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Various claims are attributed to Abū Ḥanīfa regarding the createdness of the QurḤān (khalk al-QurḤān). Some sources claim that he was the first person to put forward this idea, and that he was about to have this idea when he died. Some other sources, on the other hand, state that he never defended this idea and even suggested that it should not be discussed on this issue. While some works attributed to him do not contain any of his views on this subject, some other works attributed to him contain ideas that he distinguished between the meaning and pronunciation and recitation. Another striking point is that there is no reference to Abū Ḥanīfa on this subject in the Hanafī-Māturīdī works written in later periods expressing their views on this theological issue. Thus, while one group among various sectarian formations accused Abū Ḥanīfa of this view and marginalized him, other Hanafī and Sunnī groups, who evaluated him in line with Ahl al-Sunnah wa'l-Jamāah, tried to purify him from this view. In this study, we aim to analyze the views attributed to Abū Ḥanīfa on the issue of the createdness of the QurḤān from an impartial perspective. Our research, based on the methods of the discipline of the History of Islamic Sects, is based on an approach that evaluates ideas in terms of their relationship to historical context and events, with a perspective that takes into account the development of the idea of khalq al-QurḤān in the historical process from the time it was put proposed; it was also carried out by taking into account the socio-cultural and sectarian affiliations of the individuals. The fact that the idea of khalq al-QurḤān was adopted by some Hanafī people during the MiḤna period must have been effective in attributing this idea to him. In this respect, it can be said that the attribution of conflicting narratives to Abū Ḥanīfa regarding this idea largely reflects a retrospective construction activity. Neither the Hanbalī circles, who accuse those who make a distinction between meaning and pronunciation of the QurḤān by "Lafziyyah" and condemn them as "Jahmī"; nor other figures from the AḤḤāb al-Ḥadīth who adopted this distinction, such as Bukhārī and Ibn Qutayba, said anything about this distinction by Abū Ḥanīfa. This fact leads us to doubt of the claim that this distinction was made by Abū Ḥanīfa. In general, the main point that makes the contradictory claims presented in our article meaningful is that it depicts the struggle between the groups that exclude Abū Ḥanīfa within the Ahl al-Sunnah and those who defend him. On the other hand, mostly Iraqi Hanafīs, who were interested in kalām and were close to the MuḤtazilah, were influential in attributing this idea to Abū Ḥanīfa; on the other hand, the Hanafīs of Māwerāunehr, who displayed an attitude closer to the Ahl al-Hadīth, stood out with their opposition to attributing this idea to him due to their anti-MuḤtazilah attitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the wrongdoings that the Holy Quran has explicitly declared as sins and wrongdoings, one of them is the immorality of Q'wo'f (sodomy). In this article, in addition to examining the history of the evil act of sodomy and the destructive social and moral onsequences of the movement promoted by homosexuals in the present day, it has been concluded that sodomy, in addition to being a sin in terms of Islamic Sharia'h (law), is the cause ofa great human and social crisis. This artide also highlights the Sharia status of the act of sodomy and concludes that there is a difference in the jurisprudential opinions of Shiites and Sunnis regarding the punisliment of sodomy. Shiites believe that this act is forbidden, rather they consider it a punishable crime and have defined a Hadd (a definite punishment) for it; while Sunnis have issued a fatwa of Ta'zir (an indefinite punishment) for this act. In addition, this article has also onducted a research study on the involvement or non-involvement of some such personalities in the evil act of sodomy who are considered to have religious status and religious identity. In this part of the artide, it has been concluded that the establishment of false assodations by some ignorant people of the evil act of sodomy on the part of some religious figures or the declaration of some such personalities as followers of a religion or sect of which they were not followers is in itself an act that is intellectually incorrect, morally despicable and legally considered a crime. Therefore, in the affirmation or denial of any religion or sect, establishing false, baseless and false associations towards the followers of that religion and resorting to slander is in itself a cowardice, moral lowliness, academic dishonesty and evidence that the plaintiff is wrong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lutfi Pasha made his evaluations of the basic principles and principles of religion based on existing sects. He divided the sects that emerged from the early period into two classes, namely true and false, and emphasized that the true sect was the Sunni and the others were false, and displayed a strict attitude and behavior on this issue. So much so that he could not even tolerate the Asharites having different views from the Maturidis. Lutfi Pasha's strict mystical and fiqh perspective has also been a determining factor in evaluating sects. Lutfi Pasha, who was a firm adherent of the Sunnah, endeavored to determine the scope and limits of this understanding in accordance with the Quran and Sunnah, following the Maturidi tradition. He harshly criticized all actual behavior and thoughts outside the circle of Sunni, and did not evaluate all formations with these beliefs and understandings within the Islamic belief and thought system, and described them as superstitious formations. In this study, Lutfi Pasha's sect definitions and classifications will be evaluated within the framework of the ideas and opinions put forward in his work titled Hayat-i Abadi. When the classification made by Lutfi Pasha was analysed, it was seen that it was within the framework of the Hanafi-Māturīdī theology. Lutfi Pasha made his classification based on the hadith of 73 factions. In his classification, he assumed that each of the 6 major sects had 12 secondary sects. Lastly, he pointed to the Ahl al-Sunnah as the fırka-i nâjiye. In Lutfi Pasha's works, the actions, thoughts and attitudes to be adopted in order to enter the circle of Ahl al-Sunnah are widely covered. The positions and systems of thought of the sects that Lutfi Pasha labelled as Ahl albid'at were also examined in his works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study, which examines the conceptual framework of the universal rules in Ahl alSunnah and Shīʿa fiqh, is the first review on the subject. This article aims to outline the differences between the principles that are considered as universal principles in both schools of thought. However, it is even possible to study each principle independently. In