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Offers the author's perspective on English education in the 1970s using articles published in "English Journal" while he was editor from 1973 to 1980. (SR)

Analyzes data from "Who's Who Among Black Americans" of 1978 to identify changes in the characteristics of the black elite since the 1930s (as reported in an earlier study). Examines proportion of women among the elite; place of birth; migration and regions of residence; education; occupations; political orientation; and involvement in black-improvement organizations. (KH)

Analyzes assumptions about individualism and conformity in American social commentary from the 1920s and 1970s. Suggests that individualism primarily involved self-expression and rebellion against society's restrictions in the 1920s, but had become a matter of self-absorption and quest for self-development by the 1970s. Contains 117 references. (SV)

Surveys current literature dealing with the 1970s feminist movement, concentrating on national public policy. Remarks that little of the research is archival because the Nixon and Carter presidential papers were just recently opened. Offers predictions for the second wave of reconstruction and interpretation that will follow the opening of the archives. (LS)

Highlights a variety of ERIC materials to use for instruction and reflection about the 1970s. Materials cover Watergate, environmental issues, drug use, the new ethnicity, terrorism, the Vietnam War, and women's employment. (LS)

Illustrates the value of comparative history in using the past to understand the present and anticipate the future. Presents a comparison of the 1920s with the 1970s, using the Teapot Dome and Watergate scandals; World War I and the Vietnam War; and Presidents Warren G. Harding and Richard M. Nixon as main points of comparison. (LS)

Presents a method for teaching about the 1970s and provides an overview of the decade analyzing major events. Presents the underlying tone of the time period showing how different political, economic, and social events affected society's spirit, attitudes, and moods. (LS)

Offers ideas for using comparative history in the classroom. Includes suggestions for using guided design, role playing, and an approach for a series of sequenced writing exercises. Uses the 1920s and 1970s for comparison, focusing on Teapot Dome and Watergate. (LS)

Children's playgrounds became part of the urban planning and evolution of Western cities at the turn of 19th and early 20th centuries. The overall objective was to improve urban children's well-being and enhance safety by channelling play activities away from city streets towards designated play spaces. This article zooms in on the process of creating recommendations, norms and standards related to playgrounds. The subject under scrutiny is the standardization of childhood in Finland during the 1960s and 1970s, a period characterized by the most intense phases of urbanization, the establishment of welfare state institutions and the evolution of legislation pertaining to children's play spaces as well as vigorous discussions concerning children's environments. These planning discussions, norms and standards have had far-reaching consequences. They are not only prominently evident in today's Finnish cities but have also significantly influenced our contemporary perception of children's place within urban contexts. This study brings a social history approach to the academic discussion of the role of standardization in urban planning. Simultaneously, it examines the development of the increasingly standardized urban childhood in Finland in the 1960s and 1970s and asks what kind of childhood this standardization aimed to promote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 1975, the Icelandic women's movement organized a 'Women's Day Off' (WDO), a one-day strike designed to reveal the societal importance of women's work. In this article, we explore media coverage of the WDO in the Nordic countries. Through an analytical lens that focuses on media framing and journalistic practices, we analyse differences in the coverage's scope and content. We also contextualize the coverage against the background of sociopolitical factors that may have affected the cultural filtering of the news, as well as journalistic practices and resources in each country. In doing so, we demonstrate that the coverage relied on each newsroom's estimation of the event's newsworthiness for local readers. That news value was influenced by the country in question's cultural proximity to Iceland, the state of local feminist organizing and public discussions regarding gender equality, and other news topics in circulation at the time. Our analysis is based on a reading of media texts related to the WDO that we gathered using digital interfaces of the national libraries of Norway, Denmark, Sweden and Finland, complemented by a manual search in cases where such digitization was lacking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Golden Age of air travel, a new upper-class elite cultivated a glamorous "jet-set"-lifestyle to circle the globe, from New York to Hawaii, from Tokyo to Paris, and from Acapulco to London. This cosmopolitan elite included US-American and European as well as Latin American and Middle Eastern adventurers. The globally connected Jeunesse dorée visibly staged their eccentric, globe-girdling trips and quickly became a media phenomenon, accompanied by paparazzi while being celebrated in popular culture. This article aims to explore the rise of this luxurious high-speed society -- comprising actors and musicians, athletes and politicians, as well as models and playboys -- and, thus, particularly focuses on actors, networks and discourses in Western Germany since the 1950s. It exemplarily investigates how the newly minted high society was portrayed in tabloid newspapers, TV-shows and motion pictures, and how their exponents, such as the German playboy Gunter Sachs, and their playgrounds -- small, provincial places like Kampen beach -- were depicted. With that, this article aims to examine the high society's geographical and social reach and its limits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of its solidarity activities with Chilean, Uruguayan, and Argentine exiles in Catalonia, the NGO Agermanament led by Father Josep Ribera and the Lliga dels Drets dels Pobles published a register of exiles organized according to their professional activity in the magazine Agermanamentin 1979. The categories included in the list were “visual artists, doctors/psychologists, psychoanalysts and psychiatrists, musicians, actors and singers, publicists, jurists, architects, and photographers”. Translatorswere not included in the list, even thoughtheirprofessional status had been recognized by the UNESCO in 1976 and thousands of Latin American exiles who had fled dictatorships and arrived in Spain without refugee status were working as translators. Due to the toll on the publishing sector, heavily damaged by political and cultural repression, numerous exiled Latin American intellectuals and writers entered the Catalan publishing industryas translators, proofreaders, and editors. Thisarticle aims to shed light on the quantitative and qualitative importance of translation as a practice of solidarity within the publishing sector during the Spanish transition to democracy. I want to show that members of the Latin American diaspora contributed to the constitution of a transnational publishing space, which was possible thanks to the solidarity of local publishers and exiles who created a labor network through the commission of translations.

