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Abstract. National narcissism is a defensive form of group identity that is contingent on external validation and involves unrealistic belief in the nation’s greatness. Those high in national narcissism are susceptible to ingroup-enhancing narratives. In two pre-registered studies, conducted in Poland ( N = 1,134) and the United Kingdom ( N = 501), we hypothesized and found that national narcissism predicts support for historical policies that emphasize the great achievements and past dominance of one’s own group. Furthermore, we found that the relationship between national narcissism and support for ingroup-enhancing historical policies can be accounted for by the perceived contribution of one’s own country to the world’s history. We discuss implications for research on collective narcissism and historical policies.

Collective narcissism—a belief in ingroup greatness that is not appreciated by others—is associated with using one’s group for personal benefits. Across one pilot and four studies, we demonstrated that collective narcissism predicts readiness to conspire against ingroup members (r\(_{meta-analysis}\) = .24). In Study 1, conducted in Poland (N = 361), collective narcissism measured in the context of national identity predicted readiness to engage in secret surveillance against one’s own country’s citizens. In Study 2 (N = 174; pre-registered), collective narcissism in UK workplace teams predicted intentions to engage in conspiracies against co-workers. In Study 3 (N = 471; pre-registered), US national narcissism predicted intentions to conspire against fellow citizens. Furthermore, conspiracy intentions accounted for the relationship between collective narcissism and beliefs in conspiracy theories about the ingroup. Finally, in Study 4 (N = 1,064; pre-registered), we corroborated the link between Polish national narcissism and conspiracy intentions against fellow citizens, further showing that these intentions were only directed towards group members that were perceived as moderately or strongly typical of the national ingroup (but not when perceived ingroup typicality was low). Ingroup identification was either negatively related (Studies 1 and 2) or unrelated (Studies 3 and 4) to conspiracy intentions (r\(_{meta-analysis}\) = .04). We discuss implications for research on conspiracy theories and populism.

Conspiracy theories related to coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) have propagated around the globe, leading the World Health Organization to declare the spread of misinformation an “Infodemic.” We tested the hypothesis that national narcissism—a belief in the greatness of one’s nation that requires external recognition—is associated with the spread of conspiracy theories during the COVID-19 pandemic. In two large-scale national surveys ( NTotal= 950) conducted in the United States and the United Kingdom, and secondary analysis of data from 56 countries ( N = 50,757), we found a robust, positive relationship between national narcissism and proneness to believe and disseminate conspiracy theories related to COVID-19. Furthermore, belief in COVID-19 conspiracy theories was related to less engagement in health behaviors and less support for public-health policies to combat COVID-19. Our findings illustrate the importance of social identity factors in the spread of conspiracy theories and provide insights into the psychological processes underlying the COVID-19 pandemic.

Across five studies (two representative, one pre‐registered, total N = 4962), we examined the role of collective narcissism and secure identity in support for reactionary (Alt‐Right and nationalist) and progressive (Black Lives Matter and Women's Strike) social movements among advantaged (White Americans and Polish national majority) versus disadvantaged (Black Americans) groups. Among advantaged groups, collective narcissism, more so than secure identity, was related to more support for reactionary movements (Studies 1–4) and less support for progressive movements (Studies 1–3). Studies 3a, 3b and 4 directly compared members of advantaged and disadvantaged ethnic groups in the US and suggested that both collective narcissism and secure identity were positively associated with support for progressive movements among disadvantaged groups. This research contributes to understanding the identity processes involved in reactionary and progressive movements. It highlights the importance of distinguishing secure and defensive (i.e., narcissistic) identities, particularly when investigating support for reactionary movements among advantaged groups.

Left-right political auto-identification has been used widely in socio-political research to interpret and organize political attitudes and opinions. In this paper we analyse whether the meaning of left-right orientation is the same in Eastern Europe and Western Europe. Using data from two big European survey programmes, European Social Survey and European Values Study, we show that while citizens’ support for economic liberalism is positively related to their left-right political auto-identification, their support for cultural liberalism is negatively related. More importantly, we also present evidence for the regional diversity hypothesis, which shows that this pattern was more prominent among citizens of Western European countries those of Eastern European countries. The results confirm the specificity of Eastern Europe when it comes to relationships between political auto-identification and other beliefs that are traditionally linked, implying that the concept of left-right political auto-identification cannot be transferred mechanically between Eastern Europe and Western Europe.

