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This research paper discusses the reality of electoral governance in Algeria, after the issuance of law No. 21-01 regulating elections, which was issued on March 10, 2021, and the subsequent legislative and local elections in the same year. The paper questions the extent to which governance indicators are applied in the electoral affairs in Algeria through the aforementioned past election entitlements, and the extent to which they are free from aspects of corruption or fraud. The integrity and credibility of elections is considered essential in the democratic process of any country, given that it produces future elites capable of managing people's concerns and hopes, and formulate development strategies that are in the interest of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to identify the role of the Trade Preferential Convention signed between Algeria and Tunisia; which aimed at facilitating and encouraging the development of economic and commercial cooperation between them, in theirs intraregional trade during the period 2004 - 2018, By addressing the theoretical concepts of both intraregional trade and preferential agreements, Addressing the preferential convention between Algeria and Tunisia and its areas of application, following the analytical descriptive approach, Using a set of data and graphs and shapes that illustrate the reality of intra-international trade, the study finds that despite the entry into force of the preferential trade agreement between the two countries However, the trade between the two countries is still sub-standard, as it did not increases in value Intraregional trade for the highest value prior to the Convention's entry into force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the effectiveness of the Algerian institutions in providing institutional evolution of the financial accounting system. Through investigating economic literature review and focusing on the institutional change theory of "Douglass North". The study shows that the institutional evolution occurs when informal rules are changed within the formal rules; only then can the accounting institutional change be brought about by inciting organizations to play their role as institutions. Yet, both Algerian governance mechanisms: the Accounting National Council and the financial market are not activated. Thus, the Algerian Financial Accounting System is suffering from institutional change stagnation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper aims to show the reality of the health system in Algeria by studying the impact of spending (on health) on health service during the period from 1962 to 2020. To this end, this study relied on the analytical descriptive approach. Among the results reached in this study is the confirmation of the imbalance between expenditures on health and its services, resulting from imbalances related to management through arbitration of quantity at the expense of quality, and those related to each of the organization, information and training of employees, and others related to financing, in addition to the related obstacles. Law and legislation, and among. One of the most important recommendations and suggestions that have been developed is the file of reforming the national health system should be studied rigorously by providing coherent and reliable answers to the current problems in several ways that must be developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aims to examine the relationship between the digitization and the performance of the tax administration on the one hand, and improving the tax commitment of the taxpayer on the other hand, The study adopts a questionnaire methodology at the level of the tax administration of the state of Bechar. Through the analysis of data by SPSS software version 22, the study concluded The use of digitization in tax collection procedures is faster than the traditional method, and contributes to reducing expenses, raising revenues, reducing opportunities for practicing financial corruption. In addition to this, the study confirms that the digitizing process contributes in ensuring that taxpayers respect the applicable laws. However, the use of electronic declaration and payment methods did not reach the acceptable level of taxpayers' satisfaction due to their lack of awareness; this is added to the fact that the electronic payment and the tax collection procedures so far are still characterized by complexity and inaccuracy, due to the lack of necessary competencies in the administration under study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al Bashaer Economic Journal is the property of Al Bashaer Economic Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses political history of Algeria and mentions its assertive reemergence. It mentions that regional politics in the Middle East and North Africa fundamentally transformed following the 2010–11 uprisings known as the Arab Spring. It reveals that Algeria is re-emerging as an assertive regional actor, particularly in the Sahel, after shift in its foreign policy.

The article explores how contemporary Arab Literature and Culture continues the study of the theme of socio-political commitment in response to disorders and tumults in contemporary Arab society. Topics include evolution of socio-political concerns with individual identity promoted by autocratic power; and literary commitment for the reality of a civil war between the Algerian army and extremist groups.