Starting from the article Donne & Arte dedicated by Daniela Palazzoli in the spring of 1974 to the main centers and theories of feminist art in the United States, «DATA» launched an in-depth reflection on female creativity that would develop in several issues of the periodical until its last year of activity. The ample space reserved for women’s art in the pages of «DATA» and which made it the most up-to-date specialized magazine on these issues in Italy at the time, was due to the sensitivity and interests of the co-founder Ciacia Nicastro and the active collaboration of art critics committed to promoting visibility for the work of female artists and photographers who had generally remained on the margins of the art system. The essay intends to offer a first analysis of some of the main contributions on the female visual arts and criticism published by «DATA» between 1974 and 1978, focusing on the group exhibitions dedicated to the creative expressiveness of women. This is a thematic strand that emerges forcefully from the pages of the Milanese periodical but has not yet been explored through an overall framework capable of rereading and reconnecting, with a chronological focus, the different theoretical-critical and informative perspectives on a rich constellation of expositions germinated in years that were decisive for the spread of feminist demands in the Italian social and cultural context.

This study focuses on May Day celebrations in communist Czechoslovakia in the Žďár nad Sázavou district of today's Czech Republic. The communist regime used these celebrations to symbolically communicate several ideological and political messages. By examining one of these messages, the importance of the relationship between the countryside and the city, we see how its presentation changed over time. The variability of this message was caused not only by the changes the communist regime and society underwent during the studied period but also by specific local conditions. This paper concentrates on actors from two villages and argues that celebrations of May Day, an ideological-political holiday, could have been appropriated by local inhabitants as a community event that helped express the unity of the rural community. Holding May Day celebrations that served largely as community events in some villages also interrupted the union of the village and the city in socialist society, one of the messages that was supposed to be communicated by May Day celebrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores a photo album presented to the Yugoslav state president Tito by Jedinstvo (Unity), a Yugoslav workers' association from Vienna, in 1972. It documents the club's activities while also thematically portraying the living conditions of Yugoslav labor migrants in Austria. Using the album as a case study, the analysis investigates how albums, as a communicative and active visual medium, address questions of selfrepresentation and belonging in a transnational context. Following this, the article will analyze how the album marks the confluence of social and political demands, serving also as a vehicle for articulating criticism. In the first section, the article sketches the album's historical context, and its production and transmission history, as well as its formal and material properties. In the second section, the central topics and motifs, as well as the visual narration brought forth by the composition of the album, will be analyzed. A key focus lays on the album's process of meaning-making, namely, how its content was selected and compiled. Which strategies of filling and commemorative practices are evidenced in the material's utilization? Through this approach, an effort is made to explain how content is vocalized through the album's specific media properties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies of the “people’s spring,” the period of unprecedented social mobilization in Argentina in the early 1970s, frequently omit rural women even though they were among the sectors that rallied for social justice. In most of Latin America at the time, rural women were prevented from equal participation in social movements; in contrast, rural women in northeastern Argentina actively participated in the Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). This article uses letters and newspaper articles in Amanecer agrario to answer two questions: First, what did womanhood mean for rural women in northeastern Argentina during the early 1970s? Second, what did the “people’s spring” mean for these same women? Although the movement split, with women from small farms generally wanting MAM to expand its efforts to broader societal problems and women from medium farms generally wanting MAM to stay focused on the concerns of Misiones farmers, throughout it all, rural women communicated their hopes, desires, and concerns for themselves, their families, and their communities.

