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27 p. -- Bibliogr.: p. 26-27 [ES] El objetivo de este TFG es investigar la representación y recepción de Agripina la Menor a través de las diferentes tradiciones del cómic: la estadounidense, la franco-belga y la japonesa. Estas representaciones se analizan a través de la lente de los estudios de recepción de la cultura clásica grecoromana, y su intersección con los estudios sobre el cómic y la narratología. Planteamos este objetivo analizando, por un lado, el papel de la mujer en el I d.C. y su representación en las fuentes clásicas y, por el otro, su recepción en el cine, TV y, más en concreto, a través de los diferentes formatos del cómic. Es interesante poner el foco en el cómic ya que se presupone que los autores que se ocupan de los temas clásicos ofrecen reinterpretaciones, dentro de la ficción histórica, que mantienen un fuerte grado de fidelidad a sus fuentes. [EN] The aim of this paper is to investigate the representation and reception of Agrippina the Younger through different comic traditions: American, Franco-Belgian and Japanese. These representations are analyzed through the lens of the Classical Reception Studies, and their intersection with comic studies and narratology. We set this goal by analyzing, on the one hand, the role of women in the 1st century AD and their representation in classical sources and ,on the other hand, their reception in film, TV and more specifically through the different traditions and formats of comic. It is interesting to put the focus on the comic there, because it is supposed that the modern authors who deal with classical themes offer reinterpretations, within historical fiction, with a high degree of fidelity to their sources.

À la fin de l’année 48 apr. J.-C., l’empereur Claude résolut d’épouser sa nièce Agrippine. Ce mariage transgressait cependant les normes traditionnelles de l’inceste à Rome. Pour ne pas être considéré comme un tyran assouvissant ses caprices sans aucune retenue au risque de mettre en péril la cité, Claude manœuvra de façon à ce que ce mariage parût résulter de la volonté unanime du Sénat et du Peuple, et obtint le vote d’un décret autorisant une telle union. Claude se conformait ainsi au modèle du ciuilis princeps respectueux des normes et institutions traditionnelles, ce qui lui permit de faire reconnaître par tous sa prééminence au sein de la res publica et donc de légitimer son pouvoir. En effet, les mariages incestueux comme celui-là étaient caractéristiques des dynasties royales étrangères qu’ils contribuaient à distinguer du reste des populations. Claude obtenait donc d’être reconnu lui aussi comme un monarque extra-ordinaire, au-dessus des autres citoyens. At the end of the year 48 A.D., the emperor Claudius decided to marry his niece Agrippina. However, this marriage broke Roman traditional norms about incest. To not be considered as a tyrant satisfying his whims without any restraint and at the risk of endangering the city, Claudius maneuvered so that this marriage seemed to result from the unanimous will of the Senate and the People, and he obtained the vote of a decree authorizing such a union. Claudius thus conformed to the model of the ciuilis princeps respectful of traditional norms and institutions, which allowed him to have his pre-eminence within the res publica recognized by all, and so to legitimate his power. Indeed, such incestuous marriages were typical of foreign royal dynasties, which they helped to distinguish from the populations. Claudius thus got to be recognized himself as an extra-ordinary monarch, far above other citizens.

At the end of the year 48 A.D., the emperor Claudius decided to marry his niece Agrippina. However, this marriage broke Roman traditional norms about incest. To not be considered as a tyrant satisfying his whims without any restraint and at the risk of endangering the city, Claudius maneuvered so that this marriage seemed to result from the unanimous will of the Senate and the People, and he obtained the vote of a decree authorizing such a union. Claudius thus conformed to the model of the ciuilis princeps respectful of traditional norms and institutions, which allowed him to have his pre-eminence within the res publica recognized by all, and so to legitimate his power. Indeed, such incestuous marriages were typical of foreign royal dynasties, which they helped to distinguish from the populations. Claudius thus got to be recognized himself as an extra-ordinary monarch, far above other citizens.; À la fin de l’année 48 apr. J.-C., l’empereur Claude résolut d’épouser sa nièce Agrippine. Ce mariage transgressait cependant les normes traditionnelles de l’inceste à Rome. Pour ne pas être considéré comme un tyran assouvissant ses caprices sans aucune retenue au risque de mettre en péril la cité, Claude manœuvra de façon à ce que ce mariage parût résulter de la volonté unanime du Sénat et du Peuple, et obtint le vote d’un décret autorisant une telle union. Claude se conformait ainsi au modèle du ciuilis princeps respectueux des normes et institutions traditionnelles, ce qui lui permit de faire reconnaître par tous sa prééminence au sein de la res publica et donc de légitimer son pouvoir. En effet, les mariages incestueux comme celui-là étaient caractéristiques des dynasties royales étrangères qu’ils contribuaient à distinguer du reste des populations. Claude obtenait donc d’être reconnu lui aussi comme un monarque extra-ordinaire, au-dessus des autres citoyens.