To minimize the risks associated with the opportunistic behaviors of managers, in particular the risks associated with their remuneration, a corporate governance strategy must put in place several control mechanisms, among these mechanisms, internal audit. But the problematic is the independence or not of this control mechanism. For this, the objective of this article aims to study the obstacles of internal audit in its mission of evaluating the methods used by senior executives to achieve the objectives related to the variable part of their remuneration, in Joint stock companies in Algeria. In this context, we used a quantitative descriptive method in the form of a survey, the results were processed and analyzed by the SPSS software. The results obtained show that the hierarchical reattachment of the IA to the CEO and the combined functions of the CEO hamper the role of the auditor in his mission of auditing remuneration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article provides the description of Algeria as its government not recognise the Indigenous status of the Amazigh and refuses to publish statistics on their population. It mentions recognition of the Amazigh language as a "national and official language" in Algeria's Constitution; also focuses on Algeria's political instability throughout 2019 due to a power struggle.

The main paradox of the civil–military relations theory has been the protection of the political sphere from the military, which is administered by the politicians. The new dilemma lies under the paradox that occurs when the political sphere is entirely co-opted by the military, which is legitimized through democratization instead of protection of the civilian sphere. The question regarding the continuity of the pathology, the military superiority over the civil administration, has been largely omitted. This study is an attempt to respond to this conundrum related to the continuity of pathological civil–military relations. The main focus is the pathology that occurs when the military is the modernizer or the democratizer in a country. The study uses process tracing to collect the data as research attempts to unravel the rationale behind the continuity of military dominance in politics. In doing so, it will attempt to trace the causality between the lack of democratization and military dominance over politics in the case of Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses security and stability in Algeria, along with its political environment. Topics discussed include Arab Spring protest movement in 2011 of Algeria that included constitutional revisions and subsidies on basic consumer goods; resilience of Algeria during eruption of civil wars, military coups, the rise of the Islamic State or social mobilization; and plans of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika to run for a fifth presidential term in 2019.

The article discusses Algeria which has become the scene of massive, peaceful demonstrations against the prospect of a fifth presidential term for the country's veteran president Ahmed Bouteflika. It states that Bouteflika has been disabled since 2013 by a serious stroke and the Millennials have spearhead the demonstrations, believing he is incapable of office due to his physical state.