In this essay, the television programme Nascita di una dittatura (1972) is analysed. The journalistic investigation, conducted by Sergio Zavoli, deals with the subject of the advent of fascism in Italy, shedding critical light on the role of the various political actors of the time. It played an important role in establishing a moment of collective reflection on the fascist past, which was reflected in a debate on the alleged tendentiousness of the broadcast. The contribution also addresses the role of television in transmitting a certain view of history, conceiving the medium as an active and conscious agent in the construction and deconstruction of meanings and interpretations. fascismo, televisione, storiografia, dibattito, anni Settanta.

The article is a reflection on the genealogy of the organizations of the Italian revolutionary left of the 1970s and on the relationship of this multifaceted topic within the context of "Sixty-eight", understood not so much as "the long sixty-eight", but rather as a student and youth protest in the phase of welding with other forms of social and political antagonism (that is the period from 1967 to 1969, with its antecedents and aftermath). The aim is to understand whether there is a “parental relationship” between the far-left and 1968 and, if so, what kind of bond might be conceivable. Are we facing a revolutionary left of the seventies born from the student and workers movements of the sixties, or is this event-process, instead, a consequence of the diffusion of the political culture of the revolutionary left in the previous decade?

Studies of the “people’s spring,” the period of unprecedented social mobilization in Argentina in the early 1970s, frequently omit rural women even though they were among the sectors that rallied for social justice. In most of Latin America at the time, rural women were prevented from equal participation in social movements; in contrast, rural women in northeastern Argentina actively participated in the Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). This article uses letters and newspaper articles in Amanecer agrario to answer two questions: First, what did womanhood mean for rural women in northeastern Argentina during the early 1970s? Second, what did the “people’s spring” mean for these same women? Although the movement split, with women from small farms generally wanting MAM to expand its efforts to broader societal problems and women from medium farms generally wanting MAM to stay focused on the concerns of Misiones farmers, throughout it all, rural women communicated their hopes, desires, and concerns for themselves, their families, and their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Law no. 180 of 1978, which led to the closure of psychiatric hospitals in Italy, has often been erroneously associated with one man, Franco Basaglia, but the reality is much more complex. Not only were countless people involved in the movement that led to the approval of this law, but we should also take into account the historical, social, and political factors that came into play. The 1970s in Italy were a time of change and political ferment which made this psychiatric revolution possible there and nowhere else in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article establishes a relationship between Thom Gunn’s experience of queer domestic space and his use of poetic form through a close analysis of ‘Jack Straw’s Castle’. Drawing on queer historical scholarship, I outline the context of queer communal dwelling in the United States that led to Gunn’s Cole Street residence. Through a close reading of his letters, I set out the ways in which Gunn was invested in remodelling the heteronormative household model. Drawing on literary spatial theorists such as Bachelard, I argue that the form of ‘Jack Straw’s Castle’ is answerable to the domestic space in which it was written. I conclude that the poem formally absorbs and refracts the queerness of the mode of dwelling that engendered it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The development of Richards Bay, on the Mhlatuze Lagoon in Zululand, as a harbour was an event of the 1970s. Before this it had primarily been used as a fishing and vacationing spot by the inhabitants of nearby Empangeni. However, there had been numerous attempts to establish a harbour on the Mhlatuze Lagoon but none of them got beyond the planning stage. This article deals with the naming and development of Richards Bay. Starting as a trading store-cum-hotel, it became a favourite fishing spot and a holiday resort after World War II, and finally a thriving export harbour. It has now become the industrial growth point of Zululand.

