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У августу 1999. The Sunday Times је објавио чланак великог Дагласа Адамса под називом „Како да престанете да бринете и научите да волите интернет“. У њему, Адамс тврди да интернет није само пролазна мода и предвиђа да ће постајати све важнији и важнији и све интерактивнији и интерактивнији како технологија буде појефтињавала и више људи се укључивало у онлине комуникацију. Скок на октобар 2021., када је Марк Цукерберг, милијардер и извршни директор Facebook корпорације објавио настанак „Мета“ – новог бренда компаније, који обједињује све апликације и производе које Фацебоок прави, али укључује и будуће „друштвене технологије“ попут виртуелне и аугментоване стварности и уређаја који чине приступ овим новим врстама реалности могућим. Оно што је заједничко Адамсовом есеју и Цукерберговом оснивачком писму компаније „Мета“ је идеја да ће интернет постати друштвненији, имерзивнији и колаборативнији у будућности. Ипак, између 1999. и 2021. се догодило много историје – или много будућности – интернет и начини на које се са њим повезујемо су се трансформисали и постали мобилнији, а ове промене су поставиле темеље за наивне капиталистичке техно-сањарије које Цукерберг пропагира у свом писму. Постоји подмукла сличност између ова два виђења теме: иако и један и други аутор инсистирају на комуникацији и повезивању међу људима, Адамсов есеј је био сатиричан, грасрутс одговор на нелагоду коју људи генерално имају када прихватају нове технологије (нпр. телевизију, телефон, штампарију, а вероватно и точак). Био је то миг и моздрав младости, иновативности и моћи људске имагинације. С друге стране, Цукербергов урадак звучи као пословни план (што, на крају крајева, и јесте) какав би написала Skynet вештачка интелигенција из Филмова о Терминатору, и прилично подсећа на дистопијску стварност филмова из Матрикс франшизе. Реч је о једном тоталитарном, капиталистичком апсолутном негирању потребе за физичком повезаношћу; текст представља застрашујућу визију људи који стагнирају у својим домовима, утопљени у виртуелне стварности, који се констатнто повезују и константно деле, али заправо не иду нигде – ово је наводно добро зато што смањује њихов угљенични отисак – а свеједно све време купују и троше. Док Адамс пореди употребу комуникацијских технологија са пиџин и креолским језицима, Цукерберг све своди на конзумацију корпоративних производа. Како смо стигли довде? У чланку из 2012. сковала сам термин хиперреалност 2.0 како бих означила свет у којем онлине и оффлине више нису одвојени, већ чине саставне делове стварности у којој су људима потребне направе које имају приступ интернету како би могли у потпуности да учествују у друштву. Такође сам прилагодила концепт који користи Харавеј како бих устврдила да су многи од нас већ постали киборзи, без да су морали да гурну технологију под кожу. У овој презентацији намеравам да проширим ову идеју и истражим социо- техно-економске процесе који су се одигравали од како сам се последњи пут бавила овом темом, како бих мапирала еволуцију нашег односа према друштвеним мрежама и променљиву улогу тела у дискурсима о технологији. Такође се надам да ћу успети да предложим неке егалитарније техно- будућности. In August 1999 The Sunday Times published an article by the late, great Douglas Adams entitled “How to stop worrying and learn to love the Internet”. In it, Adams argues that the Internet is not just a passing fad and predicts that it will become more and more important and more and more interactive as tech becomes cheaper and more people join in the online chatter. Cut to October 2021, when Mark Zuckerberg, tech billionaire and CEO of the Facebook Corporation announces “Meta” – a new company brand that encapsulates all the apps and products FB makes, as well as future “social technologies” including virtual reality and augmented reality and devices that make access to these new kinds of realities possible. What Adams’ essay and Zuckerberg’s founder’s letter for “Meta” have in common is the idea that the internet will become more social, more immersive and more collaborative in the future. However, in the time between 1999 and 2021, a lot of history – or a lot of future – took place, the Internet and our ways of connecting to it transformed, became more mobile, and these changes laid the groundwork for the kind of rose colored, capitalist techno-dreaming Zuckerberg purports in his letter. There is a sinister similarity between the two takes on the topic: while both insist on communication and connection between people, Adams’ essay was a sort of grass roots, satirical poke at the unease with which humans generally take to new technologies (e.g. television, the telephone, the printing press and, probably, the wheel), a wink and a nod to youth and innovation and the power of human imagination. Meanwhile, Zuckerberg’s take reads like a business plan (which it ultimately is) written by Skynet (from the Terminator movies), and is more than a little evocative of the dystopian reality of the Matrix films. It’s a kind of totalitarian capitalist rejection of the need for physical connection, a frightening vision of people stagnant in their homes, immersed in virtual realities, always sharing always connecting, but not really going anywhere – this is supposedly good because it reduces their carbon footprints – and yet always buying and consuming. While Adams compares the use of communication technologies to pidgin and creole languages, Zuckerberg reduces it to consuming corporate products. How did we get here? In a paper in 2012 I coined the term hyperreality 2.0 to designate a world in which the online and the offline are no longer separate, but integral parts of a reality in which humans need devices that allow access to the Internet in order to fully participate in society. I also adapted Haraway’s concept to argue that most of us have become cyborgs, without even breaking the skin. In this presentation I intend to expand on this notion and explore the socio-techno-economic processes that took place since I last dealt with the topic, in order to map out the evolution of our relationship to social networking and the changing role of the body in discourses on technology. I also hope to suggest some more egalitarian techno-futures.

