Search

A narrative of the Daigo Fukuryu Maru (Lucky Dragon #5), a Japanese fishing vessel constructed in 1947, is presented to reveal how popular experience and storying connected with the vessel have oscillated amid and are interwoven across the everyday, the unusual, and the extraordinary. The multiple historical and contemporary meanings (inclusive of relations with the global anti-nuclear peace movement), personal/global associations, and institutional care connected with the vessel are used to illustrate the degrees of heritagisation to which the object has been subject and the complexities of fixing heritage significance within dynamic socio-political contexts. By attending to changing relations over 67 years across local and global events and activities, the story of the Daigo Fukuryu Maru works to critique a binary of top-down (authorised, legitimate, official) versus bottom-up (popular, from below, unofficial) processes, practices, and heritage approaches. The making, unmaking, and remaking of the vessel as heritage is a story of entangled official and unofficial heritage work characterised by a futures orientation – specifically the continuous demand for global peace free from nuclear weapons – and a value regime that has been and continues to be open and multiple. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African National Congress (ANC) was established in 1912 and banned by the apartheid government in 1960. Many members of the organisation went into exile, and it continued underground. The organisation became synonymous with the anti-apartheid and liberation struggle in South Africa until its unbanning in 1990. The organisation had early on adopted an anti-nuclear weapons position and its awareness of, and resistance against, the apartheid regime's secret nuclear weapons program became one of the pillars of its global struggle to end apartheid. This paper traces the early development of the ANC's position on nuclear energy and nuclear weapons, before discussing its international anti-nuclear initiatives, including its armed struggle and attack against the Koeberg nuclear power plant close to Cape Town, during its construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the forms of scientific counter-expertise that developed in the field of radiation protection between the Seventies and the Eighties. Starting in the early Seventies, a growing number of scientists began examining the effects radioactive emissions had on people's health. Through a series of studies carried out mostly in the United States, they highlighted the increase in the number of cancer cases among people living close to nuclear industrial facilities and challenged existing regulatory requirements, arguing that there was no safe threshold for radiation exposure. Their work was widely disseminated in the aftermath of the Three Mile Island accident of 1979, when scientists became more fully engaged in public and political debates about the health and environmental effects of nuclear installations. As antinuclear and environmental movements spread across the United States and Western Europe, American studies were translated into different languages and discussed among scientists, political activists and citizens on the two sides of the Atlantic. The article devotes particular attention to the study of Italian «scientific environmentalism», which drew on and established connections with American and European scientists to challenge the government's decision to build dozens of nuclear power plants across the country. In the first half of the Eighties, and especially in the aftermath of the Chernobyl disaster, scientists increasingly defined themselves as counter-experts and mobilized their knowledge, expertise, and networks to pressure national and international institutions to improve their legislation on radiation protection and nuclear safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to understanding how civil nuclear power shaped post-war British history through studying opposition to nuclear energy in Scotland. Over the second half of the twentieth century, pessimistic assessments challenged the optimism that had developed during the 1950s. Under devolution, Scottish administrations have used planning policies to block future nuclear generating plants, institutionalising a marked distinction with the rest of the UK. The origins of these differences are traced to anti-nuclear protests and the growth of a social movement coalition that linked anti-nuclear activism with growing public sentiment and electoral politics, particularly through the Scottish National Party (SNP). Reflections from oral history interviews are used to examine diverse local protest contexts supplemented by archives from the anti-nuclear movement and the SNP. During the 1970s, protests against Torness power station in East Lothian and the drilling of test bores for waste disposal in South Ayrshire were given a national orientation by SNP politicians. Over the course of the 1980s, the anti-nuclear coalition broadened through growing opposition to Torness and in response to the Chernobyl disaster. These changes encouraged a lasting symbiosis between pro-devolution and anti-nuclear sentiments which were subsequently embodied in policies pursued by devolved administrations during the 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses some of Karen Knop's insights throughout her career, including about the World War I-era women's peace movement, to resurface and reread the anti-nuclear activism of the international women's peace movement of the mid-to-late 1980s. It focuses specifically on the history and work of Women for a Meaningful Summit (WMS), an ad hoc