this context, it has been tried to show to what extent the characteristics of the universal principles determined by Ahl al-Sunnah are taken into consideration in Shīʿa jurisprudence. In addition, an effort has been made to determine in general terms what are the prominent issues in the universal rules in Shīʿa jurisprudence. As a result of the research, it has been determined that there are many differences between Shīʿa and Ahl al-Sunnah jurisprudence in the context of universal principles, which are accepted as logical propositions, as well as in the tradition of belief. The fact that universal rules are a sub-discipline of fiqh and methodological differences can be found in fur ūʿ al-fiqh (substantive fiqh). As a matter of fact, the four Sunni sects have dealt with these principles within their own systematics and ruled accordingly. On the other hand, there are dozens of universal principles on which the four Sunnite sects agree. However, it is understood that Shīʿa interprets the universal principles differently with ideological constructs and exhibits a very different approach from Ahl al-Sunnah. Due to the vastness of the subject, the study is centered on the work of Durūs fi al-qawāʿid al-fiqhiyya, which was compiled by Shi’ite scholars in the recent period. In the context of the aforementioned work, other Shīʿa qawāʿid al-qulliyyah have been frequently referred to. The characteristics of the Shia regarding the universal principles are discussed under six main headings in the article. It is clear that Shīʿa ignores the hadith and fiqh sources of Ahl al-Sunnah regarding universal rules. The theory of innocent imams, which is seen as an integral part of Shīʿa theology, is also extensively used in universal rules. In addition, the attitude towards the companions, which is one of the sharp differences between Ahl al-Sunnah and Shīʿa, is far from being objective in Shīʿa and they exhibit an ideological approach towards the Companions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tasavvur: Tekirdag Theology Journal / Tekirdag Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Namik Kemal University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Shams al-Dīn al-Damaghānī, who is thought to have lived in Iraq in the 7th/13th century, generally categorized the sects of his time in his work al-Jawhara al-khālisa, within the framework of his own understanding and what he had observed. He stated that he was uncomfortable with the sect members' excommunicating each other (takfīr) without any standards and that he wrote the text in question in response to this. In this article, firstly, his life, his works, sources of information, and the path he followed in classifying the sects that emerged among Muslims are discussed in general. Then his criticisms of Ahl al-Sunnah sects and his approach to Ahl al-Sunnah are explained and briefly evaluated. In terms of methodology, we have tried to reflect his ideas in a descriptive way within the framework of the methods of the science of history by focusing on the text of al-Jawhara alkhālisa, which is the only available work of al-Damaghānī. Document analysis and examining and interpreting the collected data through content analysis are also among the methods used. Since he directed criticisms toward Ahl al-Sunnah, the main sources of this sect were sometimes used in order to clarify his ideas. As a result, it is understood that al-Damaghānī, who criticized the excessive attitudes and accusations of the members of the sects towards each other in his own time, was himself under the influence of the tradition in regards to how he approached to Ahl al-Sunnah and could not avoid what he complained about. Our study is based on al-Damaghānī's own work and is written within the framework of the principles of research and publication ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kuzey Afrika Kelâmı Muhammed b. Yûsuf es-Senûsî’nin Kelâm Anlayışı adlı bu eserde Yazar, es-Senûsî’nin şahsında Kuzey Afrika’nın siyasi, sosyal, dinî, tarihî ve kültürel yapısına dikkat çekmiştir. Yazar, eserinde Eş‘ârîliğin bu coğrafyaya girişi ve yerleşmesi serüvenini anlatmıştır. O, es-Senûsî’nin gerek yazdığı eserleriyle ve gerekse yetiştirdiği talebeleri aracılığıyla yaşadığı döneme damgasını vurduğunu ve bölgede Eş‘ârîliğin yerleşmesinde ikinci derecede söz sahibi olduğunu ifade etmiştir. Kelâm ilminin konularını ulûhiyyet ve nübüvvet olarak ikiye irca eden es-Senûsî’nin, tasavvufî yönünün de olması nedeniyle, sistemini “akâidî kelâm” üzerine kurduğuna ve bu vesile ile halk üzerinde büyük etki sahibi olduğuna dikkat çeker. es-Senûsî’nin, Kelâm sisteminde akıl-nakil ilişkisinde akla büyük önem vermekle beraber, ‘Kitap, Sünnet ve Selefin icmâı’ diyerek nakli de esas aldığı görülür. Onun amacı, “doğru bir itikad yayarak halkı ıslah etmek ve onları taklitten kurtarmak” şeklinde özetlenebilir.

Copyright of Journal of College of Sharia & Islamic Studies is the property of Qatar University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the book, Kuzey Afrika Kelâmı: Muhammed b. Yûsuf es-Senûsî'nin Kelâm Anlayışı (North African Kalām: Muhammad b. Yūsuf al-Sanūsī's Understanding of Kalām), the author drew attention to the political, social, religious, historical, and cultural structure of North Africa through the works of al-Sanūsī. In the book, the author explains the emergence and development of Ashʻarism in this region. He argues that al-Sanūsī left his mark on that period both with the works he wrote and the students he trained. Thus, according to the author, al-Sanūsī has a significant role in the settlement of Ashʿarism in the region. He emphasizes that al-Sanūsī, who divides the subjects of Kalām into two as divinity and prophecy, bases his system on "the creeds of kalām" due to his mystical inclination and, therefore, greatly influences the people. Al-Sanūsī gives great importance to the intellect in the relationship between the intellect and transmission, which is one of the classical debates in Kalām. At the same time, he stresses the importance of transmission as a source of knowledge in religion by repeating the phrase "the Book, the Sunnah and the consensus of the Salaf." His aim can be summarized as "to reform the people by spreading a true belief and to save them from imitation.