This presentation is an autoethnographic account of dog walking in a residential area of downtown Belgrade during the COVID-19 lockdown in early 2020. It is also an attempt at, or rather, a result, of the largely experimental practice of canine-as- sisted ethnography, as my dogs Dita and Ripley were instrumen- tal during fieldwork. The lockdown, with its ill-thought-out and constantly changing rules about dog walking underlined three basic issues: 1) in a city with a huge dog owning population, pub- lic policy with regard to this issue is virtually non-existent; 2) the city lacks public green spaces, and 3) the movement patterns of dog walkers tend to converge due to the fact that the needs of the canines (both biological and social) are embedded into the archi- tecture and planning of local neighborhoods. In this sense, the city emerges as a multispecies space, and the social patterns and walking routs of its residents who keep dogs are influenced if not completely determined by the human-ani- mal bond at play. This became especially visible during lockdown at times when dog walkers were the only people allowed outside. Thus, this presentation analyzes how interspecies (in this case human-dog) relationships shape the functions of urban space in Belgrade.

This paper analyses the change in the metanarrative of the Alien franchise initiated by the movie Alien (1979), directed by Ridley Scott, and continued with a series of three sequels. The franchise was revived in 2012 w ith the prequel Prometheus. The story of the first four movies is set at the end of the anthropocene, and it deals with the horror of alien life forms, offering an evolutionist approach to the development of the human species. However, the revival of the franchise with the movie Prometheus changed the metanarrative from evolutionism to a creationist and pseudo-archaeological metanarrative with Biblical motifs. This paper points to the dangers of popularizing creationist and pseudo-archaeological narratives in science fiction. Responsibility for life on Earth and in outer space, lacking evidence to the contrary, remains in the hands of humans collectively and not alien Others. U radu je analizirana promena metanarativa u franšizi Osmi putnik (1979) koju je istoimenim filmom pokrenuo režiser Ridli Skot, a koja je nastavljena nizom od tri nastavka u režijama Džejmsa Kamerona (1986), Dejvida Finčera (1992) i Žan-Pjera Ženea (1997). Franšiza je oživljena 2012. filmom Prometej u režiji Ridlija Skota. Radnja prva četiri filma smeštena je na kraj antropocena i bavi se užasom vanzemaljskog života, nudeći evolucionistički pristup razvoju ljudske vrste. U svetu u kom je planeta Zemlja „usrana rupa“, kako tvrdi jedan od protagonista trećeg nastavka filma Osmi putnik, ljudi teraformiraju druga nebeska tela i kolonizuju svemir. Međutim, obnovom franšize filmom Prometej došlo je do promene metanarativa sa evolucionizma na kreacionizam i pseudoarheologiju sa biblijskim motivima. Ljudi prestaju da budu primarni aktanti i njihovo stvaranje i uništenje pripisuje se vanzemaljskim inženjerima. Imajući u vidu ideju koju je predložila Dona Haravej, da je pripovedanje ključno za opstanak planete Zemlje, ovaj rad ukazuje na opasnost popularizacije kreacionizma i pseudoarheologije u naučnofantastičnim narativima, koju vidimo i u novijim radovima Ridlija Skota (Vučje vaspitanje, 2020). Ljudi nisu stvari i ne mogu se staviti u istu ontološku ravan sa androidima. Odgovornost za život na planeti Zemlji i u svemiru, u nedostatku dokaza za suprotno, ostaje kolektivno u rukama ljudi, a ne vanzemaljskih Drugih. Kao rešenje, rad predlaže promenu narativa u naučnoj fantastici