group of women who came together to exert, through what some participants called 'private' diplomacy, a direct impact on the late Cold War summits between President Ronald Reagan and General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Reading the WMS archives through a Knopian lens, the article considers the group's engagement with international law as part of an international civil society that intentionally crossed national boundaries and alliances, its deployment of a repertoire of strategies that combined relatively mainstream diplomatic approaches with grassroots activism, its faith in and sometimes creative use of international law, and its various articulations of the relation between peace and gender. Attending throughout to the erasure of Cold War anti-nuclear activism in contemporary feminist approaches to international law, the article concludes by demonstrating some of the ways in which international legal approaches to the war in Ukraine also rely on this active erasure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses some of Karen Knop's insights throughout her career, including about the World War I-era women's peace movement, to resurface and reread the anti-nuclear activism of the international women's peace movement of the mid-to-late 1980s. It focuses specifically on the history and work of Women for a Meaningful Summit (WMS), an ad hoc group of women who came together to exert, through what some participants called 'private' diplomacy, a direct impact on the late Cold War summits between President Ronald Reagan and General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Reading the WMS archives through a Knopian lens, the article considers the group's engagement with international law as part of an international civil society that intentionally crossed national boundaries and alliances, its deployment of a repertoire of strategies that combined relatively mainstream diplomatic approaches with grassroots activism, its faith in and sometimes creative use of international law, and its various articulations of the relation between peace and gender. Attending throughout to the erasure of Cold War anti-nuclear activism in contemporary feminist approaches to international law, the article concludes by demonstrating some of the ways in which international legal approaches to the war in Ukraine also rely on this active erasure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-nuclear protests in the Pacific Islands began in the 1950s. There were a series of petitions throughout the decade as Islanders living under colonial administration sought assistance from the United Nations Trusteeship Council, the newly created Non-Aligned Movement, and international ecumenical networks such as the World Council of Churches. At the height of the 1950s Cold War between the United States and USSR, these calls were mostly brushed aside by the nuclear weapons states. Despite this, Islanders from French Polynesia, Fiji, Cook Islands, Marshall Islands, Western Samoa, and other colonial dependencies spoke out against nuclear weapons and especially the US and British nuclear programmes in the Pacific, petitioning for an end to nuclear testing. This document is a striking example of these petitions, inspired by the March 1954 atmospheric nuclear test, codenamed Bravo, in the Marshall Islands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement (NFIP) developed a grassroots regionalism in opposition to nuclear colonialism in the Pacific. This article concerns Māori interactions with other Indigenous Pacific peoples within the NFIP movement from 1980–5, and what this meant for the Pacific as a conceptual and political region. Voyaging back across the Pacific, Māori drew on whakapapa, identified cultural commonalities, and parallel colonial legacies between themselves and other Pacific peoples. They saw a shared Pacific struggle: that between Indigenous and colonizer. While this was contentious to some, this article argues that it allowed Pacific peoples to draw upon an alternative network of political action outside formal politics or peace and humanitarian discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transgressive spirit, critical flair, and cultural power of Pacific grassroots movements are too often ignored or relegated to the footnotes within the discipline of Pacific history. Through a montage of creative and pedagogical campaigns, this article considers the Against Testing On Moruroa (ATOM) Committee in Fiji, and the regional Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement, as a nascent form of applied grassroots Pacific Studies. It then suggests that scholars ought to engage with the creative chronicle of social movements to make creative Pacific histories. Inspired by Fijian-Tongan poet and scholar Tagi Qolouvaki's invocation of 'activist art/story', this article then describes the author's creative practice-led research using audio documentary to recast the intellectual genealogy of critical Pacific Studies, discussing this movement as a foundational grassroots counter network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Networks of opposition to French nuclear testing were nourished by transnational solidarities. By the end of the 1970s, links between Kanak and Mā'ohi expanded through trans-Pacific organizations such as the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement. They also grew beyond the shores of Oceania with the active participation of Occitan activists from lo Larzac in southern France. This agricultural plateau, already home to a decade-long fight against militarization, became a transnational hub for anti-nuclear activists. In the early 1980s, a 