to take sides and participate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine has uprooted millions of people, forcing them to confront their habitual material environment of home and everyday life in new and unexpected ways. This is particularly the case when they evacuate and must decide what to take with them and what to leave behind. This photo‐essay comprises a selection of objects that, at the moment of crisis, have stepped in to embody important aspects of their owners' lives. As their owners reflect on them, these objects raise important questions about the affective qualities of materiality. They suggest how in wartime, large‐scale loss and destruction lay bare otherwise taken‐for‐granted affective entanglements between the human and the nonhuman. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2015, during the cease‐fire in Ukraine, Misha, a Cossack, a veteran of Afghanistan and Chechnya, and a "volunteer" in the ongoing war, waited impatiently to be called back to the front, smoking in his truck parked across from his apartment in St. Petersburg. Misha's commitment to a life of combat is an invitation to think of war not as an interruption of ordinary life but as an ongoing, corroding presence in contemporary Russia. In turn, his truck's liminality, moving between home and front, pushes us to reconsider domesticity in its relationship to this ongoing presence of war. From the perspective of Russia, domesticity does not appear to be an obvious object of aspiration and a stable space of return "after war." More poignantly, domesticity turns out to constitute the shifting ground of relationships at play when people negotiate ethical commitments and achieve a form of attachment to life—what Misha called the "taste" or the "salt" of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent findings in evolutionary psychology explain how moral disciplining is connected to the need for collective action. Morals are strict in societies affected by war or perceived collective danger, but loose where peace and security prevail. This theory supplements the moral disciplining theory by providing an evolutionary explanation for the postulated link between puritanism and the need for cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study focuses on the significance and importance of gastronomy, food preparation, raw material, commensality in the heterotopian public spaces of restaurants, for the accuracy and diversity of American correspondents reports of their journeys in a war thorn Europe, Romania included. Food and commensality occupied an important place in the American correspondents' descriptions of the restaurants where they met and shared delicious meals mostly before war divided society and made cohabitation impossible. With the progress of war, menus and culinary tastes lost their role in the cohesion of the people sharing flavored dishes. Tastes, memories and history were intertwined in lively heterotopias. Society lost its peaceful homogeneity, and people sitting at restaurant tables were divided ethnically, politically, economically and professionally. Instead of tasting and enjoying food, the war correspondents paid attention to external intercourses between the restaurant clientele. They turned to the materiality and political aspects of sharing the same place, while the aesthetic value of gastronomy lost its importance. Covetous politicians, officers, businessmen or diplomats replaced the bon vivant and the gourmands. This turn of attitude toward gastronomic art was very closely reflected in Bucharest's elegant restaurants like the Athenée Palace dining room, as well as in Cina's or Capșa's. The study focuses on interwar Bucharest's exclusive restaurants, frequented not only by foreign officials and journalists, but also by the Romanian high society, politicians, diplomats, officers or decaying aristocrats. Generally, they were go-getters, who wanted to identify the most profitable political tendencies and afforded these fancy public spaces. The study thus highlights the importance of Romanian-American identity and cultural negotiations, which took place instead of temporary conflicting interactions between different ethnic, cultural, political and military categories of the European society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Psychology and Political Science Seedbed of EAFIT University has developed the strategy "Knowing to Heal" with the objective of contributing to the construction of peace in Colombia. Through various social appropriation initiatives, they have created safe spaces for dialogue and reflection on the impact of war on Colombian society. They have carried out activities to interact with different audiences and have established alliances with other organizations. The seedbed plans to continue with its activities in 2023, including reading the chapters of the final report of the Truth Clarification Commission. [Extracted from the article]

This article addresses the impact of war on Newfoundland, including Labrador, while Newfoundland was independent from Canada, and the role of war in the eventual addition of Newfoundland as a province of Canada in 1949. Newfoundland's small and scattered population meant that it was never a particularly prosperous place, although the railway embodied the hope of the existence of a real future. Locally, some fishing premises and farms performed well, but there was a pervasive opinion, expressed in the degree of outmigration, that one could not do well in the territory. Its leadership went through a number of changes, from responsible government with an elected assembly in 1855 to Commission of Government in the 1930s and 1940s. But the overriding issue was the Canadian Confederation of 1867, and here the Confederates had an overall advantage, given the Canadian welfare state of the late 1940s. After a referendum following the Second World War, Newfoundland joined the union as the tenth province on 30 March 1949. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the 2022 Austrian Studies Association(ASA) meeting held in New Orleans, Louisiana, organized by the Austrian Marshall Plan Center for European Studies. Topics included war and democracy in Austrian history and culture, with interdisciplinary panels addressing literature, music, art history, and political science.