u skladu sa savremenim antropološkim i arheološkim znanjima o antropocenu i njegovim posledicama. Pripovedanje koje insistira na kolektivnoj ali i pojedinačnoj krivici (pojedinci; korporacije) i odgovornosti za razvoj i posledice antropocena je pripovedanje za opstanak planete Zemlje. Ce travail analyse le changement du métarécit dans la franchise Alien (1979) lancé par le réalisateur Ridley Scott dans le film homonyme et suivie de la série de trois films réalisés par James Cameron (1986), David Fincher (1992) et Jean Pierre Jeunet (1997). La franchise a été relancée en 2012 par le film Prometheus réalisé par Ridley Scott. L’intrigue des quatre premiers films est située à la fin de l’anthropocène et traite de l’horreur de la vie extraterrestre offrant l’approche évolutionniste au développement de la race humaine. Dans le monde où la planète Terre est « un trou de merde », comme le prétend un des protagonistes de la troisième suite du film Alien, les humains terraforment les autres corps célestes et colonisent l’univers. Pourtant, le renouveau de la franchise par le film Prometheus apporte le changement du métarécit qui passe de l’évolutionnisme au créationnisme et à la pseudo-archéologie aux motifs bibliques. Les humains cessent d’être les actants primaires et leur création et leur destruction sont attribuées aux ingénieurs extraterrestres. Ayant en vue l’idée proposée par Donna Haraway que la narration est essentielle pour la survie de la planète Terre, ce travail démontre le danger de la popularisation du créationnisme et de la pseudo-archéologie dans les récits de science-fiction, observée aussi dans les travaux récents de Ridley Scott (Raised by Wolves, 2020). Les humains ne sont pas les objets et ne peuvent pas être mis au même rang ontologique que les androïdes. La responsabilité pour la vie sur la planète Terre et dans l’univers, faute de preuve du contraire, reste collectivement entre les mains des humains et non pas entre celles des Autres extraterrestres. Le travail propose comme solution le changement du récit dans la science-fiction conformément aux connaissances contemporaines anthropologiques et archéologiques sur l’anthropocène et ses conséquences. La narration insistant sur la culpabilité collective mais aussi individuelle (individus; corporations) et sur la responsabilité pour le développement et pour les conséquences de l’anthropocène c’est la narration pour la survie de la planète Terre.

Ovaj tekst predstavlja prvi od planirana dva članka u kojima ćemo se baviti problemom izučavanja ljudsko–životinjskih odnosa u etnologiji i antropologiji i arheologiji. Iako je interesovanje za ulogu životinja u ljudskim društvima staro gotovo koliko i discipline iz kojih autorke ovog teksta dolaze, promene i previranja kroz koje su društvene i humanističke nauke prolazile osamdesetih godina 20. veka uslovile su preispitivanje starih osnova na kojima je ovo interesovanje u našim disciplinama počivalo i, na širem planu, dovele do formiranja novog interdisciplinarnog polja proučavanja ljudsko-životinjskih odnosa. Usled kompleksnosti i obima obrađivane teme, priča o izučavanju ljudsko–životinjskih odnosa u antropologiji i arheologiji podeljena je na dva dela. U ovom, prvom delu, ponudićemo istorijski osvrt na pristupe proučavanju životinja, životinjskih ostataka i ljudsko–životinjskih odnosa od zasnivanja naših disciplina do, ugrubo, kraja 20. veka, i mapirati konvergentne teorijsko-metodološke tendencije u dvema disciplinama koje su, naposletku, dovele do postavljanja novih i drugačijih pitanja u vezi sa odnosima između ljudi i drugih životinja, ali i otvorile niz mogućnosti za interdisciplinarnu saradnju.