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The differences of opinion and political conflicts that emerged among Muslims after the death of the Prophet, which started primarily on the issue of imāmah and included different issues in the historical process, brought with it theological separation and sectarianism. With the emergence of theological factions and sects, a large-scale competitive environment emerged among Muslims. The factions and sects that emerged as a result of these divergences have constantly occupied the agenda of Islamic society in terms of the methods they follow and the main sources they use in order to be closer to religion. Since the first period, the efforts of political factions to link their intellectual activities with religion have been considered as a natural situation. Each political movement searched for religious sources and endeavoured to find evidence from the Qur'an and Sunnah to legitimise their positions. The concepts of Ahl al-Ra'y and Ahl al-Hadīth, which started to be used from the Sahāba period and developed and systematised in the following periods, are two basic concepts that cause divisions among Muslims. Both concepts have been used since the early periods of Islam until today. However, the followers of Ahl al-Ra'y, also known as the Iraqi Kufa school, who resorted to rational jurisprudence and qiyas in matters that did not have a definite ruling in the Qur'an and Sunnah, were constantly subjected to criticism from the followers of Ahl al- Hadīth, who defended the idea that all religious rulings were present in the letter of the texts. Abū Hanīfa, who is regarded as the greatest representative of Ahl al-Ra'y, has been at the centre of these criticisms due to the fact that he resorted to rā'i and qiyas on the one hand, and on the other hand because he was seen as a member of the Murji’ah. Ibn Hazm, who was the most important representative of the Zāhirī understanding in his time, was on the side of Ahl al-Hadīth in terms of thought. In line with the Zāhirī understanding he represented, he criticised both Abu Hanīfa and other opponents who did not think like him in a harsh manner. The two-century period starting from the beginning of the second century of Hijri and continuing until the beginning of the fourth century is a period in which mujtahid imams were trained, their own methods of ijtihad were developed and the science of fiqh was edited. The jurisprudential divergence that emerged as "Medina-Kūfa” schools or "Hejazites-Iraqites" began to be known as Ahl al-Ra'y and Ahl al-Hadīth from the second Hijri century onwards, and this schooling continued throughout history. Almost all of the sects and factions that emerged in the history of Islamic thought are based on either Ahl al-Ra'y or Ahl al-Hadith in terms of religious thought. The Zāhirist, traditionalist, modernist, Salafist communities and intellectual currents that have emerged today, as in the past, are also consciously or unconsciously fed by these two mentalities. When the works of the scholars representing the Zāhirī understanding of the theory of faith reached the present day and were published, they had a significant impact on the traditionalist, radical and Salafist movements that propagated the return to the Sunnah, especially in the Arab world. Thus, many Muslims have been evaluated based on their deeds and political preferences and have been subjected to takfir. So much so that a kind of Khārijite fanaticism began to re-emerge among Muslims. When the sects and factions that emerged in the history of Islamic thought are re-evaluated in terms of Ahl al-Ra'y and Ahl al-Hadith and how these two understandings are reflected in them is determined, it would be understood how important these two basic approaches are in understanding Islam and that these two thought structures have veins extending to all sects and factions. The understanding of the faith of Muslim groups directly affects the perspectives of Muslims towards each other and others and the worldviews of religious groups since the early years of Islam, as in the past and today. For this reason, a good understanding of these two mindsets and a correct presentation of the theories of faith would contribute to the understanding and comprehension of the tragic situation in which Muslims find themselves and to put forward new solutions. Therefore, it is thought that it is important to analyse Ibn Hazm's thought structure and the understanding he opposed in order to comprehend the differences of opinion and the causes of conflict between Muslims in the past and today. For this reason, our study focuses on Ibn Hazm's view of "Ahl al-Ra'y" and its reflections on the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

İslam düşünce tarihinin kırılma noktalarından birini teşkil eden problemlerden birisi de devlet başkanlığıdır. Müslümanlar, bu konuda yalnızca teorik ihtilafa düşmemiş, fiilî mücadelelere de girmişlerdir. Bu anlaşmazlık, etkisini günümüze kadar devam ettirmiş ve Müslümanların hem dini hem de dünyevi görüşlerini şekillendirmiştir. Hz. Muhammed’in rolünü üstlenecek ve Müslümanların dini ve dünyevi işlerini tanzim edecek adayın kimliği tartışması, teorik ve pratik alanda kendisini gösteren tarihsel çekişmelere sahne olmuştur. Siyasi tezleri meşrulaştırmak amacıyla ileri sürülen dini referanslar söz konusu tezlerin kurumsallaşmasına neden olmuş ve temelde siyasi karakterli hadiseler din ile ilişkilendirilmiştir. İslam mezhepleri arasında özellikle Şîa, devlet başkanlığı problemine varoluşsal bir anlam yüklemiş, bütün dini ve dünyevi görüşlerini bu eksende şekillendirmiştir. Devlet başkanlığı problemini neredeyse bir iman esası olarak benimseyen Şîa, devlet başkanlarına peygamberliğe yakın bir mertebe tahsis etmiştir. Zeydiyye, siyaset konusunda Şîa’nın Ehl-i Sünnet’e en yakın kolu olarak dikkat çekmektedir. Onlar, devlet başkanının özellikleri, Hz. Ali haricindeki devlet başkanları ve sahâbe hakkında daha ılımlı düşünmektedir. Ehl-i Sünnet, devlet başkanlığını esasen fıkhî-siyasî bir konu olarak değerlendirmektedir. Devlet başkanlığını bir iman problemi olarak gören ve bu problemi sistemleştiren Şîa’ya itiraz etmek amacıyla bile olsa bu tartışmayı inanç alanına taşımak siyaset düşüncesinde Şîa’nın Ehl-i Sünnet üzerindeki ilk etkilerini göstermektedir. Şîa, Hz. Ali’nin devlet başkanlığını savunmak ve diğerlerinin meşruiyetini sorgulamak amacıyla meseleyi inanç alanına taşımış, çeşitli dini metinlere referansla Hz. Ali’nin Allah katında daha üstün, dolayısıyla da devlet başkanlığına daha layık zât olduğunu kanıtlamak istemiştir. Şîa, siyasi tezlerini güçlü bir şekilde kanıtlamak ve mutlak otorite kurmak amacıyla meseleyi dogmatik bir tarzda incelemiştir. Bu yöntemin kaçınılmaz bir sonucu olarak devlet başkanlığı kurumu ilahi yetkilerle donatılmıştır. Devlet başkanlarının nas ile tayin edilmesi ve ismet sıfatına sahip olması tezleri bu yaklaşımın en somut yansımalarıdır. Ehl-i Sünnet, Hz. Ali'nin üstünlüğünü savunan Şîa’ya karşı Hz. Ebubekir’in üstünlüğünü savunarak meşruiyetini temellendirmeye çalışmıştır. Bu yaklaşım, Şîa’ya kendi yöntemiyle etkili cevap verme misyonunu deruhte ettiği kadar yöntemsel etkileşimi de gözler önüne sermektedir. Siyaset tasavvurunu incelediğimiz Şemseddin es-Semerkandî, Hanefî-Mâtürîdî kelam geleneğine mensup bir Ehl-i Sünnet âlimidir. O, siyasi görüşleri ve üslubundan dolayı kimileri tarafından Şiî olarak da nitelendirilmiştir. Semerkandî’nin siyaset tasavvurunu onun genel kelam felsefesi bağlamında inceleyerek mezhepsel aidiyeti ve siyasi duruşu hakkında daha net bilgi sahibi olabiliriz. O, diğer meselelerde olduğu gibi siyaset konusunda da tahkik yöntemini benimsemiş, Ehl-i Sünnet ana caddesine bağlı kalmakla beraber kendi özgün üslup ve görüşlerini ortaya koymuştur.