Following an 11-year civil war, Sierra Leone implemented transitional justice to address years of repression and massive human rights violations. As an improvement to the South Africa transitional justice model, the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission (SLTRC) incorporated gender in its mandate to address women's peculiar experiences of war. Despite the presence of women at the commission, however, women remain marginalized in postconflict Sierra Leone, and many of the recommendations of the truth commission have not been implemented. This article argues that the lack of success of the commission and transitional justice in advancing the status of women in Sierra Leone is due to the "one-fits-all" model of transitional justice that does not cater to local dynamics. This article, therefore, argues for a phenomenological approach that caters to local women's experiences for meaningful transitional justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Radical War: Data, Attention, and Control in the 21st Century" by Matthew Ford and Andrew Hoskins explores the impact of digital technologies on the conduct of war. The authors argue that war is now about managing public attention and opinions, rather than compelling an adversary to comply with demands. They emphasize the importance of information in understanding various aspects of war, from terrorist radicalization to target acquisition. The book also discusses the challenges posed by the overwhelming amount of data available and the role of technology in controlling and surveilling societies. While the authors acknowledge the complexity of the changing landscape, they highlight the need for military adaptation to the data-saturated environments of modern warfare. [Extracted from the article]

The expansion of the Internet changed society and led to the emergence of new technologies such as social media platforms. They offer opportunities for data exchange at such a level, unimaginable before the information era. At the same time, the anonymity of online users opens new silent back doors for those who want to disrupt society through systematic manipulation of social networks. The paper analyzes a series of events and actions of manipulation, disinformation and propaganda directed against NATO member countries and allies, in which social media were used, including aspects of the current social media war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British pre-First World War culture has often been described as militaristic. An Englishman's Home , Guy du Maurier's 1909 play about a German invasion of Britain, forms part of this picture. Yet the message of the play was not clear-cut, and Edwardian society reacted as much with bemusement and criticism to the idea that Britain could be invaded as with militaristic fervour. This article investigates the reactions to du Maurier's play, and sets it in the context of the wider invasion-scare and future-war genre, a popular element in late Victorian and Edwardian culture. The play was quickly linked with a recruitment drive for the newly organised Territorial Force, and its success has been interpreted as a sign of increased British uncertainty, militarism and xenophobia. However, the play was also mocked, its success as a recruitment vehicle was uncertain, and the audience interpreted the play in different and often contradictory ways. The article offers a reinterpretation and a critical assessment of the pre-war period, showing that Edwardian society was not as militaristic or fearful of invasion as has previously been argued. It presents a new interpretation of invasion-scare and future-war fiction, and a new analysis of the question of pre-war militarism in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The language and rationale of fighting a war against terrorism echoes the logic of the US-Indian wars, when settler colonists sought to protect the "homefront" from the imagined savage, indigenous frontier. [8] In I The Anarchy of Empire in the Making of the United States i , Kaplan draws on Du Bois's concept of the anarchy of empire to trouble boundaries between "foreign" and "domestic" and, relatedly, of "home" and "abroad." As the United States commemorated its fight against terrorism, my class and I were studying how white supremacist insurgency - terrorism - established the conditions for US democracy for nearly one hundred years after the Civil War. [Extracted from the article]