The year 2017 marked the 70th anniversary of the founding of the Institute of Ethnography of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. Among many successful celebratory activities organized throughout the year, the roundtable titled Art practices and urban promenades: Belgrade's KnezMihailova Street vs. Dionysius the Areopagite Promenade in Athensstands out. The roundtable was held on October 6th 2017 at the Institute of Ethnography SASA, its organization a cooperative effort between the Institute and the Laboratory for Folklore and Social Anthropology, of the Department of History and Ethnology of the Democritus University of Thrace (the Republic of Greece), respectively. The aim of the roundtable was to present the results of the international research project “Art practices and urban promenades (pedestrian zones). Art Practices and Urban Promenades: Belgrade's Knez Mihailova Street vs. Dionysius the Areopagite Promenade in Athens. Roundtable Held at the Institute of Ethnography SASA

Ovim izlaganjem želimo da ukažemo na formiranje istraživačkog polja ljudsko-životinjskih odnosa kako u etnologiji i antropologiji tako i u arheologiji, i da skrenemo pažnju na potencijal za interdisciplinarna istraživanja koji ovo novo polje donosi. Iako je interesovanje za ulogu životinja u ljudskim društvima staro gotovo koliko i discipline iz kojih dolazimo, promene i previranja kroz koje su društvene i humanističke nauke prolazile osamdesetih godina 20. veka, uslovile su preispitivanje starih osnova na kojima je ovo interesovanje u arheologiji i antropologiji počivalo. U ovom izlaganju ćemo mapirati promene i konvergentne tendencije u arheologiji i antropologiji koje su dovele do postavljanja novih i drugačijih pitanja u vezi sa odnosima između ljudi i drugih životinja u prošlosti i sadašnjosti. Pored toga, pokušaćemo da predstavimo teorijske i metodološke inovacije koje ljudsko-životinjske odnose tretiraju kao dvosmerne odnose između ravnopravnih aktera i nude mogućnosti za dublje i podrobnije razumevanje ljudskih društava u prošlosti i sadašnjosti. &nbsp

Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu su tri srpska zoološka vrta: u Beogradu, na Paliću i u Jagodini. Prakse izlaganja egzotičnih životinja u ovim institucijama se sagledavaju kroz prizmu antropologije i istoriografije ljudsko-životinjskih odnosa, i tretiraju kao materijalni izrazi specifiĉnog odnosa prema modernosti na ovom prostoru. U radu je dat pregled antropoloških ideja o životinjama, od začetaka discipline do današnjih teorijsko-metodoloških dometa specijalističkog polja antropologije ljudsko-životinjskih odnosa, uz osvrt na pitanje životinja u domaćoj etnologiji. Ponuđena je skica istorijata izlaganja egzotičnih životinja u Evropi i predstavljeni su društveno-istorijski procesi koji su doveli do nastanka prvih modernih zooloških vrtova nakon Francuske buržoaske revolucije. Eksplicirana su tumačenja, prisutna u literaturi, koja ulogu i funkciju zooloških vrtova u zemljama EvroZapada objašnjavaju potrebom da se kolonijalna moć demonstrira publici kod kuće, ali i da se novonastala urbana radniĉka klasa 19. veka saobrazi buržoaskim načinima ponašanja. Budući da su se ovakva tumačenja pokazala kao nedostatna za razumevanje uloge i funkcije zooloških vrtova u Srbiji, jedan od osnovnih ciljeva ovog istraživanja bio je da se osmisli tumačenje analogno onom koje je dato u literaturi, koje bi bilo primenljivo na specifični društveno-istorijski i politički kontekst Srbije. U tu svrhu, izvršena je analiza diskursa i praksi tri srpska vrta, i ustanovljene su osnovne ideje koje su ulazile u njihovo osnivanje, ali i funkcionisanje danas. Na osnovu ovoga, ekstrapolirane su uloge i funkcije ovih institucija u različitim periodima srpske istorije - ugrubo, predratnom periodu, socijalističkom periodu, i periodu nakon političkih promena 2000. godine. Analiza je pokazala da su uloge i funkcije zooloških vrtova promenljive i usko povezane sa političkim kontekstom u kom ove institucije operišu, te da nije moguće dati objedinjenu teoriju. Ovo je ukazalo na manjkavosti raspoloživog teorijskog modela i potrebu za daljim istraživanjem zooloških vrtova u svetu, kao i u Srbiji. The research focuses on three Serbian zoos: in Belgrade, at Palić and in Jagodina. The practice of displaying exotic animals in these institutions is viewed through the prism of the anthropology and historiography of human-animal relations, and treated as a material display of the specific relationship to modernity in this locale. The paper gives an overview of anthropological ideas about animals, from the early years of the discipline up to the contemporary theoretical and methodological stances of the specific subfield of anthropology of human-animal relations, with a review of the animal issue in Serbian ethnology. I offer a draft of the history of displaying exotic animals in Europe and present the socio-historical processes which led to the establishment of the first modern zoos after the French revolution. I also give an overview of interpretations, present in the literature, which define the role of zoos in the EuroWest as institutions which served to demonstrate colonial power to audiences at home, and teach the newly-formed 19th century urban working classes bourgeois rules of conduct. Seeing as these interpretations were found lacking for the understanding of the role and function of zoos in Serbia, one of the main goals of this research was to construct an interpretation, analogous to the one given in the literature, which would be applicable to the specific socio-historical and political context of Serbia. In order for this to be done, an analysis of the discourses and practices of three Serbian zoos was conducted, and the basic ideas that went into their founding as well as contemporary operation were established. Based on this, the roles and functions of these institutions in different historical periods were extrapolated. Roughly, the historical periods are the pre-war period, the socialist period and the period after the political changes in Serbia that took place in 2000. The analysis showed that the roles and functions of zoos are mutable and closely connected to the political context in which these institutions operate, meaning that a unifying theory cannot be established. This indicated the flaws of the extant theoretical model and a need for further research into zoos both in Serbia, and abroad...

