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Objective/context: The article analyzes the organizational process and execution of the IX Mar del Plata International Film Festival of 1968. It outlines the objectives that General Juan Carlos Onganía's dictatorship pursued with this festival, which had, until 1968, been organized by private entities. The tensions that arose between the government alliance and cinematographic groups is also discussed. Originality: Until now, historiography has emphasized the strong cultural repression of the Onganía dictatorship. Without denying this perspective, the analysis of this selective opening experience at the film festival brings to the fore new perspectives on how dictatorships used cultural and media policies as an internal consensus building strategy and as a tactic to legitimize the government internationally. Conversely, the cultural arena is seen as a territory for political disputes within the framework of authoritarian governments. Methodology: The research was conducted mainly from the analysis of multiple printed publications of the time. Conclusions: This paper proposes understanding this cultural experience as a process aimed at improving the image of the government abroad through cinematography. However, this attempt by the dictatorship failed because, from the moment that the strategy was launched, the festival became politicized and it was transformed into a terrain of disputes between different factions within the government as well as between the government and the world of cinema. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the creation and functioning of a specific tool of the ordinary judicial branch of the State, whose main objective was the persecution and repression of political crimes in Argentina between 1971 and 1973. It maintains that this special court directly helped to legitimize State repression under a military dictatorship. The Cámara Federal en lo Penal de la Nación was established in the context of a strong social radicalization and the activities of guerrilla groups. It jointly analyzes the social and professional profiles, age and gender of the activists who were in the sights of this repressive apparatus and the materials which were seized in the framework of the judicial investigations. It concludes that this was an original repressive strategy, and while it was mainly focused on the members of guerrilla groups, it also sanctioned and convicted other social and trades union activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in Argentinean right wing-nationalist political discourse of the sixties can only be explained in relation to the international Cold War-context. Thus, some fundamental concepts of Argentine nationalist political tradition were altered by the ups and downs of the international agenda. Because of this, this paper intends to trace the transformations of the nationalist political program, starting with the discursive mutations of the ideas of "Hispanism" and "Revolution". Hence, this renewed revolutionary program -even when related to inherited ideological elements of previous nationalist generations- was reinterpreted in light of new Cold War-meanings of the concept of Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the period 1982–1999, a cohort of feminist cultural activists highlighted parallels between the political, gendered, racial, and linguistic frameworks used to justify state violence in Argentina of 1976–1983 and in Germany of 1933–1945. Their cultural works indicate the transnational aspects of Argentina’s failures of modernity, and the parallel responsibilities to trauma memory assumed by women and Jews as marginalized members of society, who consequently emerge as both local and transnational agents of democratization. A number of scholars have noted Argentine writers’ and playwrights’ adoption of Holocaust cultural constructs to represent the 1976–1983 dictatorship, yet these cultural contributions have not yet been studied from the combined perspectives of post-Holocaust and post-dictatorship feminist scholarship. By providing a gendered analysis of “Holocaust multidirectionality” within a global arena of “postmemory,” this article shows the convergence of the two terms in the cultural production of women who remember, represent, and transmit the experience and meaning of the Argentine military dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to study the activities of rural extension conducted between 1973 and 1983 by one of the main Argentinean state agencies: the National Agricultural Technology Institute (INTA). Regarding this period, which starts and ends with a democratic transition, an analysis has been made on the content and perspective of the organization's rural extension agenda in relation to the transformations seen in matters of sectoral policies, socioeconomic changes in the rural area, and in the implementation of repressive mechanisms. There has been an evaluation on the operation of INTA's state bureaucracy throughout its processes of institutional reconfiguration: one in 1973 alongside that year's democratic transition and the other in 1976 in hand with Argentina's last dictatorship. In light of documentary sources and interviews, a review has been drafted on institutional directives, nationwide coordination of agricultural policies, and the experiences of the INTA extension workers, primarily located in the Buenos Aires province. Additionally, we have identified the existence of various practices during the previous years of the last dictatorship involving direct contact with rural populations different from those of a more traditional approach, and its limitations have also been highlighted. Finally, we have analyzed the reorientation of the institution rural extension tasks as it underwent a military intervention between 1976 and 1983. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Frente de Liberación Homosexual (FLH, 1967–1976) was the first political movement of homosexual men in Argentina. Despite its short life span, this organization set the ground for future developments. The FLH emerged in the context of increasing authoritarianism rather than being the result of a transition to democracy. The relationship with homophobic Peronists and left-wing traditions was, paradoxically, crucial for the emergence of the FLH. Most homosexual activists came from the Left, and they understood homosexual liberation as one aspect of the struggle against capitalism. These activists were highly critical of anticapitalist politics as it existed in Argentina at the time, but they also actively sought to become allies of the expanding New Left during the period. Eventually, however, the 1976–1983 military dictatorship made all forms of dissidence impossible, and the FLH had to dissolve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the Christian Democratic Party of Argentina and its practices during a period of recent Argentine history between the beginning of the last dictatorship and 1985, when, after the recovery of democracy, the party again resorted to the frentista strategy. The article investigates the specifics of this Christian, non-confessional organization that represented a small minority, but had a significant impact on society as a defender of human rights during the last years of the military regime and early democratic transition. The narrative is mainly based on party documents, political press and mass media. It is organized from the perspective of the two-party system and the regime. The results of the research based on party sources, periodicals, session diaries, oral in-terviews and written testimonies, suggest that this party ought to be characterized as a relatively exceptional left-wing organization within the Latin American context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the transformations of the concept “totalitarianism” in Argentina liberal-conservative thought, and its main implications. Firstly, some parts of the international post-war liberal debate are summarized in order to emphasize a broadened interpretation of totalitarian phenomena that not only includes Nazi-fascist and Communist regimes, but also points to the totalitarian traits of Democracy itself. Secondly, it is shown that Argentina’s liberal-conservative intellectuals incorporated this notion of totalitarianism through two moves: they highlighted the totalitarian attributes of Argentine Democracy as it was practiced by majoritarian political parties, and they presented a binary conception of Democracy, according to which there would be a true and desirable Democracy (liberal, moderate and respectful of civil rights) and a false and execrable Democracy (populist, excessive, and potentially totalitarian). For liberal-conservative intellectuals of Argentina, the return of Peronism by elections was like a phantom that threatened the true democracy, a democracy which should be defended of this intimate totalitarian enemy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the various ways of approaching the 70s in Argentina there emerges a theme which runs through a set of artistic, cinematographic and fictional narratives from the first decade of the 21st century. Their common motto could be summed up with this premise: In order to view and think about that time period in a new light, it must be divested of its familiarity, brought about by dominant memorial narratives. To grasp the extent of this method in approaching Argentina’s recent past, this article analyzes strategies of defamiliarization manifested in two ways, one literary, the other visual: the work Ezeiza paintant (MALBA 2005) by Fabian Marcaccio, and Alan Pauls’ trilogy on the 70s, especially his first two novels, Historia del llanto and Historia del pelo, which accompanied memorial debates in the beginning of 21st century in Argentina. In open dialogue with the great experimental political art of the 20th century, these works raise the issue of relations between art and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the process of militarization of the state carried out by the last military dictatorship in Argentina, through an empirical study of the profiles of ministers and ministries that formed the National Executive Power cabinets between 1976 and 1983. On the one hand, it reconstructs the educational, professional and social profile of the ministerial elite, and the high degree of specialization among the "civilian ministries" as compared to those occupied by the Armed Forces. On the other hand, it analyzes the determining factors in the process of militarization: the unequal distribution of power among the three Armed Forces, the relative importance of each ministry in the achievement of the objectives, of both the dictatorship in general and of each forcé in particular, and the progressive need to broaden civilian support. Finally, it identifies a distinctive "ministerial hierarchy" orship within said dictatorship, headed by the Ministry of the Interior, of Labor, and of the Economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights and portrays the features of the document collection of the National Investigative Committee. This institution was created in 1955 during "Revolución Libertadora" in order to investigate alleged irregularities during the administration that they themselves had overthrown and became one of the emblems of political persecution against Peronism. A broad overview on its structure, as well as the documentation produced, is a first contribution of this article. Secondly, we track how different parts of the corpus (files, memories, the Black Book) have been used for historical reconstruction. Away from the idea of the archive as neutral territory, our goal is to identify the ambiguous ties linking the process of investigative committees, its documents and the uses that we have given professional historians. Articulating elements proper to empirical research with theoretical and historiographical tools, this reflection constitutes a starting point to build an agenda of issues concerning "desperonización". The approach seeks to focus on a "from the bottom up" perspective based on the analysis of judicial records. The general aim is to construct a more experiential interpretation of the Peronism-anti-Peronism conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how the Armed Forces of Argentina used education during the country's last military dictatorship to consolidate their views on politics and society by the molding of future generations. Principal attention is given to changes in the teaching of national history and more specifically in the teaching of contemporary history in Argentine schools. The study of these changes enables reflections about how the dictatorial regime promoted the country's moral and educational reorganization as an essential part of the tools it deployed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategies used by, the Argentinian writer, Luisa Valenzuela to denounce the abuse and human rights violations by dictatorships in the Southern Cone. Through the analysis of Cambio de armas and Cola de lagartija, from a Bakhtinean dialogical discourse perspective, we discuss the use of polyphony and silence as discursive strategies used by Valenzuela to condemn Argentinian dictatorship and to portray the social and political impact of Argentinian dictatorship between 1966 and 1982. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the analysis of a corpus of documents, we reconstruct the problematization about the "freedom" and "free men" that how, from different places of enunciation, the question of subjectivity required for the functioning of liberal democracy led to the establishment of a series of nested oppositions. Reinforced by an instrumental vision of political freedoms, the idea that, in Argentinean society, there was a part of the population that was not truly free, would contribute to render acceptable the proscription of Peronism during those years, without involve contradiction with democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the trajectory of the graphic workers of Mendoza during the military dictatorship of the Argentine Revolution. These workers were recognized as "combative" by members of the labor movement of the period and by the press of the era, despite being a sector that did not play any leading role in the struggles of those years. In order to explain this paradox, this article inquires into the internal dynamics of the organization, its union strategies, and the positions it adopted with respect to other labor organizations and with respect to the dictatorship itself. Through the analysis of union documents--the minutes of Assemblies and Steering Committee Meetings-- and interviews of graphic workers of the period, it reveals internal and external aspects of this guild and the graphic trade itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argentina, as well as others Latin American countries, lived through a military dictatorship from 1976 to 1983. Because of the magnitude of its consequences, it is a period of the Argentinean history that is still discussed by its citizens and that has a place in the educational curricula of the country now. Moreover, its current importance is evident, for example, as shown in the ongoing trials for the responsibilities of the crimes committed by the militaries so many years ago, and the frequent news of people recovering their stolen identity after be ing born in captivity during those years and being raised by families that appropriated them. A collective memory of the events taking place over those years is in the process of constitution and development. As people talk about it, as new information is spread on the news, as justice works over those committing the terrible crimes during that period in Argentina, a collective memory of the 1976 coup d'état takes shape. One aim of the present work was to contribute to the study of the collective memory of the coup d'état of 1976 in Argentina. Even though this issue has received attention in previous studies, an empirical approach towards it that focuses on the discourse of the memories of the participants, conforms a new contribution. Another aim of this study was to contribute to the study of collective memory from a psychological perspective. Recalls of the coup d'état of 1976 in Argentina offer one of those opportunities to study the processes of formation and constitution of collective memory. In the present study, we are interested in studying how the contents of the recall of the coup d'état are affected by two specific factors: generations and ideology. Our interest is to study how similar and different are the memories for those events for different generations of citizens. We are basically considering those who lived through those years and those who learned about those same events indirectly, through books, documentary, news, etc. We are also interested in studying how much political ideology can affect the recall of those events. In that, we considered the basic ideological distinction between left and right. The dependent variable was a concrete aspect of the content of the recall: themes / main ideas. A total of 52 subjects participated in the study. The sample was divided in two groups, one of which was constituted by subjects who lived-through those years. This was the older generation group. The other group conform ed the younger generation and was integrated by subjects that didn't live through those years because they were not yet born. At the same time, people from the left and right ideologies composed each of these two groups. Participants completed a Free Recall Test, where we asked them to recall all of what they could remember about the events around March 24, 1976. We focused on analyzing the content of the recall, considering the themes / main ideas that configur ed it. There are common elements of the recall that seem to configure a national memory of the coup d'état. However, generations and political ideology promoted themes / main ideas typical of each group. Those of the older generation remembered more contextual and emotional / affective the mes / main ideas. Those of the younger generation remembered more facts that took place during the military dictatorship. People with a left wing ideology remembered more themes / main ideas related to the 'Right wing violence' and more contextual aspects than those with a right wing ideology. A national memory system that would operate in the citizens and that is affected by the goals of each group is proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the significance municipalities reached within the Political Plan of Argentina's last military dictatorship. Through the study of secrete, classified and public documents that were produced by the highest spheres of military power this paper shows that municipalities served as a fundamental link to the regime's Political Plan in different ways: as a political instrument of territorial and social "capillary" control characteristic of the dictatorship; as an authorized space for the participation of a local reaching, apolitical "municipal citizenship;" as a laboratory of political openness and as a sphere which nurtured "natural leadership" in Argentina. Finally, this paper identifies common and differing elements of the municipalization of the Chilean dictatorship with the Argentinean case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo discurre sobre una entrevista con Héctor Jouvé, un miembro del grupo guerrilla en Argentina durante la década de los 1960s, la cual fue publicado en la revista "La Intemperie" en 2004. El autor comenta sobre el movimiento conocido como Ejército Guerrillero del Pueblo contra el gobierno argentino durante este periodo.