Support for democracy is based on warmth, inclusiveness, and a general belief that others are well-intentioned. It is also related to a willingness to respect the rights of outgroups which do not necessarily share the views of one's ingroup. In this research, we analysed the relationships between different types of national identity and support for democracy. In two surveys (Study 1; American participants, n = 407 and Study 2; Polish participants; n = 570), we found that support for democracy was negatively linked to collective narcissism, measured in relation to the national group, previously associated with negative intra- and inter-group outcomes. The effect of national narcissism on democracy support was present even when accounting for national identification. In Study 2, we also found that this effect was mediated by social cynicism - a negative view of human nature. In both studies, support for democracy was positively linked to a secure national identity, that is national identification without the narcissistic component, which tends to be associated with positive attitudes towards others. We discuss implications for understanding the role of national identity in support for (il)liberal politics.

We propose that defensive forms of identity (i.e., nationalism and national narcissism) can harm the nation via a tendency to maximise the difference between own and other groups in resource allocation. We test this hypothesis by adopting a classic social psychological paradigm, the Tajfel’s matrices, to real-life scenarios designed in context of the COVID-19 pandemic. We captured maximising the difference as a preference for one’s nation being allocated more medical resources relative to other countries, but at the expense of absolute ingroup profit. Across three studies (total N=1,795), we found cross-sectional and experimental evidence that defensiveness in national identity predicts this counterproductive strategy which ultimately benefits neither ingroup nor outgroup. No such effects were observed for the mere strength of national identification. The results provide evidence that defensive national identity predisposes individuals to support policies that strive for a positive comparison to outgroups, but simultaneously harm one’s own ingroup.

At the beginning of 2020, COVID-19 became a global problem. Despite all the efforts to emphasize the relevance of preventive measures, not everyone adhered to them. Thus, learning more about the characteristics determining attitudinal and behavioral responses to the pandemic is crucial to improving future interventions. In this study, we applied machine learning on the multinational data collected by the International Collaboration on the Social and Moral Psychology of COVID-19 (N = 51,404) to test the predictive efficacy of constructs from social, moral, cognitive, and personality psychology, as well as socio-demographic factors, in the attitudinal and behavioral responses to the pandemic. The results point to several valuable insights. Internalized moral identity provided the most consistent predictive contribution—individuals perceiving moral traits as central to their self-concept reported higher adherence to preventive measures. Similar results were found for morality as cooperation, symbolized moral identity, self-control, open-mindedness, and collective narcissism, while the inverse relationship was evident for the endorsement of conspiracy theories. However, we also found a non-neglible variability in the explained variance and predictive contributions with respect to macro-level factors such as the pandemic stage or cultural region. Overall, the results underscore the importance of morality-related and contextual factors in understanding adherence to public health recommendations during the pandemic., PNAS Nexus, 1 (3), ISSN:2752-6542

Peer reviewed: True, We present a largescale, preregistered examination of factors that explain why citizens of certain nations might show higher levels of national narcissism than others. National narcissism is the belief that one’s nation is exceptional yet undervalued. It is related to several social ills, including conspiracy beliefs, intergroup aggression, extremism, and rejection of science. We theorized that national narcissism would be related to the nature of relations between countries. We expected it to be associated with higher levels of external conflict and lower levels of globalization. Using multilevel modeling across 56 countries ( n = 50,757), we found that citizens of less globalized nations showed higher average national narcissism. However, external conflict was unrelated to national narcissism. We also tested whether citizens’ national narcissism was higher in countries led by populists but found no evidence for this effect. At the individual level, higher individual narcissism, self-esteem, and right-wing political orientation positively predicted higher national narcissism.