У раду ће бити речи о фолклорним интерпретацијама теорије еволуције путем природне селекције, коју је формулисао Чарлс Дарвин, o начинима на које те интерпретације рефлектују раније европске концепције света које су до 18. века садржане у тзв. scala naturae, и импликацијама које су такве интерпретације имале по концептуализацију разлика између људи и животиња и граница између њих. The social sciences in general and anthropology in particular have a long and complicated relationship with Darwin’s theory of evolution. The ways in which biological evolution came to be understood from the 19th century onward had direct implications on ways in which social scientists, for their part, understood and explained human cultures and societies. The topic of this presentation will be, firstly, parallels between folk interpretations of evolution and earlier notions about ‘the order of things’ which were based on Christian theology and existed in European society prior to the Enlightenment. I will argue that it is these very folk interpretations that, by becoming part of the discourse of social scientists created, on the one hand dangerous ideas like attempts at “scientific” legitimization of racism, and on the other a complete separation of natural and social sciences. The basis of the flawed logic that went first into understanding the process of biological evolution and then into applying Darwinism to human societies was that evolution (even since Darwin's time) tended to be understood in terms of chains and ladders, terms which implied value and moral judgment – in short – in terms usually reserved for origin myths. Evolution had put human beings squarely and undeniably in the realm of what was (up until then) “brute creation”, and by doing so practically destroyed the ideological boundary between nature and culture. By doing so it endowed people with a ‘brute’ rather than a ‘divine’ nature, and hence it became important to construct a new kind of boundary between humans and animals. This confusion between moral and natural order, the implicit belief that nature is somehow endowed with intent and that evolution has a goal had serious consequences for the social sciences. It is in the place where the misunderstanding of biological evolution brought about the moral imperative to invent a way by which human kind could be “scientifically” distanced from the animal kingdom that the modern concept of culture was born. And what occurred then was a subtle switch: the uncomfortable idea about the brute nature of mankind was replaced by the story of the evolution of culture. The animals meanwhile became the passive objects of natural histories. To paraphrase Barbara Noske (1993), the social sciences became sciences of discontinuity between humans and animals. This discontinuity however isn’t (nor was it ever) a static set of traits, and the more we learn about ‘the animal kingdom’, the more the boundaries grow fuzzy and unclear. If we were to factor in contemporary technological achievements – hybrids, animals grown with human genes and xenotransplantation (among other things), boundaries, not just conceptual but biological, visceral are challenged. These new situations and practices pose new questions to which social scientists should supply answers. However, in order for these questions to be recognized as valid in the first place, we must comprehend the ways in which and reasons why such boundaries were set up in the first place. For this I believe it is imperative for us to understand why we misunderstood Darwin. Зборник радова Етнографског института САНУ 28 / Collection of Papers of the Institute of Ethnography SASA 28

U radu će biti reči o promenljivoj ulozi koju su ljudska tela imala kroz istoriju masovne upotrebe interneta. Posmatrajući savremena ljudska tela kao, zapravo, umnogome kiborška, postaviću tezu da su ova i ovakva tehnotela uticala na stvaranje, ali i bila direktna posledica promene u percepciji realnosti kod korisnika interneta generalno, i posebno korisnika socijalnih mreža. Dalje, pokušaću da pokažem kako je narušavanje i preispitivanje granica između stvarnog i virtuenlog, koje je nastalo kao posledica masovnog upliva tehnologije u sve društvene sfere, dovelo do stvaranja hiperrealnosti – realnosti koja simultano inkorporira i nadilazi i fizičku i virtuelnu stvarnost, i stvara nove okvire postojanja, prisustva i društvenosti. The paper will focus on the ever-changing role which human bodies have played through the history of widespread Internet use. Viewing contemporary human bodies as, in fact, cyborg bodies, I will argue that it was these techno-bodies that influenced the creation, but were also the direct consequence of a significant shift in the perception of reality experienced by Internet users in general, and users of social networking websites in particular. Furthermore, I will try to demonstrate how the corrosion and questioning of the borders between the real and the virtual, which emerged as a consequence of the mass influx of technology into all levels of society, brought about the creation of hyperreality – a reality which simultaneously incorporates and moves beyond physical as well as virtual reality, and creates new frameworks of existence, presence and sociability.

