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BackgroundThe newest method of treatment for patients with NSCLC (non-small cell lung cancer) is immunotherapy directed at the immune checkpoints PD-1 (Programmed Cell Death 1) and PD-L1 (Programmed Cell Death Ligand 1). PD-L1 is the only validated predictor factor for immunotherapy efficacy, but it is imperfect. Some patients do not benefit from immunotherapy and may develop primary or secondary resistance. This study aimed to assess the intestinal resistome composition of non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with immune checkpoint inhibitors in the context of clinical features and potentially new prediction factors for assessing immunotherapy efficacy.MethodsThe study included 30 advanced NSCLC patients, 19 (57%) men and 11 (33%) women treated with first- or second-line immunotherapy (nivolumab, pembrolizumab or atezolizumab). We evaluated the patient’s gut resistome composition using the high sensitivity of targeted metagenomics.ResultsStudies have shown that resistome richness is associated with clinical and demographic factors of NSCLC patients treated with immunotherapy. Smoking seems to be associated with an increased abundance of macrolides, lincosamides, streptogramins and vancomycin core resistome. The resistome of patients with progression disease appears to be more abundant and diverse, with significantly higher levels of genomic markers of resistance to lincosamides (lnuC). The resistance genes lnuC, msrD, ermG, aph(6), fosA were correlated with progression-free survival or/and overall survival, thus may be considered as factors potentially impacting the disease.ConclusionThe results indicate that the intestinal resistome of NSCLC patients with immune checkpoint inhibitors treatment differs depending on the response to immunotherapy, with several distinguished markers. Since it might impact treatment efficacy, it must be examined more deeply.

Highlights: • After the Russo-Ukrainian War, Poland introduced defence education in its school curriculum. • The introduction of defence education was prompted by the threat arising from the war in Ukraine. • A critical analysis of the discourse linked with the change reveals its hidden political dimension. • The removal of topics from health education due to this change was mitigated by securitising actors’ discourse. • Securitising actors apply ‘ministrysplaining’ changes to the audience. Purpose: The research aimed to critically analyse the changes that have occurred in the core curricula of general education in Poland following the Russo–Ukrainian war from the perspective of the securitisation process. Methodology: The research involved analysing 366 texts spanning various genres. These texts were produced by both securitising actors and recipients of the change. The research employed content analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis, following the approaches of Ruth Wodak and Martin Reisigl. Findings: The research revealed that the securitising actors advocating for changes in the core curricula have been identified as a threat directly linked to the war in Ukraine. However, the discourse surrounding these changes also exhibited several features that indicate a hidden political dimension. Further, the analysis emphasised the use of ‘ministryplaining’ towards the audience involved in education, who formulate critical remarks.

According to the Global Conflict Tracker (https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker), there are currently 27 conflicts in the world, which vary in type and status. In contrast, the Rule of Law in Armed Conflict Online Portal (RULAC), which defines armed conflicts under international humanitarian law, indicates that it is currently monitoring more than 114 armed conflicts in the world (https://geneva-academy.ch/galleries/today-s-armed-conflicts). Some of these conflicts are in the headlines; others are not. However, they all change the lives and functioning of people living there or those who neighbour them. How does education respond to current, future, and past armed conflicts?