The differences of opinion among Muslims after the death of the Prophet (pbuh) deepened over time, and as a result, political and theological sects and factions emerged. Each of the sects and factions formed as a result of these differences of opinion differed from the others with the ideas they put forward on certain issues. Some scholars within a sect also distinguished themselves from other scholars due to their contributions to the sect they belonged to, their systematisation of the sect's ideas, the works they wrote, and their dissemination among Muslims. Hakīm al-Samarqandī also played an important role in the development and systematisation of the belief of Ahl al- Sunnah and the Hanafī-Māturīdī understanding with his scholarly works, especially his work al-Sawādu al-a'zam. The fourth century of Hijri, the period in which al-Hakīm al- Samarqandī lived, was a century in which Islamic sciences matured, systematised and institutionalised. In this century, very valuable studies were carried out in almost all Islamic sciences and very valuable works were written. At the same time, this period is also a very important period especially in terms of the theological sects. This is because the founders of the Ash'ariyya and Māturīdiyya sects, Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ash'arī (d. 324/935-36) and Abū Mansūr al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944), lived in this century and established the two major theological sects of the Ahl al-Sunnah school in this century. Hakīm al-Samarqandī (d. 342/953), a contemporary of Imam al-Ash'arī and Imam al-Māturīdī, was an important Ahl al-Sunnah scholar who was commissioned by the Emir of Sāmānī to write a work in order to prevent the spread of bid'ah and superstition, to gather Muslims around a sound creed, and to eliminate deviant ideas by spreading the belief of Ahl al-Sunnah. The Sāmānids, who ruled in Māverānayn and Khorasan in the third and fourth centuries of the Hegira, between 819 and 1005 AD, were an Islamic dynasty. The Samanid emirs made significant contributions to the spread of Islam and the development of Islamic sciences in the lands they ruled, and they also fought against non-Muslims. Samarqandī's work, known as al-Sawād al-a'zam, which he wrote in order to give a general description of the belief of Ahl al-Sunnah, is a very valuable work that pioneered the formation of the Māturīdī school of thought as well as being a Hanafī faith. This work, which Samarqandī presented to the Samanid emir, was accepted as an official catechism during the Samanid period and was taught in madrasas. The Khārijīs, who emerged first among the Islamic sects, have been the focus of debates throughout history, both because of their opposition to Prophet 'Ali and because of their understanding of faith, accusing those who commit major sins and even other Muslims who do not think like them of disbelief. Considering the period in which al-Samarqandī lived, it is understood that this work was compiled in order to determine the framework of Hanafism against some other religious movements, especially Mu'tazila, Khārijiyya and Shī'a, which are considered as bid'ah and outside the line of Ahl al-Sunnah. This work of al-Hakīm al-Samarqandī, which influenced the life of science and thought of the Islamic society, also contributed significantly to the development and spread of Hanafī-Māturīdī thought. In this study, we will try to reveal al-Hakīm al-Samarqandī's criticisms of the Khārijīs on the axis of al-Sawādu al-a'zam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Research / İslâmi Araştırmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkey Economical & Cultural Solidarity (TEK-DAV) Foundation and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tasavvur: Tekirdag Theology Journal / Tekirdag Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Namik Kemal University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the problems regarding one of the breaking points in the history of Islamic thought is the presidency. Muslims did not only fall into a theoretical conflict on this issue, but unfortunately, they also engaged in actual battles. The disagreement among Muslims has retained its influence to the present day and has shaped both the religious and worldly views of Muslims. The debate on the identity of the candidate who will assume the role of Muhammad and organize the religious and worldly affairs of Muslims has set the scene of historical conflicts that manifest themselves in the theoretical and practical fields. The religious references made in order to legitimize the political theses caused the said theses to be institutionalized, and matters basically of a political character were associated with religion. Among the Islamic sects, especially Shia, attributed an existential meaning to the problem of the presidency and shaped all their religious and worldly views on this axis. The Shia, who considered the presidency almost a basis of faith, assigned a rank close to prophethood to the heads of state. Zaydiyya stands out as the closest branch of the Shia to the Ahl al-Sunnah in terms of politics. They think more moderately about the characteristics of the head of state, heads of state other than Ali, and the Companions. Ahl as-Sunnah considers the presidency essentially as a juristically -political issue. Bringing this discussion into the field of belief, even with the aim of objecting to Shia, who sees the presidency as a problem of faith and systematizes this problem, shows the first effects of Shia on Sunni political thought. In order to defend Ali's presidency and to question the legitimacy of others, Shia brought the issue into the field of belief, and sought to prove that Ali was superior in the sight of Allah, and therefore, more worthy of the presidency, by referring to various religious texts. Shia examined the issue in a dogmatic way in order to prove his political theses strongly and establish absolute authority. As an inevitable consequence of this method, the institution of the presidency is endowed with divine powers. The theses that the heads of state are appointed with religious references and have the quality of ismah (infallibility) are the most concrete reflections of this approach. Ahl as-Sunnah tried to justify Abu Bakr's legitimacy by defending his superiority against Shia, who defended Ali's superiority. This approach reveals the methodical interaction as well as taking on the mission of responding to Shia effectively in its own way. Shamsaddin as-Samarqandī, whose political imagination we have examined, is a Sunni scholar belonging to the Hanafi - Maturidite kalam tradition. Due to his political views and style, he is also described as a Shiite by some. By examining Samarqandī's concept of politics in the context of his ideas on the general philosophy of theology, we can have clearer information about his sectarian belonging and political stance. He adopted the analytical method in politics, as in other issues, and revealed his own unique style and views, while adhering to the main vein of Ahl as-Sunnah. He adopted the analytical method in politics, as in other issues, and revealed his own unique style and views, while adhering to the main street of Ahl al-Sunnah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nisar: Journal of Religious Studies / Dini Tetkikler Dergisi is the property of NISAR and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the exegesis of verse 49 of the chapter of al-Ankabut, “Indeed, it is [present as] manifest signs in the breasts of those who have been given knowledge…,” there are ambiguities regarding the phrases “it is [present as] manifest signs” and “those who have been given knowledge” and considering who or what the pronoun it/he refers to, the meaning of “manifest signs” and, more importantly, the designation of the referent of “those who have been given knowledge” would change. This study delves into the exegetic views of the Sunnis and Shiites in the first five Hegira centuries using a descriptive-analytic method. The views of the Sunnis and Shiites regarding the referent of the phrase “those who have been given knowledge” are as follows: the followers of the Divine Scriptures (i.e. Christians, Jews, Sabians, and Magi) and their scholars, followers of the Divine Scriptures who have become Muslims, believers, scholars, the Prophet of Islam (peace be upon him and his household) and the Infallible Imams. Among these, the Imams have identified only themselves as the referents of the verse. In critiquing the views, firstly, in determining the reference of the pronoun “huwa” (he/it) between the Prophet and the Quran, it was clear that the pronoun refers to the Quran and, as a result, some of the aforementioned instances lose the qualification of being a referent for the phrase “those who have been given knowledge” and the specificity of this phrase to the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him and his household) and the Infallible Imams it becomes clear after explaining the meaning of the phrase “manifest signs” and this has been indicated in some Shiite exegetic narrations.