This article analyzes the first reorganization process carried on Peronism after the military coup of 1955. The initiative took shape through the formation of the Justicialist Party, party organization that was formed in late 1958 and ran until March 1960. The examination was performed considering the various political actors involved, causing tensions and their relation to the national political scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the necessity of recognizing the unexplained and premature deaths and disappearance of individuals in Argentina between 1976 and 1992, which will be described in the book "The Ghosts of Montes de Oca: Naked Life and the Medically Disappeared." Topics discussed include the Dirty War from 1976-1983, the role of Colonia Nacional Dr. Manuel A. Montes de Oca in these incidents, and the dictatorship and the war of extermination launched by President Jorge Rafael Videla.

The 1970s was the most violent decade of the entire twentieth century for Argentina. Its first half was characterised by the rise of political radicalisation, and its second by the reign of state repression. Studies devoted to investigating the issue of violence in the 1970s have concentrated fundamentally on the protagonists. By contrast, this article offers an analysis of the symbolic terrain, shifting focus from the conscious to the unconscious plane, from the real to the imaginary world. Dealing with visual representations of violence in popular culture, especially advertising in mass-circulation magazines, it explores how violence became naturalised during the first half of the 1970s. In so doing it adds an additional layer to our understanding of the social mood that preceded the military coup of March 1976. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyzes social policies implemented by Secretary of Community Promotion and Assistance of Social Welfare Ministry during "Argentine Revolution" and the Direction of Civil Organizations and the Ministry of the Interior during the Chilean dictatorship (1973-1988) aimed to obtain social consensus. This work expects to make a complex analysis on the concept of "Authoritarian-bureaucratic State", applied to the study of Southern Cone dictatorships. The hypothesis to be tested is that Ongania and Pinochet's regimes sought to organize popular sectors under new social frames and not just to repress them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the mid-1960s to mid-1970s, North America and Western Europe became cemented as modern liberal democracies, increasingly emphasizing civil liberties, individualism, egalitarianism, and diversity. In the Southern Cone those same modernizing tendencies faced strong opposition from the landed elite and the military, who targeted the counterculture's young people and staged numerous coups in an attempt to turn back the clock. The propaganda of Argentina's brutal and humorless Proceso dictatorship attempted to recreate an imaginary past, a caricature of classic ideals such as el ángel del hogar and the Latin Honor Code. But its repressive machinery was countered by another "machine," a rock band headed by Charly García called La Máquina de Hacer Pájaros, who combined music, film, comics, and pop culture icons in a witty discourse that subtly contradicted that of the military government, at a time when any dissent was extremely dangerous. La Máquina, which cartoonist and García contemporary "Crist" described as "un pájaro progresivo," deconstructed the regime's authoritarian discourse, reconstructing in its place a lyrical depiction of liberal democratic ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers the powerful social impact of a seemingly innocuous 1960s mainstream Argentine cartoon strip called Mafalda. Focusing on its main protagonist, a little girl from an average Buenos Aires middleclass family, the essay outlines the significant counterhegemonic gender discourses disseminated by the popular strip, reflecting on how it captured the imagination of female fans. The analysis shows how an apparently inoffensive popular culture icon, which came to life and thrived during one of the least democratic and most repressive periods of Argentine history, managed to publicize ideas considered subversive by those in power. Ultimately, the essay questions to-date unchallenged scholarly interpretations that fail to properly consider the reception of popular-culture icons like Mafalda and presume masculinist ideologies to have been all powerful, and near inescapable, in the Argentina of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Argentina, the late 1960s and early 1970s were characterized by political tensions that negatively affected the national community. Despite the passing of two laws between 1966 and 1968 to protect national cinema through loans and exhibition quotas, Argentine filmmaking lacked quality films and was limited by censorship. In 1970, a biopic of the nineteenth-century Argentine liberator, José de San Martín, El santo de la espada, directed by Leopoldo Torre Nilsson, became a major box-office success. Film scholars, however, have seen it as propaganda, given that it received both official approval and funding during the military government of General Onganfía. Based on Andrew Higson's definition of national cinemas, my reading proposes