Collective narcissism is a belief in one’s in-group greatness that is underappreciated by others. Across three studies conducted in the context of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, we found that collective narcissism, measured with respect to the national group, was related to support of policies that protect the national image at the expense of in-group members’ health. In Study 1, British national narcissism was related to opposing cooperation with the European Union (EU) on medical equipment. In Study 2, American national narcissism predicted opposition to COVID-19 testing to downplay the number of cases. In Study 3, American national narcissism was related to support for releasing an untested COVID-19 vaccine, to beat other countries to the punch. These relationships were mediated by concern about the country’s reputation. Our studies shed light on collective narcissism as a group-based ego-enhancement strategy in which a strong image of the group is prioritized over members’ well-being.

Even though the majority of psychologists are women, they are outnumbered by men in senior academic ranks. One reason for this representation bias in academia is that men favor other men in decision-making, especially when the stakes are high. We tested the possibility of such bias in a bibliometric analysis, in which we coded editors' and authors' gender in regular and special issues, the latter considered of higher scientific prominence. We examined all special issues from five prominent scientific outlets in the fields of personality and social psychology published in the twenty-first century. Altogether, we analyzed 1911 articles nested in 93 sets comprising a special issue and a neighboring regular issue treated as a control condition. For articles published in special (but not regular) issues, when there were more men editors, more men first-authored and co-authored the work. This pattern suggests how gender bias can be perpetuated within academia and calls for revising the editorial policies of leading psychology journals.

We investigate the relationship between vaccination hesitancy and the way people feel about their national groups. Antivaccination attitudes are associated with conspiracy beliefs, which have been linked to group-based defensiveness. Thus, we hypothesized that defensiveness about one’s national identity, operationalized as collective narcissism measured in relation to one’s national group, might be related to antivaccination attitudes. We found that national narcissism, but not national identification, predicted support for a voluntary vaccination policy both in a general population sample ( N = 361) and among visitors of antivaccination discussion forums ( N = 178). In two further studies involving national quota samples, national narcissism was also related to vaccination conspiracy beliefs ( N = 1,048), and these beliefs mediated its association with support for a voluntary vaccination policy ( N = 811). By highlighting the link between antiscience attitudes and collective narcissism, we demonstrate that group defensiveness can be linked to support for decisions that may undermine the health and well-being of present and future ingroup members.

Acts of everyday kindness are voluntary, low-cost actions aimed at the well-being of others in everyday situations. In two pre-registered studies, conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, we examined whether practicing everyday kindness can promote people’s well-being and prosocial orientation. In a correlational Study 1 (N = 497), self-reported everyday kindness was positively linked to well-being and a willingness to engage in personally costly prosocial behavior. In an experimental Study 2 (N = 482) practicing acts of everyday kindness increased well-being and actual prosocial behavior. The results suggest that simple online interventions can be used to elicit everyday kindness and have a positive effect even in the psychologically challenging times of a pandemic.

In this research, we investigate the role of partisan identity in predicting political skills, performance, and intragroup behavioural intentions among political elites. We differentiate the strength of partisan identification from partisan narcissism—a belief in the greatness of one’s political party that is not appreciated by others. We recruited active political party members who had run for office in recent elections in Iceland (N=214) to participate in an online survey. We found that partisan identification was related to higher levels of political skills and political performance, including higher analytical skills and ability to represent others. Partisan identification also predicted higher party loyalty and more time spent volunteering in party activities. Meanwhile, partisan narcissism was only related to politicking—the inclination to engage in secrecy, deception, and political blood-sport. Cumulatively, these results suggest that partisan identification is associated with meticulousness and representation of others in politicians’ work. Conversely, partisan narcissism seems to contribute to being cunning in the political arena.

