Search

1942195720062011Legalisation of trade unionsCreation of the Egyptian Trade Union FederationTextile workers strike in Mahalla el-KobraCreation of the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions From 1899 to 1907 the initial mobilisations of labour took place through the strikes of cigarette factory workers, most of whom were not Egyptian. The idea of the “strike” spread to Egyptian labour. Workers’ organisations were born at the beginning of the 20th century in connection with the national...

While several atlases of Ancient Egypt exist, no atlas of contemporary Egypt has yet been published. Thus, this work fills a void and offers the general public an illustrated panorama of Egypt at the beginning of the 21st century. Through the contributions of some fifty researchers, it presents in an accessible form the key facts and challenges that concern present-day Egypt in the realms of politics, economics, demographics, the environment, society and culture, and geopolitics. To this end, the Atlas relies on a wide array of previously unpublished sources, most especially maps, which help to unlock and interpret the results of the official Egyptian census of 2017, providing an up-to-date view of the country and a better understanding of Egypt today.

1942195720062011Légalisation des syndicatsCréation de la Fédération générale des syndicats égyptiensGrève des ouvriers du textile à Mahalla el-KobraCréation de la Fédération des syndicats indépendants De 1899 à 1907, les premières mobilisations ouvrières ont lieu avec la grève des ouvriers des cigarettes, en majorité non égyptiens. L’idée de « grève » se diffuse chez les travailleurs égyptiens. Les organisations ouvrières naissent au début du xxe siècle, en lien avec la lutte nationale : init...

Alors qu’il existe plusieurs atlas de l’Égypte ancienne, aucun atlas de l’Égypte contemporaine n’avait encore été publié. Cet ouvrage vient donc combler un vide, en offrant au grand public un panorama illustré de l’Égypte au début du XXIe siècle. Réunissant les contributions d’une cinquantaine de chercheur.e.s, il présente, sous une forme cartographiée et vulgarisée, les faits saillants et les enjeux de l’Égypte actuelle en matière politique, géopolitique, économique, démographique, sociale, environnementale et culturelle. Il s’appuie, à cette fin, sur des ressources documentaires inédites : les cartes notamment, qui exploitent les résultats du recensement officiel égyptien de 2017, offrent une version actualisée du territoire. Pour mieux connaître et comprendre l’Égypte d’aujourd’hui.

"The paper analyzes why Egypt's labor movement, while having played a significant role in the run-up to the 2011 revolution, has been increasingly marginalized politically ever since, failing to achieve either significant labor-specific gains and/or broader objectives related to the overall process of political transformation. It does so by investigating Egypt's movement of independent trade unions, the most dynamic element within the country's labor movement, from a comparative perspective. Specifically, the paper uses the experience of Brazil's New Unionism in the 1980s as a contrasting case, identifies the factors that have enabled and constrained what is arguably the most successful example of a New Unionist movement in the Global South, and applies this explanatory framework in an in-depth study on the trajectory of Egypt's New Unionism since 2011." (author's abstract), "Die ägyptische Arbeiterbewegung spielte eine wichtige Rolle in der Vorbereitung der Protestwelle, die Anfang 2011 zum Sturz des langjährigen Präsidenten Mubarak führte. Seitdem konnte sie allerdings weder spezifische gewerkschaftliche Forderungen noch ihre allgemeineren politischen Ziele durchsetzen. In (diesem) PRIF Working Paper untersuchen die AutorInnen die Gründe für diese Marginalisierung der ägyptischen Gewerkschaften seit 2011. Im Zentrum steht die Bewegung unabhängiger Gewerkschaften, das dynamischste Element innerhalb der ägyptischen Arbeiterbewegung. Die Autoren gehen dabei von der Erfahrung der unabhängigen Gewerkschaftsbewegung Brasiliens in den 1980er Jahren aus, identifizieren die ermöglichenden und beschränkenden Faktoren, die dieses außerordentlich erfolgreiche Beispiel eines New Unionism in einem Land des globalen Südens geprägt haben, und nutzen den so gewonnenen Analyserahmen für eine qualitative Studie des ägyptischen Falls seit 2011." (Autorenreferat)

To better understand the treatment patterns, persistence and compliance, resource use, and associated costs, of long-acting injectable antipsychotics (LAI-AP), using the Régie de l'assurance maladie du Québec database.Patients with schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder who were incident users of an LAI-AP prescribed between January 1, 2008, and March 31, 2012, were selected. Concomitant use of oral APs and treatment persistence and compliance with LAI-AP were analyzed. Patients were considered compliant if they had a medication possession ratio (MPR) of at least 0.80. Health care resource use (HCRU) and associated costs were analyzed during the year before and after LAI-AP initiation.A total of 1992 patients met the inclusion criteria. The average persistence with LAI-AP was 217.2 days (SD 144.2). The mean MPR with LAI-AP during the postinitiation year was 0.58 (SD 0.35), with 37.5% of patients being compliant. In the preinitiation year, 29.0% of patients were compliant with previous oral AP. In the pre- and postinitiation periods, 1484 and 958 patients had at least 1 hospitalization, and hospitalized days were reduced by one-half (P0.001). Cost of HCRU, including medication, was significantly decreased from $24,382 (SD $27,234) to $13,090 (SD $16,987), respectively, in the pre- and postinitiation years (P0.001).The initiation of an LAI-AP improved treatment compliance, compared with previous oral APs, resulted in significantly lower HCRU and costs. The primary drivers were the reduction in the occurrence and days of hospitalizations.

In the aftermath of the Egyptian revolution, the number of labor protests has increased sharply and added to an already dire economic situation. Undoubtedly, this escalation reflects both the culmination of the social problems in general and labor's representation crisis in particular. The organization of the labor movement via the establishment of new trade unions that are truly representative of the labor force would be the most effective solution. It would decrease the expansion of irregular workers' protests as well as help in realizing greater »social justice« - one of the main demands of the January 25 revolution and an essential component for stabilizing Egypt's transition. Moreover, the consolidation of new unions would be an important step toward the empowerment of civil society, and thus add to democratization. However, Egypt's new unions are facing several challenges that hinder their capacity to represent the workers effectively and keep them in a state of legal limbo. The lack of official recognition harms their legitimacy on the ground and they face several obstacles to the institutionalization process. Therefore, supporting the capacity-building of newly established trade unions is crucial for establishing an effective labor representation in Egypt and for supporting the Egyptian transition process