This paper examines the lineages of police violence, family trauma, and police reform through a case study of the Rochester police killing of Denise Hawkins in 1975. Michael Leach, a 22-year-old, white police officer, responded to a "family trouble" call involving a domestic dispute between Hawkins and her husband. When the 18-year-old, 100-pound Black woman emerged from the apartment, she held a kitchen knife. Within five seconds, Leach had shot and killed her, later claiming she endangered his life. Though Hawkins' name is included in lists of Black women killed by police, little is known about her life and legacy. Using newspapers, police records, and oral history, we examine activists' attempts to scale the call for justice for Denise Hawkins to the national level, the police department's defense of Leach as the true victim in the incident, and the city leaders' compromised efforts to establish a civilian oversight of police. Within the context of Rochester's robust history of resistance to police violence, we argue that the reform efforts of the late 1970s ultimately failed to redress the police use of deadly force. Furthermore, when Michael Leach killed again in 2012—this time shooting his own son, whom he mistook for an intruder—his defense attorney successfully depicted Leach as the sympathetic figure. In shifting the focus to Denise Hawkins, this work contributes to the Black feminist call to memorialize Black women killed by police and suggests that the policies that protect the officers who use deadly force cause widespread, intergenerational harm to officers and their victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From its emergence in the late 1960s, global Palestine solidarity has had to defend itself from charges of antisemitism. Activists have responded with different strategies, ranging from rejection to admission and self-critique. Such strategies were often the result of deliberation with Palestinian revolutionaries. In this way, differently situated problem-spaces of 'the Jewish Question' – that of settler colonialism in Palestine and that of post-Holocaust politics in Europe – became entangled. Resulting inter-sectional alliances with, for example, Jewish voices and groups have often afforded the best protection from allegations of antisemitism. Despite these efforts, recent legislation criminalising Palestine solidarity shows that Israel's well-funded campaigns to equate anti-Zionism with antisemitism have been partially successful. This article looks for answers to today's impasse in 50 years of solidarity on the Left and corresponding efforts to criminalise support for the Palestinian cause. Drawing on the archives of solidarity movements in Denmark and other European countries, it traces the current aggressive pushback to its roots in the early 1970s, when Palestine solidarity movements learned important lessons about how to balance their critique of Israel with public sensitivities around the Jewish question, and how to reckon with race and religious identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1972, designer Emilio Ambasz (b. 1943) organized the symposium "The Universitas Project" at MoMA in New York City. The issue at stake was how the field of design should tackle the possibly irresolvable societal, political, and ecological problems of post-industrial society. Ambasz proposed a new design approach, which he named design as a mode of thought, with the aim of building a new research-education institution for design that could tackle the wicked problems ahead. In order to articulate his proposal, Ambasz turned to the speculative realm: discursive design critique, metaphysical cybernetics, design fiction, and storytelling. By critically engaging with some of the participants' conference presentations, the article first discusses how the concept of the environment was reconfigured by the emerging ecological catastrophe. Then the article discusses ideological responses to the Universitas Project to show how the seemingly different ideological positions between French so-called "radical left" and American "right-wing technocrats" were grounded in the same; all-encompassing uncertainty and a strive for open-endedness. Finally, the article analyses Ambasz's design fiction writing and the speculative nature of the Universitas and thereby identifies the Universitas as a rare moment in the history of design in which design stopped engaging in the status quo and turned towards a speculative future for finding seeds for new beginnings. The article re-visits the Universitas in order to support a presentist argument: that speculation, discursive design critique, and storytelling might not be sufficient methods on their own to tackle the forthcoming accelerating wicked uncertainties that lie ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1974, the Board of Governance formalized a new Political-Administrative Division (DPA). This reform aimed primarily to establish a new bureaucratic operation over the territorial borders of the Chilean state. Our working hypothesis suggests that the new DPA was a technical-political initiative with the purpose of governance. Anchored in hegemonic dispute, the DPA not only facilitated and increased internal communications among territorial authorities but also more efficiently controlled public operation, contrasting with the previously hyper-centralized state. Based on archival work focused on the National Commission of Administrative Reform (CONARA) and the press of the time, as well as the analysis of interviews with officials and authorities, we examine the origin and implementation of the DPA between 1974 and 1978. Additionally, we trace how the creation of regional bureaucratic devices generated various effects, interests, and conflicts within the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arcos: Design, Cultura e Visualidade is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Leviathan: Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft (Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article addresses border crossings in the 1970s related to sexual commerce, in particular in the small community of Hälle, located near the Sweden–Norway border at Svinesund and European route E6. As the legal situation with regard to pornography differed in Norway and Sweden, Swedish legislation being more liberal, Norwegians travelled to Sweden to both buy and to consume on-site sexually explicit material and entertainment. By choosing this perspective, the article shifts focus away from the sexually explicit material itself, towards the spaces in which it can be found, and reflects upon consumption of such material as a literally transgressive, non-normative sexual behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the mechanisms behind the surge of violence in the years 1971-1972 during the Northern Irish conflict. It shows how the choice to use internment and the authorisation to use five techniques that amount to torture in the context of the so-called “interrogation in depth” coincide with both an increase in violence and the entrenchment of antagonisms. After looking at the security reasoning justifying these decisions, the article focuses on the experience of violence by republican detainees, and finally maps the normalisation of violence and of repressive apparatuses in Northern Ireland through the political and judicial reactions to this episode.

Tested against the global political struggles of feminist and anti-colonialist activists, cultural studies scholarship during the 1970s shifted from the subversion of humanist and empiricist dichotomies to the problematization of the limits and possibilities of postmodern critical knowledges themselves. Arguing for analyses that acknowledge the persistence of hierarchical systems and structures—such as neo-imperialism, and the persistent division of labor by sex—as social relations and subjectivities have become more individualized, fragmented, and unstable, we may recognize the year of 1980 as the symbolic moment cultural studies scholars would particularly problematize the categories, oppositions, and dichotomies on which conventional notions of race and sex rely. This article chronicles some of the key debates coming to a head over the course of the late 1970s which would prove fundamental to the development and continued importance of the cultural studies project over the course of the 1980s.