Changing collective behaviour and supporting non-pharmaceutical interventions is an important component in mitigating virus transmission during a pandemic. In a large international collaboration (Study 1, N = 49,968 across 67 countries), we investigated self-reported factors that associated with people reported adopting public health behaviours (e.g., spatial distancing and stricter hygiene) and endorsed public policy interventions (e.g., closing bars and restaurants) during the early stage of the pandemic (April-May 2020). Respondents who reported identifying more strongly with their nation consistently reported greater engagement in public health behaviours and support for public health policies. Results were similar for representative and non-representative national samples. Study 2 (N = 42 countries) conceptually replicated the central finding using aggregate indices of national identity (obtained using the World Values Survey) and a measure of actual behaviour change during the pandemic (obtained from Google mobility reports). Higher levels of national identification prior to the pandemic predicted lower mobility during the early stage of the pandemic (r = -.40). We discuss the potential implications of links between national identity, leadership, and public health for managing COVID-19 and future pandemics.

In three studies we examine the link between types of national identity and support for leaving the European Union (EU). We found that national collective narcissism (but not national identification without the narcissistic component) was positively associated with a willingness to vote Leave, over and above the effect of political orientation. This pattern was observed in a representative Polish sample (Study 1, n = 635), as well as in samples of Polish youth (Study 2, n = 219), and both Polish (n = 73) and British (n = 60) professionals employed in the field of international relations (Study 3). In Studies 2 and 3 this effect was mediated by biased EU membership perceptions. The role of defensive versus secure forms of in-group identification in shaping support for EU membership is discussed.

Conspiracy theories related to COVID-19 have propagated around the globe, leading the World Health Organization to declare the spread of misinformation an ‘Infodemic’. We tested the hypothesis that national narcissism —a belief in the greatness of one’s nation that requires external recognition— is associated with the spread of conspiracy theories during the COVID-19 pandemic. In two large-scale national surveys (NTotal = 950) conducted in the US and the UK, and secondary analysis of data from 56 countries (N = 50,757), we found a robust, positive relationship between national narcissism and proneness to believe and disseminate conspiracy theories related to COVID-19. Further, belief in COVID-19 conspiracy theories was related to less engagement in health behaviors and less support for public-health policies to combat COVID-19. Our findings illustrate the importance of social identity factors in the spread of conspiracy theories and provide insights into the psychological processes underlying the COVID-19 pandemic.

Traditional conceptualisations of nationalism focus on the need for intergroup domination. We argue that current politics are rather driven by the need for recognition of the greatness of one’s nation. In psychological literature, the need for the nation’s appreciation is captured by the concept of collective narcissism—a belief in in-group greatness contingent on external recognition. We demonstrate that collective narcissism is associated with support for national populist parties and policies. We also review the empirical evidence for the intergroup and intragroup concomitants of collective narcissism. We demonstrate that collective narcissism benefits neither out-group nor in-group members. Instead, it helps manage psychological needs of the individual. We conclude that collective narcissism might undermine social cohesion both within and between groups.

People seek high positions not to gain influence over others but to satisfy their need for personal control. Personal control tends to have positive interpersonal consequences. If this is the case, does power indeed corrupt? We argue that holding a high position is associated both with perceptions of power (influence over others) and personal control (influence over one’s life). Three studies showed that these two aspects might have opposite consequences: Power over others positively predicted aggressiveness (Study 1, N = 793) and exploitativeness (Study 2, N = 445), whereas personal control predicted these outcomes negatively. In Study 3 ( N = 557), conducted among employees at various organizational positions, the effects of holding a high position on exploitativeness and aggressiveness were differentially mediated by power over others and personal control. We discuss these findings in light of contradicting evidence on the corruptive effects of power.

We examined the longitudinal associations between self-esteem and narcissism in a three-wave panel study (N = 557). In a standard cross-lagged panel model, self-esteem had a positive bidirectional relationship with narcissistic admiration. Narcissistic rivalry predicted increases in narcissistic admiration, but the corresponding reciprocal cross-lagged effect was not significant, nor were the cross-lagged associations between self-esteem and narcissistic rivalry. However, a random-intercept cross-lagged panel model (which partitions between- and within-person variance) failed to identify significant cross-lagged relationships between self-esteem and admiration or rivalry. Rather, self-esteem correlated positively with narcissistic admiration (but not rivalry) only at the trait level. Furthermore, we observed positive bidirectional associations between admiration and rivalry, suggesting that the within-person fluctuations in these two sub-dimensions of narcissism mutually reinforce each other.