The Algerian regime has used a variety of stories to explain and refer to the conflict that occurred in the 1990s. This article explores these major narratives which were employed in regime discourse between 1996 and 2015. The article highlights the strategic use of language shifts between narratives identifying the violence as either 'misfortune' or as 'injustice.' The research presented here draws on analysis of a variety of primary source documents (government statements, official speeches at the domestic and international levels), in connection with fieldwork carried out by the author. The article highlights the dynamics associated with the two narratives, asking specifically what political work is being accomplished through the strategic use of regime narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses upon the complex emotional relationship between the settlers and Charles de Gaulle. De Gaulle returned to power in May 1958 ostensibly to maintain French Algeria and with the new Fifth Republic many settlers felt emotional and politically secure after four years of conflict. Yet, as de Gaulle’s position shifted in 1959, this article traces the changing emotional landscape of the settlers, examining how they responded to de Gaulle’s pronouncements with a mixture of fear, anxiety and anger. Following this relationship, the article will explore the way in which de Gaulle used television to project a certain image of political masculinity that was rational, detached and objective. In particular, it will foreground how this political masculinity, embodying the higher interests of the French Republic, was seen to stand in opposition to the European settler ‘other’ - irrational, unrealistic, driven by narrow, selfish interests. In conclusion the article will place these findings within the framework of the notion of settler colonialism advanced by Lorenzo Veracini. As such, the article will make a general contribution to the field, opening up a connected and comparative history of the emotional dynamics of other settler colonial societies as well as the decolonisation process in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If any element of colonial Algerian society can be seen to embody a commitment to the logic of elimination at the heart of settler colonialism, it is the extreme right. With its unabashed defence of European supremacy and its enthusiastic celebration of the conquest, the interwar extreme right was steeped in the tropes of settler colonial politics. Nevertheless, its embrace of the discourses and practices typical of political movements in settler colonial polities was hampered by the demographic and political realities of colonialism in French Algeria. In this article, I examine the complex blend of strategies pursued by Algeria’s extreme right to expand their support among the settler population while also seeking to establish a limited foothold among the indigenes. I contend that the leadership of these organisations sought to reconcile these seemingly contradictory goals by combining the evocation of cruder forms of settler hegemony with a more politically palatable defence of exclusion rooted in the rhetoric of French republican imperialism. I ask if this concession to the political norms of the metropole places the specific settler colonial context of Algeria and the politics practiced there outside of the analytical categories proposed by settler colonial theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines pied-noir perceptions of Algerians and people of Algerian origin in France after 1962, following the repatriation of the former settlers and the advent of mass immigration, which turned many former colonial subjects into economic migrants in France. Addressing the question of the specificity of pied-noir attitudes to the politically sensitive issues of immigration and integration, this article considers the ways in which the colonial past and the Algerian War have shaped pied-noir representations of Algerian migrants and their second and third-generation descendants in France today. Drawing on a series of interviews with former settlers, and on a quantitative group survey, the article seeks to determine the extent to which the attitudes of pieds-noirs and their descendants reveal a specificity and a continuity linked to the colonial experience of the European settler community. To what extent do the pieds-noirs share a political culture conditioned by colonial experience and ideology, and characterised by xenophobic and racial prejudice? To evaluate this colonial legacy, the article examines the similarities and differences in the value-systems of pieds-noirs and their descendants of successive generations, observing processes of identity reconstruction amongst younger members of this group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Named the ‘Mecca of Revolution’ by Amilcar Cabral, Algeria was in the 1960s and the 1970s a hub for revolutionary movements and political exiles coming from all over the world, as well as a major player in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). This article focuses on the Chilean exiles that settled in Algeria after the 1973 military coup against Salvador Allende and its Popular Unity (PU) government. Though highly revealing both about Algeria’s position in the international landscape and about the 1970s Third World ‘activist cosmopolitanism’, this case is not widely known. Based on empirical data (Chilean and Algerian press, Archives of the Chilean Ministry of Foreign Affairs, oral sources and the Chilean exiles’ publications), this paper analyses the political connections between Algeria and Chile through the 1970s political exiles. The settlement of an important community of Chilean exiles in Algeria reveals the strong ideological bonds created between the two countries in the framework of the NAM during the years previous to the Chilean coup. The analysis of the exiles’ establishment in Algeria provides an understanding of how the exile experience transforms militant subjectivities and, in this case, how it allows the exiles’ increasing identification with a Third world transnational activism. More generally, I argue that this period’s ‘revolutionary cosmopolitanism’ took place in regions with no tight relationships between them until the 1950s. Members of a new political community - the ‘Third World’ - often had to invent a common identity, based on a supposedly shared memory of common struggles (namely against imperialism and colonialism). Whereas the Third world ‘activist cosmopolitanism’ initially built upon interstate and inter-national policies, the 1960s-1970s political exiles contributed to the rise of a ‘grassroots’ transnational activism and to the formation of militant subjectivities anchored in a popularized Third Worldist political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various issues involving the indigenous peoples in Algeria, and it mentions the Algerian government's failure to recognise the indigenous status of the Amazigh people. Algeria's Tamazight speaking population is addressed, along with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, repression in Algeria, and violations of fundamental rights. A periodic report to the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) is assessed.

It is now commonplace to acknowledge Alexis de Tocqueville's support for Algerian colonization. Less well understood, however, is why he also endorsed the French strategy of “total war” in the regency. How was Tocqueville's liberalism linked to the specific shape of violence in Algeria? By situating his Algerian writings in the intersecting intellectual contexts of the 1840s, this essay argues that Tocqueville endorsed total war in Africa because of his passion for glory. Far from an aristocratic anachronism, that passion was the product of contemporary scientific debates over voluntarism in France. It was also shaped by the lingering legacies of revolutionary republicanism and Bonapartism which defined glory in terms of national defense. By tethering modern liberty to this conception of glory, Tocqueville provided resources for rationalizing settlerism's exterminationist violence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]