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In Westminster parliamentary democracies like Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, research has found that cabinet composition is driven mainly by longstanding norms and practices that privilege older, white males with certain educational and political experiences. Do these trends apply at the subnational level where the demographic make-up can be quite different? To answer this question, we draw upon an original dataset of all members of the legislative assembly and cabinet in three Canadian territories from 1979 to 2022. These territories are unique given that Indigenous communities loom large in their governments and societies. Using an event history model, we find that territorial cabinets very much reflect the demographic make up of their legislatures, similar to what occurs at the federal level. We also observe important differences between the territories, which suggest that the influence of Westminster structures and norms are likely mediated by factors unique to each territory. Certaines recherches effectuees sur les democraties parlementaires de type Westminster telles que l'Australie, le Canada et la Nouvelle-Zelande, ont montre que la composition d'un Cabinet est principalement dominee par des normes et des pratiques anciennes qui privilegient les hommes blancs d'un certain age ayant de l'experience en education et en politique. Ces tendances s'appliquent-elles au niveau infranational ou la composition demographique est tres differente? Pour repondre a cette question, nous nous appuyons sur un ensemble original de donnees de tous les membres de l'Assemblee legislative et du Cabinet de trois territoires canadiens allant de 1979 a 2022. Ces territoires sont uniques etant donne que les communautes autochtones predominent dans leurs gouvernements et leurs societes. En utilisant un modele de donnees longitudinales, nous constatons que les Cabinets territoriaux correspondent bien a la composition demographique de leurs legislatures, a l'instar de ce qui se produit au niveau federal. Nous observons egalement des differences considerables entre les territoires, ce qui laisse entendre que l'influence des structures et des normes de Westminster est probablement interposee par des facteurs propres a chaque territoire., Scholars of political executives in parliamentary democracies are frequently concerned about the demographic profile of government leaders (Bird, 2012; Cross, 2010; O'Brien et al., 2015). Cabinet composition is important because [...]

Introduction: It is estimated that at least 1 million children are living with a congenital heart defect (CHD) in the U.S. Most of these patients are born with some degree of right ventricular outflow tract (RVOT) abnormalities that at some point require pulmonary valve replacement to mitigate the detrimental effects of pulmonary valve regurgitation (PVR) on the right ventricle (RV). Due to their size, available solutions, e.g., the Melody™ valve (Medtronic Inc., Minneapolis, MN) cannot be implanted in small children under 20 Kg. Those must wait until they grow to a suitable weight to receive the valve, which may lead to RV dysfunction. Hypothesis: To mitiagte the detrminental effects to the RV, the IRIS™ valve is implantable at 12 mm with a 12-Fr delivery catheter. As the valve annulus grows, the valve would be balloon expanded up to 20 mm. Methods: The IRIS™ valve has been designed according to origami concepts such that its three leaflets would retain a fully-coapted form as it is expanded to a larger size. Here we report our methods and results of implantation in 9-17Kg Yucatan pigs. Results: The IRIS™ valve is made of thin porcine pericardial leaflets sewn into a laser-cut stainless-steel stent. The stented valve is covered with an ePTFE skirt to mitigate paravalvular leak. The IRIS™ valve is fully crimped over a 12-Fr delivery catheter for transfemoral implantation. We have successfully implanted the valve at the native pulmonary valve position with minimal regurgitation in three pigs ranging from 9 to 17kg with varying pulmonary annulus sizes. Conclusions: The IRIS™ transcatheter pulmonary valve has been successfully developed according to proprietary origami concepts. Using the 12Fr delivery catheter, the smallest delivery profile reported, we successfully implanted the IRIS™ valve within the pulmonary annulus of mini pigs with encouraging results.

Although water sharing agreements have emerged as an important tool for improving First Nations water security in Canada, some communities are reluctant to sign them. In this article, we review the concerns raised by First Nations leaders and examine the extent to which existing water sharing agreements include provisions that might mitigate their concerns. To do so, we analyze the contents of 40 water agreements between First Nations and local communities in Canada and find that while many agreements do include provisions that seem to mitigate First Nations concerns, some concerns are left unaddressed or are inadequately addressed. Bien que des accords sur le partage des ressources en eau soient devenus un outil important pour ameliorer la securite de l'eau des Premieres Nations au Canada, certaines collectivites sont reticentes a les signer. Dans cet article, nous passons en revue les preoccupations soulevees par les dirigeants des Premieres Nations et etudions dans quelle mesure les accords sur le partage des ressources en eau existants sont dotes de clauses susceptibles d'attenuer leurs inquietudes. Pour ce faire, nous analysons les contenus de 40 accords sur l'eau entre les Premieres Nations et des communautes locales au Canada. Bien que de nombreuses ententes comprennent des clauses susceptibles d'attenuer les preoccupations des Premieres Nations, nous constatons que certaines craintes ne sont pas abordees ou ne sont pas traitees de maniere adequate., INTRODUCTION The provision of safe drinking water remains an ongoing problem for some First Nations communities in Canada One effective yet underutilized solution is water sharing agreements, which involve connecting [...]

