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While in the so-called Global North private education is mostly associated with elite-type schools requiring tuition fees, whereas government schools are free, the private schools’ sector in many countries of the ‘Global South’ has experienced the expansion of a new type of private schools besides also existing denominational or elite schools: low-fee (or low-cost) private schools, often profit-oriented. These schools are provided by private enterprises – individuals or companies, including some large transnational school chains – on the financial basis of collecting rather low amounts of fees so as to attract pupils from low or lower middle-income backgrounds. Often claiming to fill a gap because of lacking governmental provisions as well as answering local demands, these schools have in the last decade come under heavy attack from a wide range of state and especially non-state organizations ranging from local to national, continental and international levels, who object such schools because they counter the very principles of national education systems which are to provide basic education for all for free, at a good quality and with equal access, if not by, then surely under the auspices of the government. Have such protest and critique which have become a major focus of concerted actions of national and international CSOs (Civil Society Organizations) been successful? The answer in the following article is: Yes, since some recent developments indicate that education has regained its logic principles. (DIPF/Orig.), Während im sogenannten Globalen Norden Privatschulen meist mit gebührenpflichtigen Eliteschulen in Verbindung gebracht werden und staatliche Schulen kostenlos sind, hat sich in vielen Ländern des Globalen Südens neben den bestehenden konfessionellen oder Eliteschulen ein neuer Typus von Privatschulen entwickelt: Niedrigpreis- (oder Low-Cost-)Privatschulen, die häufig gewinnorientiert sind. Diese Schulen werden von Privatunternehmen – Einzelpersonen oder Firmen, einschließlich einiger großer transnationaler Schulketten – auf finanzieller Grundlage der Erhebung relativ niedriger Gebühren angeboten, um Schüler/-innen aus niedrigen oder unteren Einkommensschichten anzuziehen. Diese Schulen, die den lokalen Bedürfnissen entsprechen und oft vorgeben, eine Lücke zu füllen, weil es an staatlichen Angeboten mangelt, sind in den letzten zehn Jahren unter heftigen Beschuss einer Vielzahl staatlicher und vor allem nichtstaatlicher Organisationen geraten. Diese sprechen sich auf lokaler, nationaler, kontinentaler und internationaler Ebene gegen solche Schulen aus, weil sie den Grundsätzen der nationalen Bildungssysteme zuwiderlaufen. Diese Grundsätze bestehen darin, allen Menschen eine kostenlose, qualitative Grundausbildung mit gleichem Zugang für jeden zu bieten: wenn nicht durch die, so doch wenigstens unter der Schirmherrschaft der Regierung. (DIPF/Orig.)

Tertium comparationis 26 (2020) 2, S. 187-202, Global Citizenship Education (GCE) from an allegedly bottom-up approach - as presented in the vignettes in this issue - is viewed in this commentary through the lens of what these texts tell researchers about the transmission of (G)CE at the bottom, i.e. in the classroom, which is at the core of the German language tradition of Didaktik. My comments strive to show, firstly, that GCE by necessity comes 'under construction' as a result of any curriculum planning and didactics, including the co-constructive agency of teacher and students. While this may sound rather trivial (even though seldom empirically researched), it is suggested in this context that the 'didactics discourse' spans various global and local levels; it is enacted over different macro-, meso- and micro-steps each containing some relative autonomy, starting from the top world level to the bottom of each singular classroom. Secondly, it is posited that the (auto-)ethnographic vignettes not only contain the anticipated observations and narratives of GCE practices at the bottom, but also include what I have termed 'upward reasoning from bottom to top'. There are numerous traces of such upward reasoning in the vignettes, some of which will be highlighted as illustrations. They show how each individual and very specific classroom teaching is connected to many intentions before, above and beyond the mere practice. It is this which makes the vignettes attractive for further research and at the same time relevant for teacher education. (DIPF/Orig.)