Collective identity (CI) is one of the levels of the social construction of citizenship. It was assumed that since citizenship as a state-centred notion is difficult to maintain today, an analysis of CI should exceed national, ethnic, language and cultural identifications. What does it look like in the case of CI constructed discursively by youth organisations? The aim of the research presented in the paper is to reconstruct collective identities (CIs) based on a discourse analysis of selected youth organisations operating in Poland and an assessment of their community-individual orientation. The research material constituted 696 documents produced in 2018 by six youth organisations on their official websites and Facebook profiles. The approach by Ruth Wodak and Martin Reisigl was adopted. We analysed the application of discursive strategies in the texts referring to the ‘we’ and ‘they’ categories. The conclusions indicate, among others, that in the analysed discourses the CI is differentiated by the manner of distinguishing from ‘others’ and the constellation of predicates relating to the category ‘we’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The newest method of treatment for patients with NSCLC (non-small cell lung cancer) is immunotherapy directed at the immune checkpoints PD-1 (Programmed Cell Death 1) and PD-L1 (Programmed Cell Death Ligand 1). PD-L1 is the only validated predictor factor for immunotherapy efficacy, but it is imperfect. Some patients do not benefit from immunotherapy and may develop primary or secondary resistance. This study aimed to assess the intestinal resistome composition of non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with immune checkpoint inhibitors in the context of clinical features and potentially new prediction factors for assessing immunotherapy efficacy. Methods: The study included 30 advanced NSCLC patients, 19 (57%) men and 11 (33%) women treated with first- or second-line immunotherapy (nivolumab, pembrolizumab or atezolizumab). We evaluated the patient's gut resistome composition using the high sensitivity of targeted metagenomics. Results: Studies have shown that resistome richness is associated with clinical and demographic factors of NSCLC patients treated with immunotherapy. Smoking seems to be associated with an increased abundance of macrolides, lincosamides, streptogramins and vancomycin core resistome. The resistome of patients with progression disease appears to be more abundant and diverse, with significantly higher levels of genomic markers of resistance to lincosamides (InuC). The resistance genes InuC, msrD, ermG, aph(6), fosA were correlated with progression-free survival or/and overall survival, thus may be considered as factors potentially impacting the disease. Conclusion: The results indicate that the intestinal resistome of NSCLC patients with immune checkpoint inhibitors treatment differs depending on the response to immunotherapy, with several distinguished markers. Since it might impact treatment efficacy, it must be examined more deeply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple Summary: Autologous hematopoietic cell transplantation (auto-HCT) can be used to salvage at least a proportion of plasma cell myeloma patients who relapse after a previous auto-HCT. It may, however, occur that there is either no or an insufficient stem cell dose in storage to proceed to transplantation. Remobilization to procure new cells is then required. There are very limited data in the literature concerning the efficacy of stem cell remobilization after previous auto-HCT. In our previous report, we showed that remobilization with cytarabine was associated with a lower risk of remobilization failure in comparison to etoposide or cyclophosphamide. In the current study, we analyze the efficacy and safety of different doses of cytarabine (800, 1600, and 2400 mg/m2), showing that all doses are efficacious but that the dose of 2400 mg/m2 is associated with the most toxicity. Therefore, lower doses of cytarabine seem to be preferable, with plerixafor rescue when needed. Salvage autologous hematopoietic cell transplantation (auto-HCT) may be used to treat relapse of plasma cell myeloma occurring after previous auto-HCT. When an insufficient number of hematopoietic stem cells have been stored from the initial harvest, remobilization is necessary. Here, we aimed to analyze the efficacy and safety of different doses of cytarabine (total 800 vs. 1600 vs. 2400 mg/m2) for remobilization. Sixty-five patients, 55% male, with a median age at remobilization 63 years, were included. Remobilization was performed with cytarabine_800 in 7, cytarabine_1600 in 36, and cytarabine_2400 in 22 patients. Plerixafor rescue was used in 25% of patients receiving cytarabine_1600 and 27% of those receiving cytarabine_2400. Patients administered cytarabine_800 were not rescued with plerixafor. Remobilization was successful in 80% of patients (57% cytarabine_800; 86% cytarabine_1600; 77% cytarabine_2400; p = 0.199). The yield of collected CD34+ cells did not differ between the different cytarabine doses (p = 0.495). Patients receiving cytarabine_2400 were at the highest risk of developing severe cytopenias, requiring blood product support, or having blood-stream infections. One patient died of septic shock after cytarabine_2400. In summary, remobilization with cytarabine is feasible in most patients. All doses of cytarabine allow for successful remobilization. Cytarabine_2400 is associated with higher toxicity; therefore, lower doses (800 or 1600 mg/m2) seem to be preferable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Russo-Ukrainian war, Poland introduced defence education in its school curriculum. - The introduction of defence education was prompted by the threat arising from the war in Ukraine. - A critical analysis of the discourse linked with the change reveals its hidden political dimension. - The removal of topics from health education due to this change was mitigated by securitising actors' discourse. - Securitising actors apply 'ministrysplaining' changes to the audience. Purpose: The research aimed to critically analyse the changes that have occurred in the core curricula of general education in Poland following the Russo-Ukrainian war from the perspective of the securitisation process. Methodology: The research involved analysing 366 texts spanning various genres. These texts were produced by both securitising actors and recipients of the change. The research employed content analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis, following the approaches of Ruth Wodak and Martin Reisigl. Findings: The research revealed that the securitising actors advocating for changes in the core curricula have been identified as a threat directly linked to the war in Ukraine. However, the discourse surrounding these changes also exhibited several features that indicate a hidden political dimension. Further, the analysis emphasised the use of 'ministryplaining' towards the audience involved in education, who formulate critical remarks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the Global Conflict Tracker (https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker), there are currently 27 conflicts in the world, which vary in type and status. In contrast, the Rule of Law in Armed Conflict Online Portal (RULAC), which defines armed conflicts under international humanitarian law, indicates that it is currently monitoring more than 114 armed conflicts in the world (https://geneva-academy.ch/galleries/today-sarmed-conflicts). Some of these conflicts are in the headlines; others are not. However, they all change the lives and functioning of people living there or those who neighbour them. How does education respond to current, future, and past armed conflicts? This question seems particularly relevant to citizenship education and social sciences education, as the concept of a citizen is highly sensitive to such situations. The authors of the articles in the thematic section considered this an important research issue and decided to tackle it. The background is two armed conflicts: between Russia and Ukraine and between Israel and Palestine. The section opens with an invited article, "The transformative role of research in democratic civic education during times of armed conflict" by Aviv Cohen. The article provides an excellent introduction to the topic as it provides a meta-perspective on civic education during armed conflict. The author does not focus directly on the changes concerning the practice of civic education but on the changing role of (student) researchers who, while conducting research in the field of democratic civic education, suddenly collide with a situation of armed conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous examples of research in the field of pedagogics which are using critical approach to discourse analysis show the diversity in theoretical background and methodology. An example of a group of critical approaches is Critical Discourse Analysis. The general framework of Critical Discourse Analysis is important both for maintaining the identity of CDA, thereby highlighting the reasonableness of this group of approaches, and for dissemination of knowledge concerning it, especially among less experienced researchers. The paper presents the basic assumptions of Critical Discourse Analysis and their implications for educational research as well as practical guidelines to apply to the CDA approach, which is represented by Ruth Wodak.