'Pape'ete–Noumea–Larzac' network emerged through lawyers Jean-Jacques de Félice and François Roux who brought their clients together in networks of solidarity. As brokers, they helped transform lo Larzac into a hub which linked anti-nuclear and anti-colonial struggles. This article examines the roots of rural resistance by focusing on how the links forged by transnational actors, including churches and non-violence groups, helped nourish an Oceania–Larzac activist network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many decades, historians, researchers, and participants have documented the history of the nuclear era in the Pacific Islands. They have highlighted the legacy of health and environmental impacts of 50 years of nuclear testing by the United States, the United Kingdom, and France between 1946 and 1996. Most official histories of Pacific nuclear testing present extensive technical detail of the development of nuclear weapons, evidence of inter-departmental rivalries, and vivid portraits of the scientists who built the Bomb. This state-sponsored literature, however, makes limited reference to the lived experience of the civilian and military personnel who staffed the test sites, or the Indigenous peoples whose land and waters were used for the testing programmes in Oceania. Despite a growing international literature on the health and environmental impacts of nuclear testing, the history of Pacific Islander resistance to the nuclear testing programmes is more fragmentary. In response, the authors in this special issue have foregrounded the agency of Indigenous activists, rather than the Western allies who campaigned alongside the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement. Their contributions add to a growing body of personal testimony by Indigenous nuclear survivors and resisters from around Oceania. This special issue includes a 1954 petition from Marshall Islanders to the UN Trusteeship Council, an example of the protests by Islanders that began in the 1950s, pre-dating the rise of the wider NFIP movement in the 1970s. Other articles highlight Fiji's early foreign policy and the importance of the debate over nuclear testing in the formation of the South Pacific Forum; the importance of culture in Pacific anti-nuclear activism, through song, poetry, graphic design, and community theatre; the role of the regional NFIP movement in linking local struggles to the wider regional context, through pan-Pacific, Indigenous-led activism around self-determination; and connections between the NFIP movement and solidarity movements in the Global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the years immediately following independence, Fiji took advantage of its position as the first Pacific Island country in the United Nations to highlight the harms of French nuclear testing. Building on the outspoken efforts of Fijian civil society that reflected deep concerns in the region, the government of Prime Minister Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara took on an increasingly activist role in the international arena around the testing of nuclear weapons in the Pacific. Fiji's advocacy over this time represented an important moment in Pacific Way politics, tying nuclear resistance to self-determination struggles. Anti-nuclear sentiment at both a community and political level positioned Pacific agency and perspectives in this global discourse. Revisiting the speeches and diplomatic efforts of the Fijian government alongside the advocacy and activities of the ATOM group offers lessons on the importance of collaborative politics in the face of transboundary harms and regional challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To develop a historical archaeology of hope, post-medieval European archaeology should shift the focus beyond dark heritage to sites and events opposed to daily destruction and alienation. This case study of an antinuclear protest camp in 1980s Germany shows that cracks in capitalism formed when people protested for something; as they experimented with alternative lifeways and envisioned an alternative future. Archaeological intervention can help to reveal these fault lines in capitalism as we remember these heritage sites of hope, but intervention also reveals a cautionary tale of how these blurry pictures of an alternative future can so easily be concealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stephanie L. Freeman's article, "Dreams for a Decade: International Nuclear Abolitionism and the End of the Cold War," explores the efforts to abolish nuclear weapons in the 1980s and their impact on the Cold War's conclusion. Freeman examines the perspectives of high-level leaders like Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev, as well as grassroots activists and civil society groups. She argues that nuclear abolitionism was a diverse movement with varying approaches to achieving its goals. While Freeman asserts that nuclear abolitionists played a significant role in ending the Cold War, she acknowledges the complexities of causation and the limitations of nuclear abolitionism in the 1980s. [Extracted from the article]