The declaration of war in August 1914 seemed to sanction the impotence of the organized labor movement and these international bodies. The First World War would prove 'the gigantic force of imperialism', accelerating and intensifying a new period of globalization. Thus, while at the beginning of the twentieth century John Atkinson Hobson described inter-imperialist entente as one of the consequences of what he called 'patriotic parasitism' and, like Karl Kautsky, excluded the risks of a global war, other commentators saw precisely in the imperialism of the great powers, and in particular in their unequal development, the reasons for future conflict. The First World War also promoted an 'offensive war of self-defense' by the state and the ruling classes against the organized labor movement. This paper proposes to discuss the conflicting and contradictory links between internationalism, globalization and war by taking a transnational approach, conceived as necessarily attentive to the 'unequal and combined geographical development' of the world. The combined nature of the transformations affecting the various societies at war thus becomes essential in attempting to grasp the apparently simple idea that the processes at work in certain advanced societies 'irrevocably transform the conditions and character of similar processes about to take place elsewhere'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic politics constituted a challenging paradox for addressing international justice and injustice for Judith Shklar. It could be a primary source of redressing injustice in its capacity to mobilize international society against the worst kinds of cruelty suffered by international victims – refugees, exiles, immigrants, and victims of wars. Yet the link between democratic politics and nationalism also constituted a primary source of international injustice towards those, on either side of national borders, with whom democratic majorities did not identify and who became grist to the mill of democratic unity forged in entirely irrational hostility towards others. This was why Shklar strenuously criticised calls to highly participatory forms of democracy: the obverse of extreme democratic tightness was extreme hostility towards out-groups on either side of national borders. Shklar's aversion to nationalism had a status approaching her view of cruelty as the worst vice, for the irrational passions it unleashed were a great source precisely of that cruelty. A focus on international justice and injustice in Shklar's thought accordingly demands concertedexplorations of the part that domestic democratic politics, and especially democratic nationalism, plays in international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is achieved through an examination of Andrew Clark's unpublished notebooks and his observations on the evolution and development of language throughout the war. Today we may use the term stalemate or war of attrition to describe the Western Front and the trenches that stretched from Switzerland to the English Channel, and these were words that emerged from the war itself. Writing a War of Words: Andrew Clark and the Search for Meaning in World War One. [Extracted from the article]

The relationship between the Korean War and the African American civil rights movement is one that has been largely overlooked in the historical literature. This paper traces the internal struggles of the African American community during the war to examine its role in the evolution of the movement. It focuses in particular on the battlefield treatment of African American soldiers and the response of the home front to suggest that the Korean War was an important event in turning the civil rights movement towards a more confrontational position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the War Against Japanese Aggression, social security functions of Sichuan warehousing were shown as follows: easing the soul price, balancing the grain price, storing and mortgaging loans, relieving the poor and giving preferential treatment to the families of soldiers in the war of resistance against Japanese aggression. The social security function of store - houses played a positive role in alleviating famine, relieving poverty, resuming agricultural production, stimulating the morale of soldiers during Anti-Japanese War and stabilizing the society. However, owing to the historical limitations of the lag of store - houses construction, poor management, insufficient quantity of grain storage, the defects in a system of storage mortgage, and so on, its social security function failed to achieve the expected results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teali-i Nisvan is one of the societies that attracted attention due to its intellectual structure in the spectrum of association activities after 1908. This society has the feature of being a cultural society among the classifications made. When discussing the society, first of all, it is necessary to mention Halide Edip Adıvar, who spent her entire life fighting for her ideas and was the founder of Teali-i Nisvan Society. Names such as Fatma Aliye, Emine Semiye, Nezihe Muhittin, Halide Edip are the most important names who raise their voices and strive for women to have a place in society and to have rights. For this reason, it would not be wrong to say that there are men and some governments who take the role of staff in encouraging women in social, political and economic fields. However, it should not be forgotten that if there is a deficiency or disruption in society, economy or politics, women are exalted. It was needed primarily for communication in diplomacy, then when wars broke out, it was needed to heal the wounds of war both on the front and in the society, and finally, it was needed to work in factories when the economy