By examining material and literary sources related to the most notable points of Nero’s reception, we can understand how formerly benign aspects of the Neronian narrative contributed to his characterization as a “bad emperor.” Scholars have long questioned the myth of Nero as a villain. A balanced reading of the primary sources that describe his reign, such as Tacitus, Suetonius, and Cassius Dio, instead reveals a mediocre emperor unequipped to manage the complicated political situation he inherited. More recently, analyses of the material and literary evidence produced by Nero and his regime have highlighted the logic behind actions once considered symptoms of his madness. The Flavians and later ancient writers manipulated aspects of Neronian narrative to exaggerate the scope of his perceived crimes against the Roman people.I assess the immediate reception of literature, coinage, and architecture of Nero’s reign to demonstrate how later sources influenced impressions of Nero’s actions and policies. I have chosen five of the most notable people or events from his life: Seneca, Agrippina, the Domus Aurea, the Greek Tour, and Nero’s death. I analyze Seneca and Agrippina through the lens of the Octavia, a play so far little considered in studies of Nero’s reception. As one of the first reactions to Nero’s Principate, it offers us a valuable impression of how the narrative of his early reign, embodied by Seneca’s monograph De Clementia and coinage featuring Agrippina, was refitted to suit the myth of Nero as a villain. Next, I focus on Nero’s innovations in public representation. The Domus Aurea represents a revolutionary new approach to Imperial architecture and the use of space within the city of Rome. The Greek Tour was an effort on Nero’s part to consolidate Rome’s interests in the Near East. Certain aspects of both the palace and the tour, however, are magnified to personify Nero as a megalomaniacal and delusional figure. These negative interpretations converge in the narrative of Nero’s death, in which he is characterized as foolish and cowardly. In retrospect, Nero’s official imagery becomes damning in the context of a narrative created by his successors.

This thesis provides a commentary on chapters 15–25 (inclusive) of Tacitus Annales 13 which form part of Tacitus’ annalistic narrative of the years AD 55 and 56, narrating the murder of Britannicus and its aftermath, Junia Silana’s conspiracy against Agrippina, Pallas’ and Burrus’ alleged plot against Nero, measures taken to quell unrest in theatres, and the suicide of Julius Montanus. The commentary is on a similar scale to those of Malloch (2013) on Annales 11 and Woodman (2018) on Annales 4 which are published in the Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries series (often termed the ‘orange’ series), with the eventual aim being (time and finances permitting) to publish a commentary on the entirety (58 chapters) of Annales 13; I have already written commentary sections on chapters 1–14, 26–30, 42–43 and 49 (which due to space constraints I have been unable to include in my doctoral thesis) with a publishable commentary on the entire work in mind. As required by the genre, the bulk of the commentary consists of detailed notes on specific lemmata, outlining points of linguistic, literary, historical and textual interest (including parallel passages, allusions and evaluations of conjectural emendations where necessary) in a given lemma. While it is not possible to include a complete critical text of Annales 13 with a critical apparatus within the constraints of the 80,000-word doctoral thesis, I have collated the primary manuscript in which Annales 13 is preserved (the eleventh-century Laurentianus plut. 68.2, known to Tacitean scholars as the ‘Second Medicean’ or M and available to consult online) from afresh for the entirety of Annales 13 and have established a text of my own which can be observed in the lemmata; I have clearly indicated in my textual notes where my text differs from either the primary manuscript or the most recent critical edition (the Teubner of Wellesley [Leipzig 1986]) and have explained my reasons for deviating from these. I have also consulted those codices recentiores which have been digitised by the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana and the Vatican Library; as their archetype survives, these are useful only as sources of conjectures. My notes on lemmata are preceded by four introductory sections (as would be found in a published commentary) which set out broader interpretative themes in Annales 13, namely the government of the Neronian principate, Tacitus’ depiction of women and gender roles, Tacitus’ language and style, and the manuscript tradition of Annales 11–16; I will produce in due course an introductory section on the structure of the annalistic narrative of Annales 13, which will be a useful counterpart to the planned commentary on the whole book. It is hoped that, while a complete commentary on Annales 13 is not possible within the constraints of a doctoral thesis, a balance between detailed textual analysis and consideration of broader literary and historical themes can be achieved. All dates subsequently given in the work are AD unless otherwise indicated. Abbreviations of classical authors and texts follow the conventions of the most recent volume of the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Berlin 2017); other abbreviations will be explained in the key., Internal Graduate Studentship, Trinity College, Cambridge