Past research indicates that national narcissism (but not national identification) predicts support for anti-environmental policies, and that this effect is driven by national narcissists' need to defend the group's image. We hypothesized that although national narcissists might not support proenvironmental actions, they would support promoting a proenvironmental image of their nation (i.e., greenwashing). In five studies (overall N = 2231), we demonstrated that individuals high in national narcissism were less likely to support actual proenvironmental actions (Studies 2–5), but more likely to support greenwashing campaigns (Studies 1–3, 5), although not when greenwashing would involve financial costs incurred by the ingroup (Study 4). In Study 5, national narcissism predicted support for greenwashing as a political strategy—it was related to the preference for green image enhancement over green actions (controlling for proenvironmental attitudes and individual narcissism). We did not observe similar effects for national identification or right-wing political ideology. Implications for promoting proenvironmentalism across distinct groups are discussed.

Two experiments probed the role of strategies used in social conflicts on perception of agency and communion. In study 1, persons who revealed prosocial orientation were perceived as less agentic, but more communal than those who revealed competitive orientation. In study 2 these findings were replicated in the context of organizational conflict, those who decided to use confrontational strategies were also perceived as more agentic, although less communal than these who used cooperative strategies. In line with the theory of power effects on objectification of social targets, the perceived agency and communion were differently linked to superior’s and subordinate’s evaluation. While perceived agency predicted the subordinate’s evaluation, perceived communion predicted superior’s evaluation, but not the other way round. Moreover, perception of communion (but not agency) mediated the negative effect of confrontational strategies on supervisor’s evaluation. On the other hand, perceived agency suppressed the effect of strategies on subordinate’s evaluation.

Three studies explored the relationship between power and the perception of others in terms of agency and communion. In Study 1, participants taking a manager perspective were more interested in the agency of their future employee than those asked to take a subordinate perspective were in the agency of their future employer. Moreover, they showed more interest in the agency than in the communion of their future employee. Study 2 extended these findings to perceptions of others unrelated to the context of work. In Study 3, participants taking the manager perspective favored agency traits in their employee more than those taking the subordinate perspective favored agency in their employer. This effect was mediated by an increased task orientation among those in positions of greater relative power. Using two manipulations and three dependent measures, power was found to enhance the focus on the agency dimension across the three studies, mediated by increases in orientation to tasks versus relationships.

This umbrella review analysed the relationships between family variables and child/adolescent body weight, diet and physical activity. In line with theories of health behaviour change, it was assumed that behaviour-specific family variables (i.e. beliefs, perceptions and practices referring to food intake or physical activity) would have stronger support than more general family variables (i.e. socio-economic status or general parental practices). Data obtained from 18 systematic reviews (examining 375 quantitative studies) were analysed. Reviews of experimental trials generally supported the effectiveness of reward/positive reinforcement parental strategies, parental involvement in treatment or prevention programmes, and cognitive-behavioural treatment in reducing child/adolescent body mass and/or obesity. Results across reviews of correlational studies indicated that healthy nutrition of children/adolescents was related to only one parental practice (parental monitoring), but was associated with several behaviour-specific family variables (e.g. a lack of restrictive control over food choices, high intake of healthy foods and low intake of unhealthy foods by parents and siblings, low pressure to consume foods). With regard to adolescent physical activity, stronger support was also found for behaviour-specific variables (e.g. physical activity of siblings), and for certain socio-economic variables (e.g. parental education). Child and adolescent obesity prevention programmes should account for behaviour-specific family variables.

This umbrella review analyzed the effectiveness of school-based interventions, applying body weight or behavioral outcomes. Twelve systematic reviews and five meta-analyses (examining 196 trials) were included. Results indicated that the effectiveness was usually referred to body weight or BMI change, with 1/3 of trials (per review) indicating significant changes in BMI or obesity prevalence. Meta-analyses yielded mixed effects (three showed significant changes in weight, BMI, or obesity). Interventions were more effective if they aimed at a reduction of sedentary behaviors, incorporated moderate-to-vigorous physical activity, and parental involvement. The inclusion of a nutrition component moderated the long-term effects of interventions. More efficient interventions lasted at least 3 months, did not aim solely at environmental changes, and were implemented in general population. Female and younger participants may benefit more from the interventions. The role of psychological theories and behavioral or cognitive mediators was rarely investigated.