Atomic bomb literature comprises texts that emerged out of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945. Almost all these writings deal directly or indirectly with the singular experience of the world’s first nuclear attacks. A-bomb literature has long been pushed to the margins of Japanese literature, often dismissed as testimonial writing or even history, and excluded from writings about violence. Moreover, the appropriation of the Hiroshima experience by peace and anti-nuclear movements has limited our understanding of the atomic bombings and framed it within the anti-nuclear discourse. This has had the effect of limiting the “subversive potential of Hiroshima.” Hiroshima as a historic event in world history has become part of a much larger humanist narrative which collectivises and universalises the atomic bombing. These narratives portray the atomic holocaust as a universal offence against humanity and not as crimes against the people of one country. The popular and dominant narratives of Hiroshima have failed to acknowledge the atomic bombing as an atrocity. This paper will argue that atomic bomb literature must be read, and interpreted, as a literature of atrocity. My argument is based on Lawrence Langer’s proposition that a literature of atrocity deals with the disintegration of the human image in the face of inappropriate death. A literature of atrocity strips death of its romantic dress and reveals man’s fragile existence and the vulnerability of the flesh. In short, it deals with “inappropriate death.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Res Rhetorica is the property of Polish Rhetoric Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over 2000 nuclear weapons explosions were conducted worldwide between 1945 and 1996. Most of these high-yield explosions took place at nuclear test sites in the Global South: among them, the Algerian Sahara and the Kazakh steppe, where their respective colonising powers (at the time) France and the Soviet Union tested their nuclear arsenal. Contemporary Algeria and Kazakhstan still bear the egregious impact of these nuclear tests. The perceptions and demands of the local population, including victims and survivors of the testing, related to addressing the nuclear past have not been comprehensively investigated. Little is known about the local-regional resistance to these tests, aside from the Sahara Protest Team in 1959 and the anti-nuclear Nevada-Semipalatinsk movement in 1989. Our aim is to develop this line of research by considering the links between anti-nuclear movements and colonialism in Algeria and Kazakhstan. By revisiting these cases using a decolonial lens, we develop a more comprehensive understanding of resistance to nuclear testing in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For a long time after the end of large-scale student unrest in the 1970s Japan stood out by a comparatively low level of protest. Yet spectacular waves of mass-protest returned with the anti-nuke mobilizations following the 2011 Fukushima meltdown and other 'post-2011' movements. In this paper I develop an analytical framework inspired by the multi-level perspective in transition studies to illuminate two questions: how can the relatively low level of protest in Japan before 2011 – in particular the so called 'ice age' of protest from the 1970s to the early 2000s – be explained, and what enabled the recovery of protest afterwards, starting in the early 2000s and leading up to the post-2011 protest cycle? I point to the crucial role played on the one hand by niches in the form of social movement spaces in fostering oppositional discourses and on the other hand by landscape changes that destabilized the established politico-cultural regime. A crucial role was played by the creative work of freeter activists in social movement spaces during the 1990s who reinvented activism in response to stigmatization of open protest after the collective trauma of the perceived defeat of the New Left in the 1970s. This creative work was a precondition for the rise of protest movements in the early 2000s which in turn prepared the way for the post-2011 protest wave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies early arguments in Sweden for combating climate change. We show how scientific results in relation to climate change entered the political sphere as part of the debate on energy in the 1970s, a process we propose to name energysation. We argue that the use of climate science by pro-nuclear political actors served as a way of maintaining a course set by a high-energy society while simultaneously trying to outmanoeuvre the growing environmental anti-nuclear and low-energy movement. When the pro-nuclear power side met with resistance, this led to a displacement of climate change knowledge away from the realm of the national political sphere and specific energy forms, a process we conceptualise as de-energysation. By highlighting conflicts and the political framings of climate change in the early years 1974-1983, we suggest that the history of these frames influences current delay in climate change mitigation and limits the range of actions and ways of addressing the ongoing climate emergency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a consideration of physical activity within the contexts of social movement philosophies, decision making, strategies, and tactics through an examination of the 1986 Great Peace March for Global Nuclear Disarmament. Drawing from interviews with twenty activists on the Great Peace March, the author argues that physicality and endurance actions—literally, but also symbolically—signify particular meanings of movement for social movements, such as persistence, focus, and determination, to stretch sociopolitical limits and boundaries. Participants endeavor to accomplish difficult physical challenges and maintain the solidarity of their communities to analogize the coming into existence of equally extraordinary visions of social or political transformation. Physical and symbolic expressions of what the author terms "endurance activism" sustained the marchers' vision of community and the survival of their organization. The article encourages sport historians to use a wider