Was passiert, wenn Schulbildung bei nationalen Katastrophen oder in Zeiten extremer Notfälle durch Krieg oder massive Konflikte zusammenbricht? Die Antwort darauf wird als „humanitäre Bildungshilfe“ konzipiert und als eine ganz spezifische Variante des ausländischen Bildungstransfers über nationale Grenzen hinweg verstanden. Zunächst werden die deutsche und englische Terminologie reflektiert: „Notfallpädagogik“ und „Katastrophenpädagogik“ im Vergleich zu „emergency education“ und „disaster education“. Der Artikel skizziert sodann die Stellung und Relevanz von Bildung im internationalen System der humanitären Hilfe und zeigt auf Entwicklungen, die eindeutig einen erhöhten öffentlichen und politischen Druck belegen, Bildung neben Nahrung, Wohnen und medizinischer Hilfe als konstituierenden „vierten Pfeiler“ der humanitären Hilfe anzuerkennen. Zum Schluss wird „School-in-a-Box“, ein von UNICEF seit 1994 in Ruanda weltweit eingesetztes, besonderes Instrument der humanitären Bildungshilfe vorgestellt. (DIPF/Orig.), What happens when schooling breaks down during national disasters or in extreme emergencies caused by war or massive conflicts? The answer is epitomized as “humanitarian education aid” and conceived of as a specific variety of educational transfers across national borders. First, the German “Notfallpädagogik” and “Katastrophenpädagogik” will be discussed in comparison to the internationally applied English terms “emergency education” and “disaster education”. The article will then highlight the relevance of education in the international humanitarian aid system, which has clearly increased not least due to the launch of a special education cluster in the United Nations humanitarian aid system in 2007. This will be followed by sketching the “school-in-a-box” kit developed around 1994 in Rwanda and distributed around the world by the United Nations Children’s Fund, UNICEF. (DIPF/Orig.)

Tertium comparationis 25 (2019) 1, S. 71-81, Im Essay werden das Leben und das Werk von Immanuel Wallerstein (1930-2019) in groben Zügen skizziert. Seine Leistungen als Begründer der Weltsystem-Analyse werden im Überblick gewürdigt und in Relation gesetzt zu einigen Grundfragen international vergleichenden erziehungswissenschaftlichen Denkens und Forschens. Auch wenn 'Bildung' nicht im Zentrum des Wallersteinschen Theoriegebäudes steht, können einige der von ihm entwickelten Theoreme gewinnbringend auf historisch-vergleichende erziehungswissenschaftliche Fragestellungen angewendet werden, die sich auf weltgesellschaftliche Entwicklungen beziehen. (Autorin), In this essay the life and oeuvre of Immanuel Wallerstein (1930-2019) are sketched in a broad perspective. His achievements as the founder of the World systems Analysis are highlighted with a special focus on their relation to some basic questions of international comparative education thinking and research practice. Even though 'education' is not at the centre of Wallerstein's theoretical thinking, several of his theorems may be applied to historical-comparative education perspectives that focus world societal developments. (Author)

The following article is directed to summarise different types of cooperation between Germany and African institutions in respect of higher education (HE), especially focusing on the main German organisations operating as (co-)financed by state budgets. Suggesting the relevance of HE for African middle classes the position of African universities in international rankings are discussed. The author then suggests reflecting the specific traits and differences between 'Aid', 'Exchange', 'Cultural Diplomacy' and 'Trade' in education transfers across borders before presenting German government-backed institutions and their programmes towards HE in Africa according to these types of what is mostly called 'cooperation' or 'partnerships'. The article closes with some conclusions and the contextualisation of German HE policies into the broader scene of the HE transfer. (DIPF/Orig.), Im folgenden Aufsatz wird die Zusammenarbeit Deutschlands mit afrikanischen Ländern im Hochschulbereich, mit Blick auf die wichtigsten deutschen staatlichen oder wesentlich mit staatlichen Mitteln agierenden Organisationen, thematisiert. Vor dem Hintergrund der gewachsenen Bedeutung von Hochschulbildung für die afrikanischen Mittelklassen werden internationale Rankings hinsichtlich der Position afrikanischer Universitäten ausgewertet. Im weiteren Fortgang wird zunächst vorgeschlagen, sich der Spezifika und Unterschiede verschiedener Typen grenzüberschreitender Bildungstransfers gewahr zu werden, namentlich, Hilfe', Austausch', Kulturelle Diplomatie' und, Handel'. Anschließend werden die wichtigen deutschen Akteure und ihre Programme, die meist unter Etiketten wie, Zusammenarbeit' oder, Partnerschaft' firmieren, anhand dieser Typen vorgestellt und eingeordnet. In den abschließenden Folgerungen wird die deutsche Hochschulkooperation in größere Zusammenhänge des hochschulischen Bildungstransfers eingeordnet. (DIPF/Orig.)