One of the most challenging issues in Islamic jurisprudence is the issue of killing an apostate. According to this doctrine, a Muslim who leaves Islam will be killed. Regarding the details of this punishment, there is a great difference between Islamic sects. Salafists, a sect of Ahl-o-Hadith, Ahl-o-Sunnah following the thoughts of Ibn Taymiyyah Harrani, are one of the living and influential sects in the Islamic world that their specific and narrow-minded view of the apostate has left harmful consequences in the Islamic world. In the belief of this sect, anyone who becomes an apostate; If he does not repent within three days; is killed the main motivation of the Salafists in killing the apostate is the narration of “Man Baddal Dinah Faqtulouh”. This hadith has been reported in different ways in reliable Sunni sources. If the authenticity of the above hadith is challenged; The basis of the Salafists in killing the apostate will change. The present research evaluates this hadith with an analytical-documentary method. In the end, it comes to this conclusion; that this hadith does not have the conditions of protest for killing the apostate. Because, first, it is considered as a khabar wahid. Secondly, there is interruption, refinement, and anxiety in its chain. Thirdly, the content of the hadith is in conflict with the verses, narrations, practical life of the Prophet, jurisprudence rules, and other authorities. One of the sub-goals of the research is correct explanation and answer to doubts; Based on that, Imam Ali killed some apostates by burning them in a harsh and strict manner and contrary to the Prophet’s order. Research proves this point; that such a report from Imam Ali (a.s.) is unreliable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Tahkik Journal of Critical Editions of Islamic Manuscripts is the property of Hacveyiszade Foundation for Science & Culture and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the exegesis of verse 49 of the chapter of al-Ankabut, “Indeed, it is [present as] manifest signs in the breasts of those who have been given knowledge…,” there are ambiguities regarding the phrases “it is [present as] manifest signs” and “those who have been given knowledge” and considering who or what the pronoun it/he refers to, the meaning of “manifest signs” and, more importantly, the designation of the referent of “those who have been given knowledge” would change. This study delves into the exegetic views of the Sunnis and Shiites in the first five Hegira centuries using a descriptive-analytic method. The views of the Sunnis and Shiites regarding the referent of the phrase “those who have been given knowledge” are as follows: the followers of the Divine Scriptures (i.e. Christians, Jews, Sabians, and Magi) and their scholars, followers of the Divine Scriptures who have become Muslims, believers, scholars, the Prophet of Islam (peace be upon him and his household) and the Infallible Imams. Among these, the Imams have identified only themselves as the referents of the verse. In critiquing the views, firstly, in determining the reference of the pronoun “huwa” (he/it) between the Prophet and the Quran, it was clear that the pronoun refers to the Quran and, as a result, some of the aforementioned instances lose the qualification of being a referent for the phrase “those who have been given knowledge” and the specificity of this phrase to the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him and his household) and the Infallible Imams it becomes clear after explaining the meaning of the phrase “manifest signs” and this has been indicated in some Shiite exegetic narrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of History / Habaršy Tarihi Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Research / İslâmi Araştırmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkey Economical & Cultural Solidarity (TEK-DAV) Foundation and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Intense tafsīr activities have been carried out from past to present and thousands of books have been copyrighted for better understanding of al-Qurʾān al-Karīm. Works in the type of tafsīr history have been written in order to introduce how the science of tafsīr started, the phases it has gone through until today, the main topics of tafsir science and the studies done in this field. We meet two important figures who have written works in the field of tafsīr history in the contemporary period: Muḥammad Ḥusain al-Dhahabī (d. 1987), who is a member of the Ahl al-Sunnah sect, and Muḥammad Hādī Maʿrifet (d. 2006), who is a member of the Shīʿa sect. Al-Dhahabī wrote a work called al-Tafsı̄r wa al-mufassirūn in which he explained the history of tafsīr, tafsīrs and mufassirs. Maʿrifet, who examined this work of al-Dhahabī, concluded that he acted with sectarian bigotry and did not properly explain the Shia mufassirs and their tafsīr. As a result of this, Maʿrifet wrote a separate work called al-Tafsı̄r wa almufassirūn fı̄ s̱evbih al-ḳaşîb, which describes tafsīrs, mufassirs and the history of tafsīr in order to correct and complete al-Dhahabī's work. In this study, we will try to show how different the views of two contemporary authors from different sects on the same subject/book/person they deal with in their books. We will examine the information and comments conveyed by the authors and interpret the data we have obtained as a result of our examinations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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تشكلت عقيدة الشيعة في الحقبة المختلطة بسبب التأثيرات الداخلية والخارجية وبنت نظريتها على عقيدة الإمامة التي أصبحت عمدة مذهبها، وبذلك ذهب الشيعة الإمامية إلى أن المهدي المنتظر هو الإمام الثاني عشر محمد بن الحسن العسكري المغيب معتقدا بعصمة أئمتهم قائلا بأن العصمة قد استمرت بعد رسول الله بإمام معصوم ألهمه الله رشده في الأمور الدينية والدنيوية. وادعى بأن بعض أهل السنة اعترف بغيبة الإمام الثاني عشر في كتبهم مستدلا بما ورد في بعض الكتب السنية، واصطفي منها ما يوافق عقائدهم بصرف النظر عن قيمته العلمية والمراد منه. وعلى ذلك يهدف البحث إلى دراسة الأخبار والروايات التي وردت عند بعض علماء أهل السنة المتعلقة بغيبة محمد بن الحسن عند الشيعة الإمامية الذي تلقته الشيعة بأنه مهدي منتظر، واستدل الشيعة الإمامية بها على اعتراف أهل السنة بولادة الإمام الثاني عشر ذاهبا إلى الاستدلال على صحة عقيدتهم الإمامية. وتكمن أهمية البحث في إزالته لهذا الادعاء، وتوضيح أسباب ورود هذه الأخبار والروايات في كتب أهل السنة والجماعة، وبذلك اتبع البحث على المنهجين الاستقرائي وتحليل النصوص.

Müslümanlar arasında ilk halifenin seçimi meselesiyle başlayan siyasî tartışmalar, zamanla itikadî alana kadar ulaşmış ve çeşitli mezhepleri doğurmuştur. Şiî-Sünni ayrışmasının ana sebebi imamet problemidir. Şîa ve Ehl-i Sünnet arasında Hz. Osman’ın şehid edilmesi ve Hz. Ali’nin hilafete geçmesi sonrasında yaşanan Cemel ve Sıffin vakaları ile bu vakalarda etkin rol oynayan şahıslar üzerinde ciddi tartışmalar yaşanmış ve yaşanmaya devam etmektedir. Cemel vakasının en önemli figürlerinden birisi Hz. Âişe’dir. Şiî ve Sünni geleneğin güçlü temsilcilerinden İbn Mutahhar el-Hillî ve İbn Teymiyye arasında yaşanan mezhepsel münakaşalarda Hz. Âişe de söz konusu olmuştur. Çalışmamızda her iki âlimin Hz. Âişe ile ilgili görüşlerine yer verilecektir. Onların bu konudaki görüşlerinin incelenmesi mezhepsel yönelimlerin, önemli tarihi şahsiyetler hakkındaki tarihsel verilerin anlaşılması ve yorumlanmasını nasıl olumsuz yönde etkilediğini göstermesi bakımından önemlidir.

