Search

The territorialisation of politics is a crucial transformation in state–society relations that has implications on how contemporary politics works. Defined here as the dispute for the physical control of space, be it a municipality, province or portion of land, within one or more politically constituted entities. It does not mean the emergence of a new regime type, but the process through which the territory re-emerges as a new cleavage after neoliberal reforms and authoritarian regimes have weakened/dissolved neo-corporatist arrangements for the resolution of socio-political conflicts in society. It is a cleavage because central political divisions are produced as a result of the physical encounter of or distance between political actors and of the dispute for the control of a territory for sociopolitical goals and causes that are not always territorially defined. Departing from this definition, I also raise potential explanatory hypotheses for the transformations that favoured this transformation in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite historic increases in crime and violence, Latin America's police forces are characterized by long periods of institutional weakness punctuated by rare, sweeping reforms. To understand these patterns of institutional continuity and change, the author applies the concept of structural power, demonstrating how police leverage their control of coercion to constrain the policy options available to politicians. Within this constrained policy space, politicians choosing between continuity and reform assess societal preferences for police reform and patterns of political competition. Under fragmented societal preferences, irrespective of political competition, reform brings little electoral gain and risks alienating a powerful bureaucracy. Preference fragmentation thus favors the persistence of institutional weakness. When societal preferences converge and a robust political opposition threatens incumbents, politicians face an electoral counterweight to the structural power of police, making reform likely. Using evidence from periods of continuity and reform in Argentina, Brazil, and Colombia, the author traces both outcomes to shifts in societal preferences and political opposition. Despite the imperative to address citizens' demands by building state capacity in security provision, these cases show that police reform is often rendered electorally disadvantageous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabajos y Comunicaciones is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On September 16th, 1955, a coup led by the Armed Forces brought down the Government of Juan Domingo Perón. That day and the following ones, several uprisings took place simultaneously in different regions of Argentina. This was the corollary of several years of intensification of the conflicts between the heterogeneous antiperonist opposition and the Government. This article explores that process in the province of Corrientes, which was the scene of one of the uprisings. In this context, we discuss the various practices of political control implemented by the Peronist Government and the forms and strategies of opposition, inside and outside the institutional frame, of the different parties acting in the province at that time. In addition, the role of the Catholic Church is examined. This institution had an enormous influence on the society of Corrientes, as it will become a key partner in the success of the coup plans, because of its confrontation with the Government and finally, this work evaluates the participation of the Armed Forces, in particular the organization of the failed revolt in Curuzú Cuatiá. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how poverty came to be identified as the key category of the new social question in Argentina during its post-1983 transition to democracy. It pays special attention to the conformation of an expert group at the Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos (National Institute of Statistics and Censuses, INDEC), which focused on the construction of statistical instruments aimed at describing the social reality of poverty. Through practices of objectification and classification carried out by those experts, poverty was made into a measurable object, at the same time that it was publicly instituted as a political-moral problem and as an object of state action. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Trabajos y Comunicaciones is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present work deals with the development of the socio-political process of recognition of reproductive rights in Argentina from 1983 to mid-2013: it identifies the public policies implemented, the pending reforms, the actors involved and the strategies developed during the processes of change. It also presents the main tensions, conflicts and contradictions in the field of reproductive technologies in the past, the forms of resolution or their permanence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prohistoria is the property of Prohistoria Ediciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Taylor & Francis Ltd) is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Publisher-supplied Abstracts.)

The article discusses Argentine politics, with a particular focus on the administration of Argentine president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and the country's 2015 presidential election. Details on economic conditions in Argentina, including government debt and exchange rates, are presented. Other topics include former Argentine President Néstor Kirchner, the Peronist party, and Presidential candidates Daniel Scioli, Sergio Massa, and Mauricio Macri.

El artículo discurre sobre la transparencia gubernamental y los derechos asociados con el acceso a la información en Argentina. Los autores comentan sobre la historia de las reformas gubernamentales desde la dictadura de los años 1970. También se consideran la importancia de los derechos civiles entre la ciudadanía argentina.

