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This paper investigates modality elements in German dependent clauses. We demonstrate that although modal adverbial elements can appear freely in matrix clauses, they have a limited distribution in dependent clauses - showing up, for example, in non-factive complement clauses, but not in factive complement clauses. More generally, the modality potential comes to exist, in ways still to be explained, in what may be called 'peripheral' subordinate clauses rather than 'central' dependent clauses. To explain this distribution, we argue that for this distinction of dependent clauses phasehood should be extended beyond CP to embrace Force. From this point we continue to distinguish a proper left edge to the Force phase from a defective one with the result that the empirical status of dependent clauses is accounted for appropriately in Minimalist terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Eight new calix[4]arene host molecules bearing acridinium or the corresponding dihydroacridine substituents have been prepared. 1H NMR and electrochemical studies reveal that the acridinium substituents block the host cavity. Both photochemical and chemical switching between acridinium and dihydroacridine hosts are demonstrated. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper discusses what is called the ‘impersonal passive’ (ImpPass) with the aim of isolating the criteria under which ImpPass is distinguished from the ‘personal passive’ (PersPass). It will be argued, first, that ImpPass is a misnomer given that it can be formed only from active subjects identified by personal agents. Secondly, we shall investigate why certain languages, such as German and Latin, can form an ImpPass, whereas others such as English cannot. The main insight to be gained is that the overt formal aspectual distinguishability of perfectivity vs. imperfectivity is the main typological criterion allowing ImpPass to occur in a given language. 1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The observational point of departure in this paper is that infinitivals (in Dutch and German) have no tense. Apparent counterexamples to this claim can be shown to involve aspect/Aktionsarten rather than tense. There is consequently no reason to posit any of the functional shell structure associated with tense. Hence, the infinitival markers (zu, te) may be assumed to be in (or close to) the VP. This is in accordance with the observation that these infinitival markers are always directly adjacent to the verb, which makes them similar to the verbal participial prefix ge-. A Minimalist account of zu/te, which is similar but not identical to ge-, is proposed. The question is then raised how zu (originally a true local-allative preposition) could have become a verbal prefix, and relevant diachronic data are adduced. Finally it is shown that a functionalist, or 'cognitivist', theory of grammaticalization like Haspelmath's misses the point in a number of ways. A more formalist theory of 'grammaticalizing reanalysis' is proposed as a better alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the syntactic link between Thema and Rhema using German and Standard Indonesian languages which consider two typological classifications. Languages that establish an unambiguous link between discourse functions such as Thema and Rema and syntactic structure of the individual clause; Languages where such link a link does not exist and where the discourse functions and their systematics is based on non-systematic pragmatics; Claim that the scrambling effects in German are a direct result of encoding Topic and Focus in the Computational System.

Introduces the articles published in the XXXVII/1-2, 2003 issue of 'Folia Linguistica' concerning word order variation in West Germanic, a phenomenon also called scrambling. Formalism and functionalism; Empirical complexity of the phenomenon itself; Requirement for explanatory framework which is able to reach across different modules of grammar such as prosody, discourse and syntax; Syntactic link between Thema and Rhema; Word order and scope effects in Bangla; Free word order in minimalist syntax; Bridge contours in German assertive main clauses.

This article aims to provide a picture of Upper German as an oral variant of German. The main differences German and its history of the preterite loss display as compared to Afrikaans was elucidated. However, what remains as a possible line of research for German is the fact that the historical scenario in Afrikaans was rooted firmly in its development as a spoken means of communication.

This article aim to elucidate on what has come to be called the "Upper German decay of the preterite." Focus is given to the cause, or causes, that lead to this decay in Southern German, which took place during the 15th century only in the southern part of the German speaking area. The question of whether the preterite decay took place also in languages other than the Upper German is pursued.

Presents an introduction to the January 1, 1999 issue of the journal "Folia Linguistica."