Denne oppgaven tar for seg organiseringen av arv innenfor det Julio-Claudiske dynastiet. Gjennom en rekke tiltak, stiger statusen til kvinnene i keiserfamilien til de høyder at den siste keiseren, Nero, like ofte ble hedret gjennom sin mors herkomst som sin fars. Augustus hadde selv ingen mannlige biologiske avkom, og på grunn av dette måtte alle som kom etter spore sin tilknytning til han gjennom kvinner. Dette er langt fra den typen status og omdømme en kvinne før keisertiden kunne kreve, med unntak av én spesifikk gruppe kvinner. Vestalinnene, prestinnene som tilber og vokter Vesta og hennes flamme, har alltid holdt en unik posisjon i det romerske samfunn på grunnlag av flammen de voktet. Denne flammen ble sett på som essensiell for Romerrikets overlevelse og velstand. Gjennom direkte og indirekte tilknytning til vestalinnene, og gjennom andre metoder, ser vi at disse kvinnene i seg selv overlevde i romernes minne som legitime kanaler for makt.

This article discusses the death of the Roman emperor Claudius, which occurred at the ides of October 54 A. D. The testimonies of ancient authors about this episode are being analyzed, the conclusions of contemporary scholars based on those written records are being presented and probably, the most interesting part of this research rests in the displaying and discussing of the opinions and approaches of medical specialists, to which this case is also of interest., Acest articol aduce în discuție moartea împăratului roman Claudius, petrecută la idele lui octombrie 54 d. Hr. Sunt analizate mărturiile autorilor antici cu privire la acest episod, sunt prezentate și concluziile la care cercetătorii contemporani ajung după ce supun aceste scrieri antice la diverse grile de cercetare și, în cele din urmă, poate că cea mai interesantă parte a acestui studiu constă în prezentarea și discutarea opiniilor și a abordărilor medicilor specialiști care se apleacă și ei asupra decesului împăratului Claudius., Șteflea Corina-Ruxandra. Moartea unui împărat roman: despre cazul lui Claudius / The death of a Roman Emperor: The case of Claudius. In: Hiperboreea. Journal of History, vol. 1, N°1, 2014. pp. 28-46.

What’s in a name ? Or rather, what’s in a no-name ? Such is one of the enigmas raised by Shakespeare’s play, Cymbeline, in which the queen is never named. As a consequence of this we do not know who she is ; we do not know her lineage, her nationality or her ethnic origins. She has no individual identity and instead plays a number of stereotypical roles ; that of wicked queen, wicked step-mother, ambitious mother and scheming witch. However, to this we can add that Cymbeline’s queen may have been inspired by one of a number of historical figures from British and Roman history. These include Boudica, Cartimandua, Livia and Agrippina.Furthermore, placing Shakespeare’s play within the historical context of the Jacobean court, Cymbeline’s queen plays the foil onto which the political debate to unite England, Wales and Scotland into Great Britain can be projected. She represents the political opposition to James’s project and as such she is seen as the enemy, the outsider to Britain, the ‘Italian’ within, and the foreign savage whose education under the civilising influence of the Roman coloniser has clearly been a failure. What is more, with no name she has no place in history and shows the nation’s future path to historical anonymity if its island members do not accept the ‘progress’ and empire promised by union., Que recouvre un nom ? Ou plutôt que représente l’absence de nom ? Telle est une des énigmes mises en lumière par la pièce de Shakespeare, Cymbeline, dans laquelle la reine n’est jamais nommée. Nous ne savons donc pas qui elle est ; nous ne connaissons pas son lignage, sa nationalité ni ses origines ethniques. Elle n’a aucune identité individuelle, et, à la place, joue une variété de rôles stéréotypés : reine ou méchante belle-mère, mère ambitieuse ou sorcière intrigante. Cependant, on peut supposer que dans Cymbeline le rôle de la reine s’inspire d’un certain nombre de personnages tirés de l’histoire britannique et romaine : Boudica, Cartimandua, Livia et Agrippine.En outre, en replaçant la pièce de Shakespeare dans le contexte historique de la cour jacobéenne, la reine de Cymbeline fait ressortir le débat politique sur l’unification de l’Angleterre, du pays de Galles et de l’Écosse pour constituer la Grande Bretagne. Elle représente l’opposition politique au projet de James I et, en tant que telle, elle est perçue comme l’ennemie, l’étrangère, « l’Italienne » et la sauvage pour laquelle l’influence civilisatrice du colonisateur romain a été clairement un échec. De plus, en l’absence de nom, elle n’a pas de place dans l’histoire, montrant ainsi la voie vers l’anonymat historique de la nation si les membres de son île n’acceptent pas le « progrès » promis par l’union.