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the role of Jorge Abelardo Ramos in the adoption of leftist liberal policies in Argentina during the 20th century. The author comments on the creation and development of the Izquierda Nacional (National Left), a socialist political party led by Ramos in 1962. He also considers the influence of Ramos and his political party on other Latin American countries at the time. The impact of Marxist political ideology and philosophy on Ramos is explored and a brief biography of his adult life is provided.

The current processes have reignited the debate surrounding populism in Latin America; however, the category's theoretical status is far from being clarified. In this context, the article suggests that populism could contribute to political theory, starting from the open perspective of Ernesto Laclau, while also drawing on the definition of functional fields in its political analysis: populism as discourse; as a construction of a political subject; and as promoting the inclusion of all that has been excluded in the social order. Starting from these developments, the second part of the article uses these contributions to analyze the current political process in Argentina, and specifically the phenomenon of kirchnerism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around 1980, states and corporations from core countries led by the U.S. government started to demand from other countries reforms that increased the scope and strength of private intellectual property rights. The resulting global upward ratchet of intellectual property protection has not developed uniformly across time and space. This study presents a theory of cross-national variation in intellectual property regimes based on a comparative-historical analysis of the making of intellectual property rules in South American soybean agriculture (Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay). It concludes that a corporatist pattern of rule-making is conducive to a weak intellectual property regime (Argentina), whereas pluralism (Brazil) and state capture and abstention (Paraguay) are more conducive to strong intellectual property regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the coup d'etat of 1955 in the state of Córdoba, Argentina. The author comments on the rise of Peronism, the policies favored by Argentine President Juan Perón at the time and describes the contentious relationship between the Catholic Church and the government. She also considers the events leading up to the coup, including the prevalence of anti-Peronist and anti-government sentiments in Córdoba. The impact of this event on other regions throughout Argentina, particularly the capital of Buenos Aires, is also examined.

In 1993, Argentine began to implement a program whose declared goal was to increase research in public universities and to develop holistically academic career, encouraging research and teaching. Two decades after its inception, this article seeks to explain which transformations suffered this policy instrument and how they can be understood in light of different actors involved in its implementation. To this end, it is used the theoretical-methodological Public Policy Analysis tools, in particular, an approach that places special emphasis on the analysis of the evolution of the instruments to understand the vagaries of politics. Centrally, changes in technique and tools Program is described and it is claimed that those transformations led to changes in policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabajos y Comunicaciones is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes sub-national democratization from the perspective of the state and its police power. We argue that in the police forces of some Argentine provinces the uses of bureaucracies created during the dictatorship to control citizens, the police information department (PID) for example, can become an obstacle for the institutionalization of democracy. Based on a case study, the “juarismo" in Santiago del Estero, we describe the provincial state police power revealed in the functions and prerrogatives of police and its intelligence agency, and examine its uses between 1995 and 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the gay rights movement in Argentina, particularly the impact of international pressure and domestic activism in establishing such rights. The article examines the history of the homosexual subculture in Argentina that began during the 1880s, the 1967 establishment of the gay rights organization known as Nuestro Mundo, and the group the Frente de Liberación Homosexual (FLH). It also discusses the dissolution of the FLH, the Argentine military regime's campaign against dissenters between 1976 and 1983, and the exposure exiled Argentine homosexuals had to the international gay rights movement. The article also discusses the significance of the gay rights group the Comunidad Homosexual Argentina (CHA), discrimination against gays by the Argentine government, and the AIDS/HIV epidemic.

La autora reflexiona sobre su trabajo en historiografía de la mujer en Argentina a partir de su encuentro con el feminismo durante su exilio en Brasil a finales de la década de 1970. Los temas discutidos incluyen el inicio de los estudios feministas en las universidades de Argentina tras el reinicio de la democracia en 1983, la situación del feminismo a principios del siglo XXI y los aportes de la filósofa estadounidense Judith Butler.