that El santo de la espada competed exceptionally well with Hollywood blockbusters in the Argentine domestic market. Relying on reports published in the general press and trade journals and on insights from stardom studies and theory in relation to historical films, I trace the production and reception of this popular film as well as the reasons why El santo de la espada has not been properly included in Argentine film history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to analyze the ideas emerging from the medical knowledge regarding the design and implementation of public health policies in the 50's and 60's in Argentina. During the period under study, we have noticed there was a higher level of government intervention in the introduction of such policies during Peron's administration. This wider role led to the widening nature of social citizenship. After Peron's ouster (1955), the liberal-conservative ideas gave way to the interruption of the public works which had been undertaken before, and to a deep attempt to curb that stifling government interference which was thought to limit private initiative. The government played a supplementary role, and communities developed to create the necessary conditions to spur economic growth, to achieve self-financing, and to put an end to social strife which was considered an entry to Communism in the region. As the Cold war imposed strong military power and an environment of mistrust, there was an increasing belief that poverty in slums was linked to the lack of opportunities to achieve acceptable levels of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the fall of the last Argentinian dictatorship, collective memory of state terrorism has played an important role in the discussions in the public sphere. Publication of announcements reminding of those detained-disappeared by state terrorism is part of this conflict. We study this practice analyzing a special case: the announcements published in the Buenos Aires newspaper Pagina 12 between 1988 and 2013. With a corpus of 120 announcements, broaden by interviews to the participants, we analyze their discourse and performative strategies and propose hypotheses on their functions, affective, social, and political effects, and the way in which these tactics relate to other activism of memory. These announcements honor, ask information, and testify to the life of the disappeared, operating on the social trauma of state terrorism. They socialize a quest for justice and materialize a political will for a shared project of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper we analyze the emergence of political-union identities, and its search for new forms of organization, in the final period of the dictatorship called "Revolución Argentina". To do so we reconstruct the different strategies of the new peronist unionism, from 1970 until 1973, by portraying their relations with previous combative experiences, and their opposition to the national CGT led by Rucci, to the dictatorship and to Lanusse's political exit. The empirical work will be analyzed in the frame of the question about the relationship between institutions and political identities, specifically the organizations (unions and unions groupings) with the workers and popular identities, and the dispute over their representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the different notions of border developed in the book La geografía y la historia en la identidad nacional (1981), written by geographers and historians during the last dictatorship in Argentina and published by the Association for the Promotion of Territorial and Environmental Studies (OIKOS). The book was compiled by the Catholic nationalist architect Patricio Horacio Randle. On the basis of the analysis carried out, the article shows how the notions of border presented there were strongly influenced by the political context of the dictatorship and by the border issues prevailing at that particular moment. In line with the findings of other researchers, the paper concludes that these types of books sought to contribute to the process of legitimating the dictatorial regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The August 15, 1972 escaped from prison of Rawson (Argentina) twenty five political prisoners belonging to different armed organizations, six escaped by plane to Chile, while the rest had to surrender at the airport in Trelew. A week later, nineteen prisoners were shot in their cells under the pretext of attempted escape. The article covers the discursive operations of Rio Negro daily, analyzing how they covered events, the way he characterized his protagonists, the antagonisms that he presented, the equivalences and displacement of meanings and enunciative scenes built. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines theatrical activism in Argentina during the 1970s and 1980s. Particular focus is given to how art and theater produced during this time was influenced by dictatorship governments in place in the nation. Several theater professionals and their work are discussed, including Juan Carlos Uviedo and Ana Quesada. Additional topics discussed include the Buenos Aires, Argentina-based art collective Taller de Investigaciones Teatrales (TIT), Surrealist art and aesthetics, and texts relating to TIT.