Scholars who study centralization and decentralization in Canada usually rely on the distribution of authority and financial/human resources to identify transfers of 'power to' and 'power over' among different levels of government. We argue that patterns of non-financial asset ownership are a useful yet frequently overlooked measure of 'power to.' We demonstrate that Canadian municipal policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic were shaped in part by the physical assets owned by municipal and provincial governments. These patterns of non-financial asset ownership reveal Canadian municipalities to be more important policy actors than typically assumed. A full understanding of the distribution of power within the Canadian federation requires attention to government ownership of physical assets. Les universitaires qui etudient la centralisation et la decentralisation au Canada s'appuient generalement sur la repartition du pouvoir et des ressources financieres/humaines pour identifier les transferts de << pouvoir vers >> et de << pouvoir sur >> entre les differents paliers de gouvernement. Nous soutenons que les modeles de propriete d'actifs non financiers sont une mesure utile quoique souvent negligee du << pouvoir vers >>. Nous demontrons que les reponses apportees par les politiques municipales canadiennes a la pandemie de COVID-19 ont ete en partie faconnees par les ressources materielles detenues par les gouvernements municipaux et provinciaux. Ces modeles de propriete d'actifs non financiers revelent que les municipalites canadiennes sont des acteurs politiques plus importants qu'on ne le presume generalement. Pour bien comprendre la repartition des pouvoirs au sein de la federation canadienne, il faut preter attention a la propriete gouvernementale des ressources materielles., INTRODUCTION Political scientists have long been interested in how and why states exercise power. The dominant approach to conceptualizing state power has been to focus on the distribution of authority [...]

A variety of research has found strong evidence that men are more likely to donate to political parties and candidates relative to women. Yet studies of other kinds of political participation have observed a shrinking gender gap. What explains this variation? One possible explanation comes from several studies that report women are more likely to donate to nonpolitical groups when told they have been entered into a monetary draw. Does simulating resource equality also reduce the political donations gender gap? To answer this question, we analyse original Canadian data from two surveys that asked participants how much they would give to a federal (survey 1)/provincial (survey 2) political party if they were given CDN$100. Contrary to our expectations, we find no gender gap at the federal level and a positive gap favouring women at the provincial level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The underrepresentation of women-authored scholarship in political science journals remains a persistent issue. Studies confirm that a gender gap exists in many leading American and European journals and that a key contributing factor is the lack of supply from women authors. To what extent is this gap present in the Canadian Journal of Political Science (CJPS), given the Canadian Political Science Association's efforts to promote gender equality? To answer this question, we analyze an original dataset of CJPS submissions from 2008 to 2022. We find that a modest gender gap does exist; women tend to submit fewer manuscripts and publish fewer articles in the CJPS relative to men. On the other hand, we find no evidence of bias against women authors during the review process. In fact, they fare as well or better than men across editorial teams and regardless of the handling editor's gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing studies of policy diffusion rely on quantitative or qualitative methods depending on the number of cases and the policy at hand. Studies of diffusion in Canada, for instance, almost exclusively use qualitative techniques due to the limited number of subnational units. In this article, we explore whether machine learning techniques can complement qualitative approaches in these contexts. In 2015, the Canadian federal government decided to impose the legalization of cannabis and gave the provinces and territories a short time frame to develop and implement legislation. Previous qualitative research on this case found that within-province policy development was more salient than interprovincial diffusion. Using a plagiarism detection software, we find limited evidence of exact matches between provincial legislation, but a cosine score approach reveals significant similarities across provinces. These results suggest that computational and qualitative techniques together should be used where possible to identify and analyze policy diffusion in certain contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interlocal agreements are becoming a popular policy tool for facilitating intergovernmental coordination and cooperation in Canada and the United States. Indigenous and local governments are also turning to these agreements despite long histories of colonialism, exploitation and dispossession by the settler State toward Indigenous communities. To what extent do interlocal agreements between Indigenous and municipal governments require stringent accountability measures to facilitate intergovernmental coordination? Using a hierarchical Bayesian item response theory model, we explore this question by analyzing 317 interlocal agreements between Indigenous and municipal communities in Canada. We find that accountability strength varies significantly across agreements, contrary to our expectation that accountability requirements would be strong across agreements due to the long history of colonialism. We also find that some of the variation may be a function of the policy area addressed by each agreement, although this finding is likely the result of measurement uncertainty in our estimates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many First Nations communities lack access to safe drinking water. In this article, we examine an under-appreciated tool for improving First Nations water security--governance--and develop a framework for guiding the design and analysis of First Nations water governance models. In particular, we argue that three key ideas from the public administration literature--financial resources, regulation, and formalization--should be integrated with Indigenous insights and philosophies that are specific to each First Nations community. We illustrate how this might work by focusing on the insights, traditions, and philosophies of an Anishinaabek community in southern Ontario. De nombreuses collectives des Premieres nations n'ont pas acces a une eau potable et propre. Dans cet article, nous etudions un outil sous-estime pour ameliorer la securite et la gouvernance de l'eau des Premieres nations; nous elaborons aussi un cadre propice a guider la conception et l'analyse des modeles de gouvernance du secteur de l'eau des Premieres nations. Nous soutenons notamment que les trois concepts cles trouves dans la documentation de l'administration publique--ressources financieres, reglementation, et formalisation--doivent etre integres en tenant compte de la lucidite et des philosophies autochtones specifiques a chaque collectivite des Premieres nations. Nous illusions cette demarche en nous concentrant sur la perspicacite, les traditions, et la philosophie de la collectivite Anishinaabek du sud de l'Ontario., Introduction The provision of safe drinking water remains an ongoing problem for First Nations communities in Canada (INAC 2018). Academics and policymakers have generally focused on two levels of analysis [...]