framework to interpret the links between physical activity, social activism, and oppositional movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Gender in Modern Welsh History: Perspectives on Masculinity and Femininity in Wales from 1750 to 2000" explores the complex and evolving nature of gender roles in Wales. The collection of chapters, edited by Beth Jenkins, Paul O'Leary, and Stephanie Ward, provides a comprehensive analysis of how gender has been constructed, represented, and performed in Wales over different time periods and regions. The authors highlight the importance of intersectionality, acknowledging the overlapping social categorizations that contribute to individual identity. The collection also examines the application of a gender lens to protest movements, demonstrating how the history of protests can reveal diverse identities within a nation. While there are some gaps in the coverage, the collection serves as a valuable resource for further research and understanding of gender history in Wales. [Extracted from the article]

North Korea is a de facto nuclear weapon state, having undertaken six tests between 2006 and 2017. Throughout a series of nuclear crises, since the early 1990s, Pyongyang has not only emphasised its sovereign right to explore nuclear options as an inevitable response to a hostile United States, but has at the same time consistently embraced an anti-nuclear stance, maintaining a commitment to the 'denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula'. This nuclear posture – 'arm, to disarm' – stressing the inevitability of nuclear-arming while at the same time pledging a normative anti-nuclear commitment to denuclearisation, contains seemingly irreconcilable elements. This challenges rationalist IR theories, which are unable adequately to explain the DPRK's position, characterising it as either a tactical diversion to disguise realist motivations or a negotiation leverage to induce economic and strategic concessions. This article offers an alternative analysis, seeking to decode the DPRK's seemingly contradictory nuclear posture by arguing that its anti-nuclear posture has deep Cold War roots aimed at hedging its security inferiority vis-à-vis nuclear-armed enemies. It focuses on the Cold War security nexus in East Asia and examines how Pyongyang's engagement in the anti-nuclear movement evolved to shape its seemingly irreconcilable 'arm, to disarm' nuclearism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1970s a new music movement, rooted in British punk and New Wave music, emerged in West Germany. It distinctly was not only sung in German, but the lyrics played with the German language by adding Dadaistic elements or youth slang, and reflected on the political, cultural and social zeitgeist of late Cold War West Germany. Over the years this formerly underground music genre was labelled 'Neue Deutsche Welle' (NDW) and became a commercial success, both domestically and abroad: Artists like Peter Schilling became known in the United States, the biggest hit '99 Luftballons' by the band Nena reached number 2 in the Billboard Hot 100 in 1983 in its original German version. Like many other New Wave music, NDW songs found their way to mainstream success in the United States through the club scene, radio shows and the then new music television. At the same time, coming from the then still divided Germany catapulted the bands right in the middle of the Anti-war and Anti-nuclear movements at the end of the cold war, even when NDW bands themselves oftentimes labelled their music as non-political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corbin Harney, Western Shoshone elder and spiritual leader, rises in prayer. He lights a ceremonial pipe and upon inhaling offers it to Olzhas Suleimenov, Kazakh national poet and leader of the Nevada-Semipalatinsk movement, who smokes it in turn. After completing the Western Shoshone Pipe Ceremony, the two reach down into the earth, each pulling up a stone, which they then proceed—in accordance with Kazakh custom—to throw at the face of evil—in this case, the face of nuclear fallout. This face is everywhere at the Nevada Test Site, and yet, nowhere to be seen. Guidelines for direct action campaigns at the test site caution would-be activists to be afraid of it—to be afraid of the dust. Contaminated from decades of nuclear weapons testing, this dust kills—just one more thing the Western Shoshone share with the Kazakhs, who, nearly a year-and-a-half earlier and halfway across the globe, gathered at Semipalatinsk, the Soviet counterpart to the Nevada Test Site, to hurl their own stones at the face of this very same evil. In 1989, inspired by Western Shoshone attempts to end nuclear weapons testing on their ancestral homeland, the Kazakhs rose up to demand an immediate cessation of Soviet testing at Semipalatinsk. They not only named their nascent movement Nevada, but they also took as their logo a Kazakh nomad sharing a pipe with a Western Shoshone. Over the next two years, Western Shoshone and Nevada activists engaged in cultural and political exchanges that sent delegates to protest in each other’s respective homeland. Soviet officials have repeatedly credited the Nevada-Semipalatinsk movement in their decision to halt their nuclear weapons testing program. By August 1991 Semipalatinsk closed. And without a credible Soviet threat the United States halted its own nuclear weapons testing program the following year. This essay documents the origins of this historic trans-Indigenous activism, as well as the joint strategies, tactics, and discourses employed by both movements in their bid to end nuclear weapons testing in their respective homelands.