Cuma namazı Müslümanların haftada bir defa olmak üzere Cuma günleri sadece camilerde ve cemaat halinde kılabildikleri farz bir namazdır. Bu namaz İslâm dünyasında Müslümanlarca önemsenmekle ve büyük cemaatler halinde kılınmakla beraber hakkında yanlış bir inanış da bulunmaktadır. Buna göre üç kere üst üste Cuma namazına gitmemesi kişiyi münafık yapmakta veya onu dinden çıkarmaktadır. Dolayısıyla iki hafta gidilmese bile üçüncü hafta mutlaka gidilmeli ve söz konusu duruma düşmekten kurtulmalıdır. Esasen üç kere Cuma namazına gitmemenin bu olumsuz sonucu ile ilgili sahih rivayetler mevcuttur. Ancak bu rivayetlerin, Cuma namazının önemini gösterdikleri açık olduğu gibi onu hafife almanın bir gerekçesi olarak sunulamayacakları da izaha muhtaç değildir. Yine Ehl-i sünnet inancının genel ilkeleri açısından da bu rivayetlerin yanlış anlaşıldığı görülmektedir. Buna göre namazın veya herhangi bir farzın terki, bireyin Müslümanlığının kalitesini ve değerini düşürmekle beraber onu dinin dışına çıkarmamaktadır.

It is stated in the narrations that Mahdī, who is declared to come in the endo of times, will bring peace to humanity and establish the broken justice. Thus, the Mahdī expectation was effective in the first centuries of the Hijrī when political and sectarian events were intense. The ancestry of this savior, who is reported to be the descendant of Prophet Muhammed (Pbuh), appears to be in conflict with the sects. The lineage of the absent (ghâib) 12th Imam Muhammed b. Hasan, who is believed to be a Mahdī in the Shiite creed, is based on Husayn. However, the nattations in the Shiite sources that Mahdī will be a descendant of Hasan causes an intra-sectarian problem. In addition, the fact that claims of Mahdī in the context of imam and caliphate were seen in the generation of ʻAli’s sons after the death of Prophet Muhammed shows that this expectation was not made exclusive to the generation of Husayn. Also, the narratives that Hasan made peace by leaving the caliphate to Muʻawiya and that this event was reported by Prophet Muhammed, brought Hasan to the forefront in the Sunnī viewpoint. Thus, these narratives have become one of the most important arguments used in the claim that Mahdī will come from Hasan’s lineage in the Sunnī world. In line with the aforementioned information, the article aims to reveal the sectarian tendency in the narrations that point to the lineage of Mahdī between Imami Shīʻa and Ahl al-Sunnah and their interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu makalede; Kur’an’ın korunmuşluğu ve tahrif konusu Ehl-i Sünnet ve İmâmiyye Şiası arasındaki tartışmalar, Kâdî Ebû Bekir Bâkıllânî’nin (öl. 403/1013) el-İntisâr li’l-Kur’an isimli eseri örnekliğinde ele alınmıştır. Makale iki kısma ayrılmıştır. Birinci kısım bazı Şiî âlimlerin Kur’an’ın lafzına yönelik ekleme ve çıkarma iddialarını, ikinci kısımda ise Kur’an’ın ilâhî ve beşerî tedbirlerle korunmuşluğuna yönelik tespitleri içermektedir. Bazı Şiî ulemanın Kur’an metnine yönelik tahrif iddialarının çok boyutlu olduğunu görmekteyiz. Şia’nın özellikle Hz. Ali’nin hilafeti ve Ehl-i Beyt ile alakalı âyet ve sûrelerin mevcut Kur’an’da yer almadığına, yer alanların da tahrif edildiğine, Kur’an’ın hem lafız hem de anlam düzeyinde değiştirildiğine, birtakım ekleme ve çıkarmaların yapıldığına dair iddialar ele alınmıştır. İlk dönem kaynaklarında ve klasik dönem eserlerinde, tahrif iddiasının üzerine inşa edildiği Hz. Ali’nin, Hz. Ebû Bekir’in cem ettiği, Hz. Osman’ın istinsah ederek resmi mushaf haline getirdiği Kur’an nüshasında bu iddialarla alakalı bilgilere ulaşılmaya çalışılmıştır.

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İcmâ, usûl ilminde Kur’ân ve Sünnet’ten sonra üçüncü sırada yer alan şer’î delillerden birisidir. Şâfiî, pratikte İslam âlimlerince bilinip uygulanmakta olan usûl ilkelerini ilk defa yazılı metin haline getiren ve icmâyı usûlde şer’î delillerin üçüncüsü olarak ilk defa öneren kişidir. İcmâ delilinden yararlanan ilimlerden biri de kelâm ilmidir. Kelâmcılar, usûl ilminin elverdiği ölçüde icmâ delilinden azami ölçüde yararlanmıştır. Bu bağlamda kelâmcılar, dinî kabul ve inançların esasında herhangi bir değişikliğe gitmeksizin icmâ delilini sürekli kullanmışlardır. Ehl-i Sünnet akāidinin naklî delillerden sayılan icmâyla desteklenmesi, inançlar hakkında zihinlere atılmaya çalışılan şüpheleri bertaraf etmede önemli rol oynamıştır. Bu makalede usûl ilminin temel kaynaklarından olan icmâ delilinin Ehl-i Sünnet akāid ve kelâmındaki önem ve işlevi konu edilmiştir. ÖzetKur’an’ın isteği ümmet arasında birlik ruhunun öne çıkarılması ayrılık ve bölünmeyi tetikleyen faktörlerin ise geri planda tutulmasıdır. Nitekim Kur’an’da, “Hep birlikte Allah’ın ipine (Kur’an’a) sımsıkı sarılın. Parçalanıp bölünmeyin…” (Âl-i İmrân 3/103) ve “Kendilerine apaçık deliller geldikten sonra parçalanıp ayrılığa düşenler gibi olmayın…” ( Âl-i İmrân 3/105) buyurularak ümmetin birliğinin korunmasına vurgu yapılmıştır. Yüce Allah, ülü’l-azm adı verilen peygamberlere dini ikame etmeyi ve tefrikadan sakınılmasını emretmiştir (eş-Şûra 42/13). Dini dosdoğru tutma ve bu dinde ayrılığa düşmeme emri Allah’ın dininde tasdik edilmesi gerekenleri tasdik etmek, itaat edilmesi gerekenlere de itaat etmek demektir. Bu aynı zamanda bütün peygamberlerin üzerinde icmâ ettiği dinin esasının ilanıdır.Ehl-i Sünnet’in İslâm’ı