Bildungspolitik und Bildungsarbeit über nationale Grenzen hinweg und grenzüberschreitende Einflüsse und Entwicklungen im Bildungswesen sind seit Langem unter Stichworten wie Bildungsexport, internationale Bildungsarbeit oder internationale Bildungspolitik bekannt. In der Vergleichenden Erziehungswissenschaft rangieren sie unter dem Label borrowing & lending und werden mit Bezug auf sogenannte policy cycles diskutiert. Spätestens seit der weltweiten Verbreitung international vergleichender Leistungsstudien wie PISA werden entsprechende Phänomene zunehmend auch im deutschen Sprachraum, inzwischen häufig unter dem Oberbegriff internationaler Bildungstransfer, abgehandelt. Der vorliegende Aufsatz zielt darauf ab, das Label internationaler Bildungstransfer als übergeordnete Klassifikation einer Vielfalt unterschiedlicher Landesgrenzen überschreitender Bildungswirklichkeiten zu umreißen und plädiert zugleich für eine inhaltlich begründete Differenzierung der damit anvisierten Gegenstandsbereiche erziehungswissenschaftlicher Forschung. Letzteres geschieht durch die Typisierung der Auswärtigen Kultur- und Bildungspolitik als einer der Außenpolitik nahestehenden und deswegen, im Namen der Diplomatie' operierenden Variante des internationalen Bildungstransfers, wie dies am Beispiel der Deutschen Auslandsschulen und des Goethe-Instituts aufgezeigt werden kann. (DIPF/Orig.), Education policy and education across national borders, as well as cross-border influences and developments in education systems, have long been discussed under headings such as education export, international education and international education policy. In comparative education they fall under the label borrowing & lending and are discussed with reference to so-called policy cycles. Increasingly, with the global expansion of international large-scale assessments such as PISA, these phenomena are widely discussed in the German speaking scientific community, mostly by applying the umbrella term international educational transfer. The following article aims to use the term international educational transfer as a classification for a variety of educational realities that span national borders; at the same time, it also intends to substantially differentiate between the envisioned objects of education research. This is achieved by characterising the field of foreign cultural and education policy as a distinct variant of international educational transfer, which operates close to foreign policy and therefore in the 'name of diplomacy' for a nation. This is demonstrated using the examples of German schools abroad and the Goethe-Institutes. (DIPF/Orig.)

Aus dem Inhalt: I. Hans-Günther Homfeld/Heinrich Volkers: Arbeit und Freizeit in der Schule S. 4 II. Annette Krüger: Lernort Studio - Eine Verbindung zwischen Schule und Freizeit? S. 23 III. Christel Adick: Freizeitorientierungen von Oberstufenschülern S. 35 IV. Sabine Büttner: Die Freizeit des Schülers in der Provinz S. 56 V. Erweitertes Bildungsangebot an Hauptschulen in NW S. 65