U disertaciji se, iz antropološke perspektive, istraţuje forma, sadrţaj i status predstava o vampiru u narodnoj, pre svega kulturnoj, baštini seljaštva danas. Konceptu „vampira“, jednom od simbola društvene i kulturne stvarnosti zajednice, pristupilo se ne kao pasivnom i petrifikovanom, već kao konceptu u velikoj meri uslovljenom kako lokalnim, unutrašnjim, tako i spoljnim, globalnim faktorima. Komparacija stare i nove etnografske graĊe ukazala je na promene forme, odnosno sadrţaja motiva, što je nametnulo pitanje uzroka koji su doveli do promena, krunjenja ili nestajanja motiva kao elementa demonoloških predanja. Na osnovu prezentovane graĊe i analize zakljuĉeno je da je motiv u tradicijskom kontekstu figurirao kao odgovor na društvene probleme i potrebe, odnosno predstavljao refleksiju socijalne i kulturne stvarnosti. Koncept „vampira“ u tom smislu figurira kao „plutajući oznaĉitelj“, motiv kroz koji zajednica, grupa ili pojedinac govore o društvenim problemima, tenzijama ili potrebama u specifiĉnom kontekstu. Iako na kolektivnom nivou predstavlja reprezentaciju aberacije, odnosno inverzije društvene norme, „vampire“ je u svetu seoske zajednice imao raznorodne uloge koje su reprodukovale moć zajednice, ali i otelotvoravale otpor, odnosno pregovaranje, kojim su prevazilaţene društvene stege. Specifiĉnost motiva bio je, dakle, njegov suţivot sa razliĉitim slojevima društva koji kroz društvenu upotrebu tog motiva meĊusobno komunicirali. Sa druge strane, ovaj motiv kao simbol sela kao „sveta za sebe“, drţave unutar drţave ili crkve van okvira svetonazora Srpske pravoslavne Crkve, vekovima je i pored integrativne uloge na lokalnom nivou, bio interpretiran (od spolja) kao vid simboliĉkog otpora centralizaciji i modernizaciji drţave. Vekovima su verovanja i prakse vezane za „vampire“ bili kritikovani ili kaţnjavani od strane profane i sakralne vlasti. Ipak, istorijski periodi u kojima je Srbija bila okupirana ili crkva marginalizovana, doprineli su jaĉanju tradicijskih institucija poput “vampira” kroz koje su zajednice regulisale društveni poredak. Ono što je zapoĉeto srednjovekovim zabranama, nakon osloboĊenja i konsolidacije Srbije devetnaestog veka, nastavljeno je kroz primenu kulturnih politika ĉiji je cilj bila modernizacija društva iznutra ali i redefinisanje nacionalnog identiteta ka spolja. Ovakav pristup poĉivao je na principu „znaĉajnog drugog“. U sluĉaju drţave Srbije „znaĉajni drugi“ bila su zapadna društva, dok su u oĉima seoskih zajednica to bile elite koje su potencirale urbanu i modernu kulturu na uštrb baštine balkanskog seljaštva. „Vampir“, kao ţivi element seoske svakodnevice, na nivou drţave predstavljao je neţeljeni artefakt prošlih vekova, sliku neprosvećenosti naroda, te zaostalosti drţave, što je samo ojaĉavalo balkanistiĉke stereotipe Zapada o inferiornosti balkanskih društava. „Vampir“ kao simbol „balkanske drugosti“, bilo da se radi o motivu seoskog folklora ili zapadne popularne kulture, postaje element kulturne intimnosti sela i Srbije. Od sredine 19. veka, a posebno od druge polovine 20. veka, u Srbiji dolazi do društvene i politiĉke upotrebe motiva koji dobija novo, moderno, urbano ruho. Gubeći predznak seoske kulture, demonsko se zamenjuje ljudskim, a stvarnost fantastiĉnim. U periodu nakon Drugog svetskog rata kulturna politika, kao i u sluĉaju preĊašnje drţave, nastoji da zameni tradicijske modernim institucijama, kao i da marginalizuje baštinu koja se nije uklapala u koncept komunistiĉke filozofije ili socijalistiĉkog društva. Urbano, obrazovano i moderno postaju ideali, a koncept „vampira“ kao vid „seoske autonomije“ i kulturne stvarnosti nasuprot modelu zapadne fantastike ostaje jednako kulturno intiman, istovremeno odraţavajući opozicije izmeĊu urbanog i ruralnog, modernog i zaostalog ali i racionalnog i iracionalnog. Ĉak i nakon raspada Jugoslavije te retradicionalizacije društva, „vampir“ popularne kulture predstavlja opštepoznati simbol urbane kulture, a folklorni „vampir“ traumatiĉno nasleĊe ruralne balkanske prošlosti. Forma, sadrţaj i doţivljaj ovog elementa lokalne baštine ostaje intiman unutar seoskih zajednica u ĉijoj kulturnoj stvarnosti i dalje „ţivi“. Na osnovu terenskih iskustava, ali i analize medija, opozicija javno : privatno posebno se istiĉe na primeru „vampira“ kao elementa seoske baštine, bez obzira na to da li se ona otkriva antropologu sagovorniku ili kroz upotrebu motiva kao elementa turistiĉke ponude. „Grad“, „drţava“, „modernо“ ili „racionalno“ predstavljaju opozicije nasuprot kojih „vampir“ u javnoj upotrebi danas predstavlja taĉku razdvajanja dva dela društva - narodne i elitne