anlama tarzı, Hz. Peygamber’in ve ashabının anlama tarzı ile özdeştir. Bu nedenle Ehl-i Sünnet, İslam’ın ana damarını temsil eden ekoldür. Ehl-i Sünnet kelâmında usûlî ve fürûî birçok mesele üzerinde icmâ gerçekleşmiştir. Bu icmâlar sahabe icmâsı ve sonraki dönemlerde mütekellimlerin ictihadları sonucunda oluşan istidlâli icmâlardır. Bu nedenle icmâ ve ictihad birbirine sıkı sıkıya bağlıdır. İcmâ, ictihattan destek almakta, ictihad da icmâya kaynaklık etmektedir. Böylece mesele, salt ictihadî olmaktan çıkmakta ve nassdan sonraki bir dereceye yükselerek kat’î bilgi veren bir hükme dönüşmektedir. Ehl-i Sünnet kelâmcıları, iki türlü icmâdan söz etmektedirler. Birincisi “tasdikî icmâ”adını verdiğimiz sahabe icmâsına özgü ittifaklardır. Bunlar; zarurât-ı diniyye adı verilen esaslar üzerinde meydana gelen icmâlardır. Bu icma, dinde kesin olarak hüccet kabul edilmiştir. İman esasları, namazın ve oruçun farziyyeti gibi konular, zarurât-ı diniyyeden olup kat’î icmâ ile belirlenmiş konulardır. Bu tür icmâlar, var olan hükümler üzerinde meydana gelen tasdikî icmâlardır. Bu icmâlar, sübütu kat’î ve delâleti kat’î nasslara istinad etmektedir. Bu tür icmâlar, yeni bir bilgi vermez. Var olan bilgiler Müslümanların ittifakıyla kuvvetlenir. Söz konusu alanlarda ictihad yapılamadığı gibi Müslümanların bu konularda ictihada ihtiyacı da yoktur. İslâm’da zarurât-ı diniyye olarak kabul edilen esaslardan birisini ya da birkaçını inkâr eden kimsenin tekfîr edilmesi konusunda Ehl-i Sünnet âlimlerinin ittifakı vardır. Diğeri ise ictihadların devreye girdiği “istidlâlî icmâ”lardır. Bu nev‘i icmâlar, itikadî fer‘i meselelerde müçtehitlerin aynı görüş üzerinde konsensüsü sonucunda oluşur. İctihada açık olan füru-i akāid ile ilgili hususlarda yapılan ictihatlar ve elde edilen farklı sonuçlar tekfîr nedeni kabul edilmemiştir. Ancak konusuna göre günahkâr olmasına neden olabilir. İstidlâlî icmâlar, kelâm ilminde müstakil değil destekleyici delil kabul edilmiş ve naklî deliller kapsamında değerlendirilmiştir. Zira bu hususta dayanak kabul edilen naslar, zannî bilgi verirler. Bu bakımdan Ehl-i Sünnet âlimleri, fürû-i akâid alanında selefin icmâsına aykırı düşünceler ileri süren diğer mezhep mensuplarını ehl-i kıble kabul etmiş ancak onların icmâsına aykırı düşünceler ileri sürmelerinden dolayı ehl-i bid‘at olarak isimlendirmişlerdir. Dahası Ehl-i Sünnet âlimleri, ehl-i bid‘atın sahabeden sonraki kuşaklar arasında meydana gelebilecek olan icmâlara katılmalarını da uygun görmemiştir.İslâm’da bütün ihtilaflar yerilmiş değildir. İctihadî meselelerde farklı görüşler ileri sürmek ümmet için bir rahmettir. Zira bu sayede ümmet yeni ortaya çıkan meselelere çözümler getirecek bunun sonucunda İslâm dini dinamik bir çözüm üretme mekanizmasına kavuşmuş olacaktır. Bu da ancak ictihat sayesinde mümkün olabilir. İhtilaf, bir konuda farklı görüş ileri sürmektir. Bu görüş ümmetin birliğine zarar verebilecek olan usûlî meselelerde değil de ictihadî meselelerde olursa bu ihtilaf, rahmete dönüşür.Usûlcülerin icmâyı naklî deliller kapsamında değerlendirmelerinin nedeni icmânın mutlaka bir nassa istinad etmesini zorunlu görmelerindendir. Buradan hareketle sırf aklî meselelerde meydana gelen ittifaklar, icmâ olarak değerlendirilmemiştir. Kelâmcılar, icmâ iddialarını daima nasslarla teyit etmeye çalışmışlardır. İcmânın gerçekleşmiş olması durumunda, bilinsin ya da bilinmesin gerisinde mutlaka şer’î bir delilin var olduğu anlamını çıkarmışlardır. Çünkü üzerinde icmâ gerçekleşmiş hükümler asla Hz. Peygamber’den gelen haberlere aykırı olamaz. Akāid ve kelâm eserlerindeki birçok mesele aklî ve naklî delillerin yanı sıra istidlâlî icmâ ile de desteklenmiştir. Ancak söz konusu eserlerdeki icmâ iddialarının birçoğu Ehl-i Sünnet’in görüşlerini yansıtan mezhep içi icmâlardır. Ehl-i Sünnet dışındaki mezhepler dışarıda tutulmuştur. Bu tavır, her şeyden önce mezhep içerisindeki bütünlüğü sağlamaya yönelik olup, Ehl-i Sünnet itikadını koruma altına alma çabasıdır. Zira icmâ delili, her türlü keyfi ve bölücü düşünceyi engelleyici bir işleve sahip olmasının yanında zannî olan bilgiyi kat’î hale getirerek elde edilen hükmü salt ictihadî olmaktan çıkarmakta ve nassdan sonraki bir mertebeye yükseltmektedir. Ehl-i Sünnet’in öncüsü durumunda olan Mâtürîdî ve Eş‘arî kelamcılarının icmâ anlayışları usûl açısından farklı değildir. İcmânın tanımı ve muhtevası konusunda farklı görüşler ileri sürseler de müctehitlerin aynı görüş üzerinde ittifakları konusunda ortak anlayışa sahiptirler. Mâtürîdîler ve Eş‘arîler, icmâ delilini kelâmî bahislerde destekleyici bir delil olarak kullanmışlardır. Eş‘arî, icmâ delilini itikadi meselelerde sırf benimsemiş olmakla kalmamış, pratikte kullanmıştır. O, icmâ delilini amelî, itikadî, usûlî ve fer‘î şeklinde bir ayırım yapmamış, her alanda rahatlıkla kullanmıştır. Mâtürîdî ve Eş‘arî âlimleri, dini meselelerde icmânın oluşabileceğini, oluşması durumunda da hüccet olacağına hükmetmişler ancak aklî meselelerde icmânın kat’î bilgilere istinad etmesini şart koşmuşlardır. Salt aklî meselelerde ise icmânın meydana gelmesi hususunda ihtilaf etmişlerdir. Bazı Ehl-i Sünnet âlimleri, salt aklî meselelerin yakînî bilgiler olduğunu dolayısıyla icmâya gerek olmadığını ifade ederken; müçtehitlerin bu bilgileri naslardan istinbat edebileceğini savunarak salt aklî meselelerde de icmânın gerçekleşebileceğine hükmetmişlerdir.