The article discusses the popularity and political and social significance of the cartoon character Mafalda and the "Mafalda" comic strip and books in Argentina and Latin America between 1964 and 1973. The article states that the character was created by writer and illustrator Joaquín Lavado, also known as Quino. It discusses the popularity of "Mafalda" in Latin America, the role of the middle class in Argentine society, and "Mafalda" as a representation of the Argentine middle class.

Although it is widely acknowledged that Althusser's writings had a lasting impact in Latin America, the French philosopher's reception in the region has been underresearched. The present article investigates the impact of Althusserianism on the cultural politics of the Argentine New Left during the late 1960s and early 1970s. First, I survey the intellectual trajectory of Juan Carlos Portantiero, a New Left intellectual, scholar, and political activist whose writings left a mark on the Argentine historiography of Peronism. Second, I turn to Los Libros (1969-1976), a journal of cultural criticism run by a 1960 cohort of internationally renowned Argentine intellectuals. I analyze the group's Althusser-inspired intervention into contemporaneous debates on the meaning of Peronism and the link between aesthetics and politics. I close by registering the productive influence of Althusserianism on Argentine intellectual production after the country's transition to democracy in 1983. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the armed struggle of the left-wing organization Tupamaros National Liberation Movement (MLN-T) in Uruguay from 1962 through 1968, with a particular focus on its relationship with militant left-wing movements in the Southern Cone of South America. The MLN-T's attitude towards the Cuban Revolution of 1959, including its debates in Montevideo, Uruguay over the methodology of armed struggle Argentina and Brazil, is discussed.

The article discusses the role that the rock music culture of the Argentine youth played in Argentina's politics from 1966 through 1976, including the music festival rock nacional in Buenos Aires, Argentina on March 30, 1973. An overview of the Argentine youth's support of Peronism, including the Argentine government's policy towards the left-wing activism of young people, is provided.

Partiendo del eclecticismo de El último malón (1916) película dirigida Alcides Greca, el siguiente artículo sostiene que la repetición y las convenciones del cine de atracciones influyen sobre las presuntas características etnográficas de la cinta. A fin de demostrar dicha premisa, este artículo contextualiza la noción de los pueblos originarios en el imaginario argentino a través de un repaso panorámico de las continuadas políticas genocidas, reforzadas por la violencia epistémica y simbólica resultantes de la borradura de los aportes de los pueblos originarios a través de la reproducción ideológica, particularmente mediante el sistema educativo. La cuestión de la representación, anclada en las convenciones de las películas etnográficas y de los documentales, se apoya en fotografías de la época y fotogramas de la película. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the various mechanisms by which the religious figure of the Christian martyr became a useful notion in Argentine political discourse. It argues that the process by which the idea of the ‘martyr’ was secularised and politicised was actually initiated by religious agents themselves. The analysis considers how commemoration initiatives devised by religious agents, social movements and political actors have brought ‘Catholic martyrs’ into the pantheon of national symbols. It also deals with the various semantic shifts seen in the public discourses of religious agents themselves, shifts that extend the boundaries of an eminently religious category by associating it with other figures in a more specifically political imaginary, such as that of the hero and the victim. The article shows how the political power of the religious figure of the martyr lay in the way various actors could use it to invoke the image of a legitimate and heroic victim of political violence. It thus allowed those actors to sidestep the vexed public question of whether those being commemorated had had any involvement in armed struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

El artículo discute las posibles posiciones políticas del papa Francisco como jefe de la Iglesia católica, con énfasis en referencias sobre sus actuaciones como líder jesuita durante la dictadura militar de Argentina de 1976 a 1983. Los temas discutidos incluyen motivos de la elección de un Papa latinoamericano, antigua posición del Papa con respecto a la Teología de la Liberación y el conservadurismo doctrinal de la Iglesia.