odnosno pseudozapadne kulture, te identiteta drţave (i nacije) rastrzane izmeĊu „balkanske prošlosti“ i „evropske (budućnosti) Srbije“. Budući da je jedna pozicija u oĉima „znaĉajnog drugog“ valorizovana, dok je druga traumatiĉna i marginalizovana, moţe se govoriti o dominaciji jednog nad drugim motivom kao kulturno politiĉkim simbolom. Dva motiva, pozapadnjaĉeni i tradicijski i pored vrlo sliĉne logike upotrebe motiva, ostaju opozitni u svojoj ontološkoj poziciji kao simboli dve kulture, vremena i stvarnosti. Cilj ovog rada bio je razumevanje “prirode” motiva kako bi se razumela njegova „besmrtnost“ u svetu koji se sve brţe menja, menjajući stvarnost sela ĉije je imaginacije „vampir“ deo. Osnovna premisa o glokalizacijskim faktorima kao preduslovu društvene i politiĉke upotrebe motiva ispostavila se taĉnom. Pitanje „besmrtnosti“ motiva, sa druge strane, pokazalo se kompleksnim. „Besmrtnost vampirа“ u kulturi seljaštva ĉini se posledicom istorijskih, socijalnih i politiĉkih faktora, ali i mogućnošću motiva da se menja i prilagoĊava društvenim potrebama paradoksalno figurirajući kao konstanta tradicije i „stvarnosti“ zajednice. U Srbiji, zemlji na sporom putu tranzicije u evropsko i moderno društvo, brojne seoske zajednice danas su marginalizovane. Selo ĉesto figurira kao kognitivni i socijalni centar sa kojim se ĉlanovi identifikuju na vertikalnom (generacijskom) i horizontalnom nivou (na nivou zajednice), sa posebnim akcentom na društvenoj i politiĉkoj upotrebi tradicije kao faktora odvajanja od globalnog i identifikacije sa lokalnim. „Vampir“ kao vid intimne tradicije u ovim selima (i danas) ima integrišuću društvenu ulogu, kao element nasleĊa oko kog ĉlanovi zajednica afirmišu kulturnu stvarnost i identitet. Upravo moć promene i primene, prilagoĊavanja motiva društvenom kontekstu upotrebe, ali u isto vreme i suštinska postojanost, „vampira“ ĉine „ţivim“ aspektom baštine i kulturne stvarnosti brojnh seoskih zajednica danas The dissertation explores the form, content and status of representations of the vampire in folk, foremost in cultural, rural heritage today from an anthropological perspective. The concept of the “vampire”, as one of the symbols of social and cultural community reality, was not approached as passive and petrified, but instead as a concept greatly influenced by local, inner, as well as external and global factors. Comparisons of old and new ethnographic material pointed out changes in the form and content respectively, which posed the question which influences led to the changes, fragmentation or disappearance of the motives as elements of demonological tradition. Based on the presented material and analysis we have concluded that the motive functioned as a response to social problems and needs in the traditional context, or that in other words it represented a reflection of social and cultural reality. The concept of the “vampire” in this sense functions as a “floating signifier”, a motiv through which the community, group or individual speak of social problems, tensions or needs within a specific context. Although it representsa an aberration, that is to say an inversion of the social norm on a collective level, the “vampire” had various roles which reproduced the power of the community, but also embodied resistance and negotiation used to overcome social bounds. within the world of the village community. The motive‟s specificity was therefore its cohabitation with different layers of society which communicated with each other through its use. On the other hand, this motive was, as a symbol of the “world for itself”, of a state within the state, or a church outside the worldview of the Serbian Orthodox church, for centuries interpreted, as a kind of symbolic resistance to the centralization and modernization of the state, besides its local integrative role. Vampire related beliefs and practices had been criticized or punished by profane and sacral rule for centuries. However, historical periods during which Serbia was occupied, or the church marginalized attributed to the strengthening of traditional institutions such as the “vampire” which communities used to regulate the social order. Initiated by medieval prohibitions, it was continued after the liberation and consolidation of Serbia during the 19th century, through the application of cultural policies whose goal was the internal modernization of society, but also the external redefining of the national identity. Such an approach was based on the principle of the “significant other”. In the case of Serbia, the “significant others” were western societies, yet