Presents the introduction to the January 1996 special issue of the journal "Folia Linguistica."

There exists an interesting correlation between aspect realizations and typological ergativity in those languages that exhibit ‘split ergativity’: the ergative properties (morphological, sometimes and never totally, also syntactic) are displayed only in the past and the perfect tenses or perfective aspect (among which dominantly the periphrastic perfects), as opposed to the present tense where the nominative-accusative system is adhered to. In typological research, this phenomenon has been known to be restricted to what has been called ‘Type-B ergativity’, i.e. only in languages with an ergativity split (Trask 1979:388). Type-A languages of the ergative type, do not exhibit this strict correlation. The question why this should be of such overwhelming empirical evidence has not received an answer (Trask 1979:396: ‘[...] why should the perfective so often be constructed on an creative basis?’). In this article, such a link is drawn. It is claimed that the type of ‘syntactic ergativity’ (or ‘unaccusativity’) discussed in generative syntax in fact boils down to perfective predicates and constructions which are expressed in terms of object predicates (‘predicatives’ or ‘small clauses’). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contests two main claims still held in pertinent literature: that by the theory of the "double-blind," developed by Bateson; the "double-blind" theory hypothesizes the schizophrenia is caused by undue parental behavior, particularly that by the mother such that the child is confronted with an illogical attitude of his mother's that (s)he cannot solve or compensate him/herself; and, second, Navrati's claim that schizophrenic psychosis stimulates the ill person in such a way that (s)he develops creative faculties equal to that of "normal" poetic writers. The contention rests on two types of support: one by recent insight into the nature of the illness; and research psychologists making use of computer implementation of detailed linguistic and psychological parameters which are then tested empirically. Based on such insights, the nature of literary explanation of the work of schizophrenic authors such as Kafka and Herbeck is rejected.

In today's leading discussions on case and its licensing mechanics there is only one approach: the syntagmatic type of case assignment. In contrast, the present article describes patterns of paradigmatic case assignment. Paradigmatic case assignment means that two different m(orphological)-cases fill one slot licensed for the same theta role, whereas under the strategy of syntagmatic case assignment there is just one case form assigned for one theta property. By paradigmatic case, we mean that the same case-assigner/licensor may opt for more than one m-case, depending on a number of factors among which aspect, nominal reference and animacy. Illustrations will be provided from modern languages, mainly Germanic and some Slavic, as well as their older states. See the following case pair ( A cc vs. G en) from Middle High German ( c. 1100) er az daz brot. acc vn tranc dazvo. / eîns wazzers. gen daz er [...] vant'he ate (up) the bread and drank some water that he found'. While drinking up the water in the bucket is impossible (forbidding telic austrinken'out-drink'), thus justifying the partitive genitive eîns wazzers, daz brot'the (piece of) bread' expressed by the accusative denotes a bounded, telic event (permitting telic aufessen'up-eat'). The deeper reason for paradigmatic case is that the alternates encode covert differences of reference and discourse status in languages, or their diachronic states, where the respective functional equivalents (such as (in)definite articles) have not (yet) emerged or are amiss. We argue that such paradigmatic bare case doubling occurs only when the triggering force is an active and powerful aspect system as in Modern Russian and Polish as well as in early states of Germanic (Gothic, Old High German). There are different kinds of paradigmatic case assignment, among which the differential object marking/DOM) in various modern languages. They may be seen as a fossilized trace of this earlier, far more dominant, case-encoding strategy. In the present discussion we focus on what we label ' one theta role two bare case forms' (OTTC). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thermally reversible photochromic spiro-acridans have been synthesized for the first time. They exhibit high ring opening efficiencies. As the formed zwitterions do not possess a merocyanine structure their lifetime is in the range of milliseconds to seconds. An observed side reaction can be avoided by suitable substitution of hydrogen atoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Novel thermally-reversible photochromic spiro-acridans are prepared and their photoactivity is reported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]