Two studies examine the interaction of political conservatism and need for cognitive closure in predicting aggressiveness toward out-groups. In the first study, Polish participants indicate their preference for conflict resolution strategies in the context of a real-life conflict between in-group (Poles) and out-group (Germans). Only among participants who identify themselves as conservatives need for cognitive closure is significantly related to preference for aggressive actions against the out-group. In the second study, the predicted interaction was investigated in the context of the terrorist threat in Poland. The findings indicate that high in need for closure conservatives support aggression against Arabs and Muslims only when they believe their in-group is threatened by possible terrorist attacks inspired by Islamic fundamentalism.

Agentic qualities are associated with self-interests of the trait possessor and communal qualities are associated with interests of other people (with whom the trait possessor interacts with). Based on this idea we hypothesized that information on behavior serving self-interests leads to inferences of agency while information on identical actions performed in the service of others' interests leads to inferences of communion. These hypotheses were supported in a study where participants perceived a politician who acted for or against his own interest and (orthogonally) acted for or against interests of other people. Additionally, actions serving other-interest influenced attitudes toward the politician to a higher degree than actions serving his self-interest. The other-interest influence on attitudes was mediated by inferences of communal qualities of the politician while the self-interest influence on attitudes was mediated by inferences of agentic qualities of the politician. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Three experimental studies demonstrate that momentarily accessible conflict-schemas moderate the relationship between need for closure and conflict-strategy preferences, with the relationship between a high need for closure and increased competitiveness reduced to non-significance when a cooperative conflict-schema is made salient but strengthened when a hostile one is activated. Study 1 manipulated the accessibility of competitive versus cooperative conflict-schemas using different descriptions of a contemporary political conflict, while Studies 2 and 3 manipulated conflict-schema accessibility using primes embedded in an ostensibly unrelated lexical decision task. Together, the present studies provide a strong pattern of experimental support for the moderating effect of conflict-schema accessibility suggested by earlier correlational studies. The implications for conflict reduction are discussed. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Gender-fair language consists of the symmetric linguistic treatment of women and men instead of using masculine forms as generics. In this study, we examine how the use of gender-fair language affects readers' support for social initiatives in Poland and Austria. While gender-fair language is relatively novel in Poland, it is well established in Austria. This difference may lead to different perceptions of gender-fair usage in these speech communities. Two studies conducted in Poland investigate whether the evaluation of social initiatives (Study 1: quotas for women on election lists; Study 2: support for women students or students from countries troubled by war) is affected by how female proponents (lawyers, psychologists, sociologists, and academics) are referred to, with masculine forms (traditional) or with feminine forms (modern, gender-fair). Study 3 replicates Study 2 in Austria. Our results indicate that in Poland, gender-fair language has negative connotations and therefore, detrimental effects particularly when used in gender-related contexts. Conversely, in Austria, where gender-fair language has been implemented and used for some time, there are no such negative effects. This pattern of results may inform the discussion about formal policies regulating the use of gender-fair language.

This research addressed three questions concerning facial mimicry: (a) Does the relationship between mimicry and liking characterize all facial expressions, or is it limited to specific expressions? (b) Is the relationship between facial mimicry and liking symmetrical for the mimicker and the mimickee? (c) Does conscious mimicry have consequences for emotion recognition? A paradigm is introduced in which participants interact over a computer setup with a confederate whose prerecorded facial displays of emotion are synchronized with participants’ behavior to create the illusion of social interaction. In Experiment 1, the confederate did or did not mimic participants’ facial displays of various subsets of basic emotions. Mimicry promoted greater liking for the confederate regardless of which emotions were mimicked. Experiment 2 reversed these roles: participants were instructed to mimic or not to mimic the confederate’s facial displays. Mimicry did not affect liking for the confederate but it did impair emotion recognition.