This article discusses the reporting of the 1955 coup d'etat, known as the Revolución Libertadora, that took place in Córdoba, Argentina, with a particular focus on the Catholic newspaper "Los Principios." The author comments on the editorial columns written during this year relating to the overthrow of the government of Juan Perón. She also considers the ideological and religious significance of the coup as described by the newspaper. The impact of the coup d'etat on the Catholic universities of Argentina is also examined.

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the framing of abortion rights in Argentina from the late 1980s through the early 2010s, with a particular focus on the women's movement Encuentro Nacional de Mujeres, or National Women's Meeting. Abortion and reproductive rights laws in Argentina, including the 2002 law ensuring access to contraception and birth control information, are discussed. Argentine Feminists' framing of abortion as a public health issue, so as to putatively appeal to humanitarianism, is also discussed. An overview of the pro-choice movement in Argentina is provided.

Scholars disagree about the nature of party attachments, viewing partisanship as either a social identity or a rational maximization of expected utility. Empirically, much of this debate centers on the degree of partisan stability: findings of partisan fluctuations are taken as evidence against the social-identity perspective. But drawing such conclusions assumes that the objects of identity-parties-are fixed. If we instead allow party brands to change over time, then partisan instability is consistent with a social-identity conception of partisanship. To demonstrate this, I develop a branding model of partisanship in which voters learn about party brands by observing party behavior over time and base their psychological attachment to a party on these brands. The model suggests that convergence by rival parties, making their brands less distinguishable, should weaken party attachments. I test this implication using a survey experiment in Argentina and find evidence consistent with the model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argentina has one of the highest standards of support for democracy in Latin America despite the economic crises of recent decades. Chile, despite being one of the most economically successful countries in the region, has a poor support for democracy. This article presents a comparison of ordered logistic regression analysis of the year 1997 with the year 2001. In addition, such models are complemented with respect to the political culture in both countries. Economic stability, income distribution, interpersonal trust, interest in politics and civic education are more significant factors in the Argentinean than in the Chilean case. There is a strong polarization between the political orientation of left and right in Chile with regard to the support of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a context where clientelism is widespread, why do some politicians choose not to condition the delivery of goods and services to citizens on individual political behavior? I argue that the answer to this question lies in the heretofore unexamined electoral costs of clientelism: clientelism decreases support from nonpoor constituents even while it generates votes from among the poor. Taking into account these costs and other factors that shape politician incentives, I posit that the interaction between political competition and poverty will explain variation in clientelism. I test this claim using an original measure of clientelism that assesses mayoral involvement in social policy implementation in Argentine municipalities. The results of statistical analysis suggest that high levels of political competition are compatible with clientelism when poverty is also high. Only when high competition is coupled with low rates of poverty does clientelism decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the Argentine economic crisis of 2001, the resultant political dynamics there and the political legitimacy of neoliberalism. An overview of Argentine politics since 2001, including an impasse to social reforms due to reactionary interests and the politics of Argentine President Néstor Kirchner, is provided. The article also discusses populism, political polarization and micropolitics and macropolitics in Argentina. The challenges Argentina has in organizing its territorialities, including the recognition of the rights of inclusion, are also presented. The article was translated by Anna-Maeve Holloway.

The article discusses the Argentine political organization Grupo Acontecimiento's goal of creating an emancipatory political movement and political change in the country. An overview of the struggle to invent a political radicalism is presented. Guidelines to emancipatory political movements, including the suggestion of maintaining independence from progressive governments and claiming autonomy from existing economic and social structures are presented. The article was translated by Ramor Ryan.

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article gives an overview of extant research and scholarship on the role of the Catholic Church during the military dictatorships in Argentina, from 1976-1983, and Chile, from 1973-1990. It first discusses the historiography separately for both countries, then compares and contrasts them, focusing on the political activity of priests. Problems historians and other researchers face with access to archival sources are also addressed, as is the influence of personal and collective memories of traumatic events on the societies in the transition to democracy.