Since the Great East Japan Earthquake in March 2011 and the nuclear power plant accident, a number of movements have emerged in Japanese society, including the anti‐nuclear power movement and others with a variety of agendas. The social movements of the 2010s in Japan have expanded along with the spread of social networking services and have brought together a new class of people who are different from those of the established movements. This article will compare and examine the social movements of the 2010s with those of the past, as well as the function they played in the social structure. In the early 2020s, a structural crisis in the political and economic foundations of postwar Japan has become apparent. The Japanese social movements of the 2010s were movements that pressed for the transformation of the old social system as well as the transformation of the old anti‐system movements. Thus, this movement had the distinction of prefiguring a fundamental shift in the confrontational frame of reference between conservatism and progressivism that had shaped postwar Japan. This article will discuss the historical significance of the Japanese social movements of the 2010s in light of the structural factors behind the decline of the social base of both conservative and progressive forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Japan's evolving security policy, particularly under the leadership of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, and its role in shaping the Indo-Pacific security landscape. It emphasizing Japan's shift from a defense-oriented posture to a deterrence-oriented one, largely aimed at China; due to factors such as changes in Japan's defense establishment; its security environment; and Abe's long leadership tenure.

This article explores Japanese perceptions of nuclear technology from 1945 to 1956, the early stage of the introduction of nuclear technology, by using discourses of the government and of antinuclear civil movements. It is based on the theoretical framework that discourses construct social perceptions of science and technology. For this purpose, statements such as official documents of the Japanese government and declarations made by the antinuclear movement were used as main resources of analysis. This article finds that various technological aspects influenced the formation of the Japanese nuclear technological system. In addition, the Japanese government tried to keep open the possibility of developing nuclear weapons. It tried to justify its 'peaceful use of nuclear power' by portraying itself as the sole victim of nuclear weapons while hiding its intention to develop nuclear weapons. Moreover, the nuclear safety myth was formed at the beginning of the introduction of nuclear technology. As a result, we can see that in Japan, the nuclear safety myth was growing from the beginning of the introduction of nuclear technology amid a dichotomous understanding of good and bad uses of nuclear power and the desire to enter an advanced state of science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ajmal Khan A.T., People Against Nuclear Energy: Antinuclear Movements in India (New Delhi: Sage & Yoda Press), xiv + 216 pp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with anti-nuclear weapons campaigner Helen Caldicott is presented. When asked about her entry into the anti-nuclear movement being a pediatrician by trade, she refers to the emergence of French nuclear weapons testing on Pacific atolls in 1971. She expresses her concerns on the vision of a nuclear-free world under the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump. Caldicott also comments on the legislative efforts to prevent the president from pushing the use of nuclear weapons.

Copyright of Hessische Blätter für Volksbildung is the property of wbv Media GmbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article expands feminist IR research on global nuclear politics by presenting a heretofore unassembled archive of Indigenous Pacific women's anti-nuclear poetry and by arguing for the importance of this poetry as a transformative mover of international discourse on nuclear imperialisms. Pacific activists, and especially women, have been some of the world's most active opponents to the global nuclear industrial complex, systematically working on the frontline of grassroots organizing in the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement. Yet, the role played by Pacific women in the movement is understudied. To begin rectifying this omission, we chronologically retrace the evolution and the complexity of women's role in the global anti-nuclear movement by outlining the history of the development of anti-nuclear conferences in the 1970s understood alongside and also through Pacific women's poetic reflection on and activism against nuclearization in the Pacific. The poems by Pacific women presented in this article contribute to debates about nuclear politics in feminist IR and beyond, as they bring Pacific Islander voices into view and provide a more complex picture of Indigenous organizing, highlighting tensions based on gender and class within organizations such as the NFIP movement. In addition, these poems also contribute to ongoing challenges in IR to what constitutes valid forms of political discourse, by pushing back against the field's patriarchal tendency to favour administrative language and statistical reports at the expense of embodied knowledge and emotional experience. As such, this article also addresses broader questions of knowledge production in IR, particularly in the context of debates about decolonizing the field, and advocates for centring Indigenous knowledges of international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows how the international nuclear disaster in Fukushima affected the antinuclear movement in Koodankulam by using the cross-national diffusion model proposed by Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak and Giugni (1995). It examines the impact of the international disaster on the antinuclear movement and its subsequent expansion in terms of protest events and organizational trajectories. It also describes the new participants and actors in this antinuclear power issue. The research questions are addressed through archives, handbills, unpublished documents, and semi-structured interviews. I argue that diffusion of information and domestic opportunities helped the antinuclear groups erect a protest camp that offered manufactured vulnerability. This induced several meso and micro level social movement organizations and political parties to join the antinuclear movement, leading to expansion at the organizational level and the formation of coalitions. Further, the participation of newly joined social movement organizations and political parties in the mobilization helped the movement expand its protest events and led to an increase in the level of contention. The study contributes to the study of antinuclear movements and cross-national diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]