Autorka na podstawie danych empirycznych uzasadnia tezę, że merytokratyczne podejście do metod rządzenia w państwie jest w Polsce słabo zakorzenione. Wskazuje, że w instytucjach zależnych od rządu oraz spółkach skarbu państwa w okresie od połowy listopada 2015 r. do początku listopada 2017 r. doszło do całkowitego zarzucenia tych metod. Większość niezwykle licznie uchwalanych ustaw skupiała się na szybkości i szerokiej wymianie ciał zarządzających kluczowymi instytucjami i spółkami. Na dalszym planie pozostawała zwykle poprawa efektywności działania tych podmiotów. W wielu przypadkach głównym kryterium awansu było zaufanie decydenta. Najważniejszym skutkiem społecznym prowadzenia nieprzejrzystej, nieopartej na merytorycznych zasadach polityki personalnej jest podważanie zaufania do państwa, co jest degradujące zarówno dla klasy politycznej, jak i dla ogółu obywateli.

W prezentowanych badaniach poszukiwano odpowiedzi na pytanie: Czy podstawy programowe kształcenia ogólnego zakładają osiągnięcie efektów uczenia się istotnych z punktu widzenia wspólnoty konstruktywistycznej (refleksyjnej, otwartej)? W badaniu skoncentrowano się na występowaniu w podstawach programowych I, II, III, i IV etapu edukacyjnego takich efektów uczenia się, które prowadzą do rozwijania kompetencji związanych z współpracą, komunikacją, autonomią, krytycznym myśleniem i odpowiedzialnością oraz partycypacją obywatelską i aktywność publiczną. Wyniki badań dowodzą, że wszystkie one są słabo reprezentowane w podstawach programowych.Badania były realizowane w ramach projektu Improving Teaching Methods for Europe, finansowanego z program UE Erasmus+ Partnerstwo Strategiczne.