in the eyes of village communities it was the elites, who emphasized urban and modern culture at the expense of Balkan peasant heritage. The “vampire”, as a living element of village everyday life represented an u unwanted artifact of previous centuries at a state level, an image of the people‟s ignorance, of the country‟s backwardness, which only strengthened western balkanistic stereotyps of the inferiority of Balkan societies. The “vampire” as a symbol of balkanic “otherness”, whether as a motive of village folklore or western popular culture, becomes an element of cultural intimacy for the village and Serbia. From the middle of the 19th century, and especially the second half of the 20th century, Serbia adopts the usage of the motive which gains a new, modern, urban outfit. Losing the prefix of village culture, the demonic is replaced with the human, and reality with the fantastic. In the period following World War II, cultural policy, as was the case with the previous state, tends to replace traditional institutions with modern ones, as well a marginalizing heritage which did not conform with the concept of communist philosophy or socialist society. The urban, the educated and the modern become ideals, and the concept of the “vampire” as a form of “village autonomy” and cultural reality as opposed to the model of western fantasy, stays equally culturally intimate, simultaneously reflecting the oppositions between the urban and rural, modern and backwater, but also between the rational and irrational. Even after the breakdown of Yugoslavia and the retraditionalization of society, the “vampire” of popular culture represents a well known symbol of urban culture, while the “vampire” of folklore remains a traumatic heritage of the rural Balkan past. The form, contents and experience of this element of local heritage remains intimate within village communities in whose cultural reality it remains “living”. Based on field experiences, but also media analysis, the opposition public : private stands out especially on the example of the “vampire” as an element of village heritage, no matter whether it is revealed to the anthropologist as interlocutor, or through the use of motives as elements of touristic offering. The “city”, the “state”, “modern” or “rational” represent oppositions against which the “vampire” in public usage today represents the point of separation between two parts of society – the folk and the elite, or pseudo western culture, or the identity of the state (and nation) torn between a “Balkan past” and a “European (future of) Serbia”. Since one position in the eyes of the “significant other” was valorized, while the other was traumatized and marginalized, the domination of one motive over the other as a cultural political symbol can be asserted. Two motives, the westernized and the traditional, although havinga very similar logic of motive usage, remain opposite in their ontological position as symbols of two cultures, times and realities. The goal of this study was the understanding of the “nature” of the motive so as to understand its “immortality” in an everchanging world which changes the reality of the village, and the “vampire” as part of its imagination. The basic premise of globalizing factors as precondition to the social and political use of the motive turned out to be correct. The question of the “immortality” of the motive, on the other hand, showed to be more complex. “Immortality of the vampire” in village culture seems to be the consequence of historical, social and political factors, as well as the possibility of the motive to change and adapt to social needs, paradoxically functions as a constant of tradition and community “reality”. In Serbia, a country on the slow road of transition into European and modern society, numerous village communities have been marginalized. The village often figures as a cognitive and social center with which its member indentify on a vertical (generational) and horizontal (“communal”) level, with a special accent on the use of tradition as a factor of separation from the global, and identification with the local. The “vampire” as a kind of intimate tradition in these villages has an (today still) integrating social role, as an element of heritage around which the community members affirm their cultural reality and identity. It is the power of change and application, the adaptation of motives to the social context of use, but at the same time the essential permanence, that make "vampires" a "living" aspect of the heritage and cultural reality of many rural communities today