The subject of "will" in Islamic thought is basically discussed within the framework of the divine will, human will and the effect of divine will on human freedom. In this article, the subject of divine will, which has a special importance among the attributes of Allah (swt), is discussed. In the knowledge of kalam, will is a perfection that expresses that Allah is completely independent and free in His orders and actions. As a matter of fact, a person who is characterized by will in the visible realm is not under coercion and pressure, he/she can choose his/her actions according to his/her own will. In divine attributes, the will refers to the choice of one of the possible alternatives (maqdurat) and its allocation of the time to occur. There is a dispute among the theologians who unanimously acknowledge that Allah is willing, about the eternity of the will, it's the relation to evil, whether everything that Allah wills, at the same time corresponds with his order and consent. The theologians of Ahl al-Sunnah have tried to put forward an understanding of will compatible with the strong emphasis in the Quran that everything occurs within the framework of the will of ALLaH. Mu'TazİLa, on THe other hand, have handled tHe wiLL, wHicH tHey saw as an act of ALLaH, witHin tHe principLe of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Kıvamuddin Burslan acting as a bridge between the last period of Ottoman and the first period of the Republican term and religious scholar of the last period performed his duties assistantship in faculty of Darulfunun Literature and in department of religious affairs and consultant and religious works review board. Burslan, who is a well-trained scholar in his field, has many works, as well as translation and many copyright articles on different topics. An important part of his work belongs to the years before 1928. It is a necessity to bring these studies in to today's Turkish. Burslan, translated the treatise which. He gave importance to the history of Islamic sects and which also has primary source in 1927 to the Ottoman Turkish in the little of "a work by Imam Ahmed" with this study. We wanted to bring the translation that Burslan did under the conditions of the time of his own life into today's reader, by transcription it making simplified and evaluating so that it can be accessed faster and easier in the treatise. There are polemics by Ahmad b. Hanbal on issues such as creation of Quran, ru'yatullah, istiva of Allah, Attributes of Allah against Jahm b. Safwan and Jahmiyah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our study focuses on the concept of "muhaqqiq", which is frequently mentioned in the books of the scholars of Ahl al-Sunnah. Our goal is to identiiy what this concept means and what meaning the theologians attributed to this concept. The word "muhaqqiq" is a word derived from the taf'il form of the Arabic verb "h-k-k". For this reason, firstly, the dictionary meaning of the word "tahqiq" has been determined, and then the uses of the Ahl al-Sunnah theologians regarding this concept have been examined. Later on, the meaning of the word "muhaqqiq" was investigated based on the meaning of the word "tahqiq" and what it means in the books of kalam are discussed. This study, which aims to recognize the concept of "muhaqqiq", was made especially around three questions. Does the word / term belong only to a certain period? Or in what periods was it used? Is it only used in the Kalam discipline? Does it have a particular use for a particular religion or sect? These three questions were tried to be answered with the information obtained from the works of the kalam of the Ahl al-Sunnah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue 'husn-qubh' was discussed by Mu'tazili, Ashari and Maturidi schools of ahl al-Sunnah in the context of determining, whether values existed in actions on their own or via revelation. Mu'tazili said that actions such as justice, truth, oppression and lie must be regarded as good or bad on their own to found the religion, inasmuchas values are known by the human mind. Ashari school said that these values made sense with order and prohobition of the shari'a and for this reason, these values couldn't be known by the human mind. As for Maturidi school, it bears a strong resemblance in some respects which Mu'tazili and Ashari schools put forward since it forwards its opinion which values existed in actions on their own, can be known by the human mind and God is the only adjudicator. The classical period of Hanafi jurisprudance has come up with a different approach about this issue. Whereas the Iraqi school of Hanafism was adopting Mu'tazili thought, The Transoxanian School of Hanafism with Dabusi were standing on the same line with ahl al-sunnah. This study will show what Dabusi thought about the issue and the main reason Hanafi scholars of Islamic law developed a Maturidi identity had been because of Sarakhsi and Pazdawi. It will also be handled how the method of Dabusi had an impact on Sarakhsi and Pazdawi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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While in the political discussions, which took place soon after the death of the Prophet, as to who would come to power the caliphate as known today or any kind of government or its name was not mentioned at all, but, in later periods, the accounts especially those on the caliphate were related as if they had belonged to the Prophet. At the same time, the legitimacy of sultanate was also tried to base on the religious texts. It has been concluded, as a result of the historical data and researches, that these claims were not well-grounded. As a consequence of this study, it has been concluded that "the Model of Caliphate" did not base on the religious texts, but developed in accordance with the conditions of time, and that when the Qur’an, the Sunna of the Prophet and the experiences of humankind were considered, there was no problem in respect of religion in trying new models under different names

This study deals with the word "ziyadah" in the 26 th. verse of Yunus Surah. Ahl al-Sunnah’s exegetical understanding of this word "ziyadah" is "ru’yet Allah" to see Allah in Heaven. In this study, we tried to explain the foundations of Ahl al-Sunnah’s understanding of this word

İslam'ın ilk dönemlerinden itibaren hadis ravilerinin isnad zincirinin gerekliliğine dair pek çok yorum yapılmıştır. bu tespitlerden biri de Tabiun döneminin önde gelen alimlerinden olan İbn Sirin'e aittir. O, isnadın tarihi ve uygulama alanı ile ilgili de önemli bir tespitte bulunmuştur. Onun bu tespiti ilk dönemlerden itibaren kaleme alınana bazı eserlerde bazı farklılıklarla yer almaktadır. onun şöyle dediği söylenebilir: "Önceleri isnaddan sormazlardı; ne zaman ki fitne ortaya çıktı, ravilerin kimler olduğu sorulmaya başlandı. Raviler ehl-i sünnet olurlarsa hadisleri alınıyor, ehl-i bidat olursa hadisleri alınmıyordu." İbn Sirin ve çağdaşı alimler, kendi döneminde ağırlıklı olarak fırkaların hadis uydurma faaliyeti içinde olduklarını bildiklerinden önlemlerini de buna göre almışlardır.