This study looks at some of the traits that characterized Argentina's scientific and university policies under the military regime that spanned from 1976 through 1983. To this end, it delves into a rarely explored empirical observation: financial resource transfers from national universities to the National Scientific and Technological Research Council (CONICET, for its Spanish acronym) during that period. The intention is to show how, by reallocating funds geared to Science and Technology, CONICET was made to expand and decentralize to the detriment of universities. This was the primary tool used by the military regime to thwart higher education's research development, bolstering research efforts at other realms. Thus, CONICET grew in budget, number of researchers, and staff size, creating new research institutes, while national universities struggled with reduced funding and were forced to shut down their institutes and programs. As a result, CONICET virtually concentrated all scientific research, foregoing the knowledge accumulated at universities, which drove a wedge between both institutions. This military approach to science and technology policy-making is discussed, bearing in mind the notion of dependence-both in terms of the state's intervention in the inner workings of the scientific-university field as well as regarding the role played by international financial support in scientific research development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1966 to 1983, Argentina underwent a period of political radicalization as fascist regimes used terror to control its citizens and leftist guerrillas resorted to violence to spark revolution. During this politically volatile period, psychiatry transformed from an apolitical clinical specialty into an ideological tool used for both leftist resistance and military oppression. The largest psychiatric organization at the time, the Federación Argentina de Psiquiatras (FAP), became the center for a new politically committed brand of psychiatry in Argentina that united psychoanalysis and community psychiatry with Marxist theory. Though the military targeted and eventually dismantled the FAP and its leftist brand of psychoanalysis and community psychiatry, sectors of the government also paradoxically appropriated and reframed community-based psychiatric perspectives to pathologize leftist subversion and advance their own conservative ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers worker education as field of conflict in and of itself, in which various traditions, ideologies, and practices interact, collide, negotiate, and combine. From this perspective, several political and union education experiences which took place in Argentina during the 1960s are presented, focusing on those driven by the Argentinean Confederación General del Trabajo (General Worker Union). Within this context of rising political radicalization, the article analyzes how the various actors translated, appropriated, or questioned the education policy guidelines generated by Alianza para el Progreso (Alliance for Progress) and related international and regional worker organizations [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The administrations which governed Argentina during the banning of Peronism (1955-1973) were greatly affected by ideas produced by international organizations, which refer to 'modernization', 'developmentalism' and 'planning' within the context of the Cold War and the 'anti-Communist' struggle. Current research analyzes the profile of executives in the educational field during the dictatorship period began by Onganía (1966-1973) and the measures taken with regard to the 'educational reform' and the 'intermediate school'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Petroleum Pitfalls” examines the U.S. response to the 1963 Argentine oil crisis. Newly elected Argentine President Arturo Illia cancelled oil exploration and drilling contracts held by private, predominately U.S. corporations, by executive decree on 16 November 1963. Kennedy administration officials had worked with oil executives in an unsuccessful attempt to convince Illia not to issue the decree. In Argentina, the oil crisis both emerged from and enflamed economic nationalism. In the United States it helped dampen political support for foreign aid generally, and prompted strict modifications to the Hickenlooper amendment specifically. In the end, the crisis poisoned the U.S.-Argentine relationship. Foreshadowing the Mann Doctrine, Ambassador Robert McClintock advocated enhancing support for Argentine military officers whose aims were thought to align with U.S. political and economic objectives. In a larger sense, official U.S. promotion of oil interests in Argentina demonstrates significant continuities in U.S. policy between the first decades of the twentieth century and the Cold War era. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article considers the 'Trelew Massacre' of August 1972 in Chubút, Argentina, through the primary prism of Tomás Eloy Martínez's journalistic account, La pasión según Trelew, first issued in 1973 and again, in a much expanded second edition, in 2009. The substantive experience of 1972 is assessed in terms of Martínez's construction of La pasión and the events of the 'Dirty War' (known as El Proceso by its authors) opened by the coup of March 1976. Martínez's impressive work of documentary reportage is also reconsidered in comparison with that of Rodolfo Walsh and, at deeper historical remove, that of Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, as well as in the context of Hannah Arendt's notion of 'the banality of evil' and a putative national history of 'bloodletting' in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relationships between political memories (or memories of politics) and the politics of memory are theoretically explored through bibliographical surveys. Guidelines are established on the conceptual statute of the politics of memory and memories of politics. Suppositions are delineated on the manner in which aspects of the above-mentioned relationship interfere on the constitution of the places of memory. The diverse manners on the relationship between memory and history as study fields are debated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]