Trying to remember something now typically improves your ability to remember it later. However, after watching a video of a simulated bank robbery, participants who verbally described the robber were 25% worse at identifying the robber in a lineup than were participants who instead listed U.S. states and capitals—this has been termed the “verbal overshadowing” effect (Schooler & Engstler-Schooler, 1990). More recent studies suggested that this effect might be substantially smaller than first reported. Given uncertainty about the effect size, the influence of this finding in the memory literature, and its practical importance for police procedures, we conducted two collections of preregistered direct replications (RRR1 and RRR2) that differed only in the order of the description task and a filler task. In RRR1, when the description task immediately followed the robbery, participants who provided a description were 4% less likely to select the robber than were those in the control condition. In RRR2, when the description was delayed by 20 min, they were 16% less likely to select the robber. These findings reveal a robust verbal overshadowing effect that is strongly influenced by the relative timing of the tasks. The discussion considers further implications of these replications for our understanding of verbal overshadowing.

This umbrella review analyzed the relationships between social and physical micro-environmental (neighborhood, school) characteristics as predictors of child and adolescent diet, physical activity, and body weight. Eight systematic reviews, discussing 132 original studies (97% correlational, 3% experimental) yielded 98 social, physical, and socio-economic characteristics, as categorized in the original reviews. Among micro-environmental predictors stronger support (i.e., replicated results) was obtained for 12 out of 98 original micro-environmental variables, with physical activity as the outcome in 10 out of 12 cases. In particular, replicated significant relationships were found for several physical activity-specific neighborhood and school characteristics (e.g., community opportunities to exercise, lower costs of physical activity facilities, physical activity build environment) and adolescent physical activity. Among more general (i.e., not behavior-specific) micro-environmental characteristics, stronger support was found for low crime level, school type, and child/adolescent physical activity.

D. Bar-Tal, Introduction: Conflicts and Social Psychology. D.K. Coutant, S. Worchel, M. Hanza, Pigs, Slingshots, and Other Foundations of Intergroup Conflict. R.J. Fisher, H. Kelman, Perceptions in Conflicts. E. Halperin, K. Sharvit, J.J. Gross, Emotion and Emotion Regulation in Intergroup Conflict: An Appraisal Based Framework. D.R. Paez, J.H. Liu, Collective Memory of Conflicts. M.B. Brewer, Identity and Conflict. M. Krochik, J.T. Jost, Ideological Conflict and Polarization: A Social Psychological Perspective. G. Elcheroth, D. Spini, Political Violence, Intergroup Conflict, and Ethnic Categories. A. Kruglanski, K. Sharvit, S. Fishman, Workings of the Terrorist Mind: Its Individual, Group and Organizational Psychologies. D. Bar-Tal, E. Halperin, Socio-Psychological Barriers to Conflict Resolution. J. Reykowski, A. Cislak, Socio-Psychological Approaches to Conflict Resolution, D.G. Pruitt, Negotiation and Mediation in Intergroup Conflict. N.N. Rouhana, Social Psychology and Reconciliation: Contributions and Pitfalls. K. Boehnke, H. Schmidtke, M. Shani, Peace Making: Socio-Psychological Approaches. D. Bar-Tal, Conclusion -To Open the Closet.

The concept that nature is just and that it can act against its perpetrators is widespread among environmentalists. In the research presented, we show the consequences of sharing just-nature beliefs for reactions toward victims of natural catastrophes. A preliminary qualitative analysis of environmentalist discourse related to victims of Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster caused by a tsunami showed that just-nature beliefs were used to justify the Japanese tragedy. In the following three quantitative studies, we demonstrate that the belief in just-nature is related to a diminished tendency to help human beings who suffered from natural catastrophes. Two correlation studies conducted directly after the earthquake in Japan in 2011 on members of ecological organizations (N = 183) and undergraduates (N = 123) showed that just-nature beliefs result in a tendency to help by giving donations for reducing the consequences of nature rather than for human victims of the tragedy. The results were replicated in a correlation study of undergraduates (N = 153) conducted after Hurricane Sandy.