deteriorated. If I had to express this situation in one sentence; Centuries have passed, conditions have changed, powers have changed, but the use of women as a tool has not been abandoned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the historiography on the origins of the First World War, the visions of war among European elites remain controversial. This article examines how Austria-Hungary's military officers imagined the character and outcome of a general European war before 1914. It argues that Habsburg officers writing in military journals adhered to the idea of a short war with only limited impact on economy and society. They were optimistic about winning a major European war alongside their ally Germany. Their belief in a limited war was based on the experiences of the modern cabinet wars fought in Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Palestinians' representations in visual art of the existential crisis they faced following the destruction of Palestinian society during the 1948 War, known as the Nakba. The article explores how this colossal event has been conveyed artistically, and discusses artworks that revolve around Palestinians' subsequent states of being, which are represented by two main motifs, the 'good Arab' and the cactus tree. In particular, it assesses how these motifs were used to convey varied, and even opposite, states of being and consciousness, as well as survival strategies, that go beyond commonplace views and perceptions about Palestinians in Israel after 1948. Moreover, this article discusses how the allegorical language of these artworks augments their meanings and might open a window into the world of the Palestinians, who lack archives, official historical narratives, and institutions of remembrance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some of the people living in Dersim (Tunceli), which was administered as a sanjak in the last period of the Ottoman Empire, opposed the occupation of Anatolia and sent telegrams condemning the occupations. This part, mostly made up of tribes, did not actually participate in the War of Independence, but provided moral support to the government during the occupation and war. Some of the society went to national organizations to prevent possible rebellion attempts and to contribute to the maintenance of public order. However, some groups that had armed members due to their tribal order continued their banditry activities and attacked the environment under the influence of poverty and settled habits. Similarly, in the 1919 parliamentary election, some tribes resorted to illegal means. In addition, the Kurdistan Teâli Cemiyeti and some states tried to be effective on the society with their propaganda activities. A small part of the society was affected by these propagandas to give social legitimacy to the Kurdish political movements. However, the measures taken ensured that the rebellion attempt in 1920 was inconclusive. On the other hand, the emergence of the Koçgiri Revolt, which was partly related to Dersim, could not be prevented. In this study, the main backbone of which is archival documents, the attitude of the Dersim society during the War of Independence and the effects of the events in this context on the state-society relations were examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the domestic political, economic, and social conditions in the Western Balkans that provide fertile ground for hostile and maligned actors to manipulate and exploit governments and societies with hybrid war measures, namely cyberattacks and cyber intrusions and disinformation and fake news. It begins with a review and assessment of the prevailing empirical and theoretical literature on hybrid warfare. It then describes two leading empirical indices that measure degrees of permeability and structural vulnerability that elevate or reduce the risks associated with maligned and hostile interventions. The article also examines leading indicators measuring resilience levels in cybersecurity and media/information literacy, highlighting political, social, and economic vulnerabilities. It concludes by suggesting that domestic conditions in the region encourage maligned and hostile actors, especially Russia and for different reasons and to a lesser extent China and Turkey, to use hybrid measures to exploit the region. The article proposes that in addition to strengthening institutions and trust, membership in NATO and the E.U. are directly related to mitigating structural vulnerability and reducing uncertainty and insecurity in the Western Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Saints at War: The Gulf War, Afghanistan, and Iraq. However, not every soldier's life was spared, and the most poignant recollections in I Saints at War i were written by Jenny Taylor and Rikka Jacobsen, widows of the conflicts. The focus on the spousal relationship as a part of these women's wartime experiences adds an important perspective but also replicates the "separate spheres" mentality that pervades many military histories in which women's place in war is detached from actual fighting. [Extracted from the article]