This article studies voter behavior in Argentina. Do voters vote based on issues? Do they vote based on economic performance? What segments of the population are more or less likely to do so? What is the relative impact of issues and the economy in vote choice? To provide a reliable answer to these questions, this study uses a mixed-logit model of spatial voting with nonpolicy components. Contrary to the common belief, the analysis finds that issue voting is a statistically significant and important factor. Economic voting is prevalent in the middle and upper classes, but not among poor voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like many new democracies, Argentina has struggled with contentious movements that have challenged its precarious stability. Two very different sectors have led particularly powerful opposition movements: the military-associated historically with the abuse of power-and the unemployed workers, with important support from prestigious human rights organizations. This article looks both at how the political standing of the sector (military versus civil society) influences policy choices and at how these policy choices influence whether opposition movements remain mobilized and contentious. It argues that situation-alleviating policies-those that successfully address interests of the sector as a whole-tend to be more successful in defusing contentious movements than policies relying on coercion, concessions, or co-optation of mobilized opposition groups. Situation alleviation depletes the contentious groups of possible recruits, while policies targeting the mobilized opposition may inadvertently motivate those actors to remain mobilized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption has become a key concern throughout the world. Most of what is known about corruption comes from instances in which misdeeds become public, generating a scandal. Why do some acts of corruption become scandals and others do not? Corruption scandals are not triggered by corruption, but rather are initially caused by dynamics of political competition within government. Insiders leak information on misdeeds in order to gain power within the coalition or party in power. A powerful opposition, contrary to common belief, acts as a constraint for insiders, making corruption scandals less likely. These arguments are evaluated using empirical evidence from Argentina and Chile (1989-2008). The findings support the notion that corruption scandals emerge as a consequence of political competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the trajectory of Dr José Bleger (1922-72), an Argentine psychoanalyst who tried to articulate his triple identity as a Jew, a Marxist and a psychoanalyst. Bleger played a central role in the constitution of the ''psy movement'' and, in more general terms, in the diffusion of a ''psy culture'' in Argentina, a country that today is considered as one of the ''world capitals of psychoanalysis''. However, his trajectory showed not only the limits of his projects in the increasingly politically polarized Argentina of the 1960s, as well as their internal contradictions, but also the difficulties of articulating different identities in those agitated times. Through an analysis of Bleger's trajectory this article explores larger issues of Argentine political culture and their relations with the emergence of a psychoanalytic culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Desarrollo Económico is the property of Instituto de Desarrollo Economico y Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Raised in an Italian migrant Peronist barrage i followed the changes in the country of constant bids between religion, education and external interventions that led me into exile, first becaused the result of Franco in Spain fanaticism that fueled the hallucinations and determined to rebuild Argentina in the heavenly order of Christendom diabolically destroyed since the Renaissance and Modernity and followed by a few years later misnamed "Revolución Argentina" that would confirm the expediency of the project to form "Catholic leaders" to renew country, one renovation that must came from the hand of "the last aristocracy" accompanied to the negation in the opening to Marxism. The fertile dialogue between Christians and Marxists opened the door for the study of Marxism and my subsequent intense and unswerving adherence to this theory and that worldview. An essential role in this transition allowed me to leave the cave to which Plato refers in his Republic and see the light of the sun and the reality as it is played in addition to the ideological climate of the sixties and the influence of Argentina Nuclear Jesuits in CIAS, enlightened heralds of liberation theology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article problematizes the usually definition of labor precarization and it proposes a multidimetional approach, by analyzing the precarization of labor process that occurred in the public administration in Argentina underwent since the Nineties. The methodology utilized was qualitative and quantitative. In the conclusions, we proposed the need to tackle the precarization as multidimensional to understand the complexity and extension of vulnerability in world's work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do global rights regimes promote compliance? Can they form the basis for effective advocacy campaigns at the domestic level ? In this paper, we address these questions via a case study of the role played by the Convention on the Rights of the Child in Argentinian politics. We argue that ratification of the convention strengthened the coherence and leverage of rights-based domestic activists and ultimately led to the introduction of a new rights-inspired legal code for children. We trace the emergence of a local compliance coalition for children's rights and the subsequent campaign for rights-based reform. Our analysis suggests that global rights conventions can alter the domestic political opportunity for advocacy, strengthen rights-based claims and bring about changes on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]