Die Autorin richtet den Blick einerseits auf unterschiedliche Ansätze zur Vergleichsmethodik in der IVE und zeigt ihre Anschlussfähigkeit an die empirische Bildungs- und Sozialforschung. Andererseits wird die Zunahme der praktischen Bedeutsamkeit der IVE diskutiert. Mit Bezug auf Prozesse weltweiter Migration und Internationalisierung, die in der Praxis (z.B. interkulturelle Erziehung, globales Lernen), der (internationalen) Bildungspolitik sowie in grenzüberschreitenden Bildungstransfers relevant werden, erörtert die Autorin die zunehmende praktische Relevanz vergleichenden Wissens, wie sie beispielsweise im Bologna-Prozess und der Forderung nach berufspraktischer Relevanz ihren Ausdruck findet. Der Beitrag diskutiert zentrale Fragen, sowohl in epistemologischer wie auch in disziplinpolitischer Sicht, hinsichtlich der Potenziale der Internationalen und Vergleichenden Erziehungswissenschaft zwischen Traditionen und aktuellen Herausforderungen. (DIPF/Orig.), Comparative Education (CE) applies a methodologically controlled comparison of education and training in different countries and cultures and reflects their practical significance for educational practice and policy. The article focuses on the one hand on the ever more elaborate methodology of comparison, as illustrated by comparative research designs and large-scale empirical statistical analyses (such as PISA or IGLU/PIRLS; Global Monitoring Reports of UNESCO; theory-oriented educational research in the world polity approach à la J.W. Meyer et al.). Thus, CE is compatible with methodological standards in the general empirical research of the Social and Educational Sciences. On the other hand, the practical relevance of CE has also increased: global migration and internationalization processes are influencing fields of educational practice (e.g. intercultural or global education) as well as international educational policy and also cross-border educational transfers. Reforms in Higher Education such as the Bologna process foster new study programmes including practical professional references (e.g. by declaring 'intercultural competence' as a key skill of the 21st century). In this perspective, CE is confronted with the specific task of training future teachers and other pedagogical personnel for international and intercultural fields of action within schools and/or in various extracurricular professional areas. All these trends may be interpreted as adding to the potential of CE as an academic discipline in Higher Education. In this perspective the following article aims at promoting the renaissance of CE in Germany by especially focusing contributions from among the German speaking academia.(DIPF/Orig.)

In diesem Beitrag geht es um neue Perspektiven auf Bildungsräume, wie sie durch transnationale Bildungsorganisationen geschaffen werden. Zunächst stellt die Autorin in ihrem Beitrag diese neue Dimensionierung des Raumes vor, indem sie eine Systematisierung internationaler und transnationaler Organisationen liefert. So wird eine Kennzeichnung und damit Abgrenzung der neuen Dimensionen möglich. Durch die Einordnung der neuen "Global Players" in governance-theoretische Diskussionen wird insbesondere die Frage der Zusammenhänge neuer Räume mit Machtstrukturen deutlich. Der Beitrag ist grundlegend systematisch, liefert aber auch Beispiele, mit denen die Tragweite der theoretischen Betrachtung eindrücklich wird. (DIPF/Orig.), Global Players in education have been discussed in respect to international governmental organizations (IGOs) such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) as well as to international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), e.g. OXFAM (Oxford Committee for Famine Relief) as a lead agency in global campaigns for education. Research on transnationalism and education, however, is much less developed and sometimes suffers from a lack of distinguishing between what is international and what is transnational. So far research has mainly focused on phenomena of Transnational Education (TNE) in various fields of Higher Education, and less so on transnational actors in schools, tutoring, vocational or other sectors of education. In the following article it is suggested that transnational educational organizations might bear a challenge to national education systems as well as to international educational policy making in IGOs. They are therefore discussed with reference to an emerging 'global governance architecture' in education, in which different interests of national, international and transnational actors may be identified. For this matter the author will first define the concepts of educational spaces and transnational educational organizations, also distinguishing them from international ones. The article then proceeds to give an overview of transnational organizations and their educational operations under various profit and nonprofit arrangements, including some, which might be identified as 'global players'. In the next step the main ideas of "global governance" are introduced and related to educational policy making. The possible influences which transnational educational organizations might have will be discussed. The article concludes that, in general terms, transnational educational organizations hitherto seem to be less powerful than international, and the latter less powerful than national. This picture must, however, be differentiated, when applied to different sectors of education. It is suggested, that "compulsory education" is and will be less affected by transnational actors than sectors outside and around this "core" of national education systems, e.g. tutorial systems, language schools, continuing education, adult education. The case of higher education, however, remains highly debatable: In countries which already witness a high degree of privately run colleges and universities and/or other post-secondary institutions, transnational actors might come in and pose a challenge to national educational policy. (DIPF/Orig.)