À la fin du texte, le sénat rend grâce à chacun des membres de la domus Augusta. L'étude de l'ordre de cette liste, des motivations données, des qualificatifs attribués à chacun permet de caractériser la représentation qu'on veut donner de cette domus et de mieux comprendre le début du conflit entre Tibère et la veuve et les enfants de Germanicus, et le rôle de Livie. Al final del texto, el Senado da gracias a todos los miembros de la domus Augusta. El estudio del orden de esta lista, los datos de las motivaciones, los calificativos asignados a cada uno permiten caracterizar la representación que quieren dar a esta domus y comprender mejor el inicio del conflicto entre Tiberio y la viuda y los niños de Germánico, y el papel de Livia. At the end of the text, the Senate gives thanks to all the members of the domus Augusta. The study of the order of this list, the information of the motivations, the epithets assigned to each one allow to characterize the representation that they want to give to this domus and to understand better the beginning of the conflict between Tiberius and the widow and the children of Germanic, and Livia's paper.

The main objectives of this diploma thesis are to describe and analyze character of the Roman Emperor Nero, the last member of Iulo-Claudian dynasty, in the historical film, which was made as a part of a series about Roman history. The first part deals with history of the Roman Empire since Gaius Octavius`s arrival to Rome in 44 BC till death of the Emperor Claudius in 55 AD. The second part gives a description of the character Emperor Nero of the Roman Empire. It is believed that it was he who had the whole city of Rome burnt. Other parts of this thesis show analysis of the film Nero, císař římský. Imperium: Nerone (TV film) 2004. It is a comparison of his character from literary to theatrical sources. The last part describes a didactic use of the film. There is a presentation of a model lesson that was created and taught in practice by the author herself. Key words Agrippina History classes Film Historical film Film Imperium: Nerone The Iulo-Claudian dynasty Nero Principate

En este texto se analizan los ejemplos de Livia y Agripina la menor, cuyas biografías pueden mostrar cómo las mujeres se sirvieron del rol materno para intervenir en asuntos públicos. Sus vidas son relevantes porque emergen en un momento de profundos cambios en la Roma antigua, como fue la época de Augusto, quien estableció un poder dinástico en la sociedad romana. Por primera vez, en la historia occidental emergen atractivos y poderosos personajes femeninos que se implican en la gestión de los asuntos públicos y lo hacen desde su posición de madres. Sus actuaciones no dejaron de provocar ciertos recelos y temor, ya que su intromisión en espacios tradicionalmente masculinos suponía una inversión de roles, que podía poner en peligro el modelo social, claramente defensor de la primacía de los varones. En este ambiente han de comprenderse las imágenes del poder femenino que representaron, entre otras mujeres de su tiempo, Livia y Agripina; una influencia que se percibía como peligrosa, y que ha nutrido representaciones de las mujeres poderosas hasta etapas bien recientes. This paper analyzes the cases of Livia and Agrippina the Younger, whose biographies can show how women took advantage of their maternal role in order to intervene in political issues. Their lives are relevant because they lived in a period of deep changes in Ancient Rome; in particular, the time of Augustus, who established a dynastic power in Roman society. For the first time in Western history, there stood out powerful and attractive female figures that became involved in the management of public issues, and they did so from their position as mothers. Their behavior provoked fear and distrust, as their intrusion on spaces that had been traditionally deemed as masculine implied a case of role-reversal that could endanger the social model, clearly designed in defense of male superiority. In this environment, Livia and Agrippina, among other women of their period, offered the image of female power, an influence that was perceived as being dangerous, but that has also been used in representations of powerful women till recent times

The funerary relief with portraits of a family, placed in Mantua about 1660-70 and perhaps acquired in Venice by the Duke Carlo II Gonzaga Nevers, is a work by a clever sculptor of Este but influenced by the Altino's art. Dating in Tiberius 's late kingdom. L'edicola funeraria a ritratti, portata a Mantova intorno al 1660-70 e forse acquistata a Venezia dal duca Carlo I Gonzaga Nevers, appare opera atestina influenzata dall'arte altinate databile alla tarda età tiberiana.