ZEP : Zeitschrift für internationale Bildungsforschung und Entwicklungspädagogik 34 (2011) 2, S. 17-23, Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird als Beispiel für eine internationale Hochschulkooperation das von der Europäischen Union (EU) finanzierte Master of Arts Programme (MAP) in „Educational Research and Development”, einen internationalen erziehungswissenschaftlichen Masterstudiengang in Afghanistan, vorgestellt. Ferner werden einige der Erfahrungen im Hinblick auf Umsetzung und Ertrag dieses Programms reflektiert. Das Projekt erstreckte sich insgesamt über einen Zeitraum von mehr als vier Jahren, gerechnet von der Antragstellung (Herbst 2006) bis zum Endbericht an die EU (April 2011); die Finanzierung durch die EU erfolgte von 2008 bis 2011. (DIPF/Orig.), This article introduces the Master of Arts Programme (MAP) “Educational Research and Development” in Afghanista, an educational Master degree programme fi nanced by the European Union (EU) as an example of international cooperation in Higher Education and reflects some of the experiences in terms of its realisation and results. The project covers a period of more than four years altogether – from the application to the EU (autumn 2006) till the final report to EU (April 2011); the financing of the project ran from 2008 till 2011. (DIPF/Orig.)

The following essay wants to remind international researchers of the 1st of June, 1911 - the date at which questionnaires for each and every educational institution in all the German colonies around the world had to be completed by the relevant governmental or missionary authorities responsible for them. The numerous questions touched upon quantitative and qualitative data such as enrolment data, numbers and status of teachers, school compound and classrooms, school attendance, curricula and syllabus, learning achievements, teachers' attitudes towards the abilities and motivation of the 'native' children and youths and other variables. This large data collection was conducted under the auspices of the Hamburgisches Kolonialinstitut, the founding stock of today's University of Hamburg. It aimed at covering all institutions of elementary, further and practical learning in the German colonial empire. More than 2,200 questionnaires were returned to Hamburg, where they were analysed by Martin Schlunk, Inspector of the Norddeutsche Mission in Bremen, who also published the findings in 1914. Even though this kind of educational research did not "measure" attainments in the form of validated tests, its scope and aims come near to recent large scale data collections and surveys like e.g. the Global Monitoring Reports of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) in that it tried to achieve a total coverage and include a broad scope of educational variables in order to "measure" the status and achievements of education in the German colonies. It is therefore called a "large scale education survey" in this essay. Although follow-up studies to the 1911 research had actually been envisaged, they never took place, because the German colonial era ended in the First World War. Hundred years later, scholars of Comparative Education may nevertheless benefit from the detailed information and numerical data which were collected in the 1911 research as well as critically examining their interpretations in the published reports. (DIPF/Orig.)

The following essay wants to remind international researchers of the 1st of June, 1911 - the date at which questionnaires for each and every educational institution in all the German colonies around the world had to be completed by the relevant governmental or missionary authorities responsible for them. The numerous questions touched upon quantitative and qualitative data such as enrolment data, numbers and status of teachers, school compound and classrooms, school attendance, curricula and syllabus, learning achievements, teachers' attitudes towards the abilities and motivation of the 'native' children and youths and other variables. This large data collection was conducted under the auspices of the Hamburgisches Kolonialinstitut, the founding stock of today's University of Hamburg. It aimed at covering all institutions of elementary, further and practical learning in the German colonial empire. More than 2,200 questionnaires were returned to Hamburg, where they were analysed by Martin Schlunk, Inspector of the Norddeutsche Mission in Bremen, who also published the findings in 1914. Even though this kind of educational research did not "measure" attainments in the form of validated tests, its scope and aims come near to recent large scale data collections and surveys like e.g. the Global Monitoring Reports of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) in that it tried to achieve a total coverage and include a broad scope of educational variables in order to "measure" the status and achievements of education in the German colonies. It is therefore called a "large scale education survey" in this essay. Although follow-up studies to the 1911 research had actually been envisaged, they never took place, because the German colonial era ended in the First World War. Hundred years later, scholars of Comparative Education may nevertheless benefit from the detailed information and numerical data which were collected in the 1911 research as well as critically examining their interpretations in the published reports. (DIPF/Orig.), Vielen wird das erste deutsche large scale survey nicht bekannt sein, in dem rund um die Welt deutsche Kolonien befragt wurden. Die Autorin erinnert in ihrem Beitrag an diese nun 100 Jahre zurückliegende Untersuchung und deren überraschenden state of the art. (DIPF/Orig.)